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FULL EMPLOYMENT AND BALANCED GROWTH ACT OF 1976 HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON BANKING, HOUSING AND URBAN AFFAIRS UNITED STATES SENATE NINETY-FOURTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION ON S. 50 TO ESTABLISH A NATIONAL POLICY AND NATIONWIDE MACHINERY FOR GUARANTEEING TO ALL ADULT AMERICANS ABLE AND WILLING TO WORK THE AVAILABILITY OF EQUAL OPPORTUNITIES FOR USEFUL AND REWARDING EMPLOY MENT MAY 20, 21, AND 25, 1976 Printed for the use of the Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE tt-mo WASHINGTON : 1976 FULL EMPLOYMENT AND BALANCED GROWTH ACT OF 1976 HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON BANKING, HOUSING AND URBAN AFFAIRS UNITED STATES SENATE NINETY-FOURTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION ON S. 50 TO ESTABLISH A NATIONAL POLICY AND NATIONWIDE MACHINERY FOR GUARANTEEING TO ALL ADULT AMERICANS ABLE AND WILLING TO WORK THE AVAILABILITY OF EQUAL OPPORTUNITIES FOR USEFUL AND REWARDING EMPLOY MENT MAY 20, 21, AND 25, 1976 Printed for the use of the Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 7»-tt6 0 WASHINGTON : 1976 COMMITTEE ON BANKING, HOUSING AND URBAN AFFAIRS W IL L IA M P R O X M I R E , W is c o n s in , J O H N S P A R K M A N , A la b a m a H A R R I S O N A . W I L L I A M S , J r .. N e w J e r s e y T H O M A S J. M C I N T Y R E , N e w H a m p s h ir e A L A N C R A N S T O N , C a li f o r n ia A D L A I E . S T E V E N S O N , I ll i n o i s J O S E P H R. B I D E N , J r ., D e la w a r e R O B E R T M O R G A N , N o r t h C a r o lin a C h a ir m a n JO H N T O W E R . T exas E D W A R D W . B R O O K E , M a ssa ch u setts B O B P A C K W O O D , O re g o n J E S S E H E L M S , N o r t h C a r o lin a J A K E G A R N , U ta h K e n n e t h A. M c L e a n , S t a f f D i r e c t o r A n th on y T. Clu ff, M i n o r i t y S ta ff D ir e c to r J oh n B. H e n d erso n, P r o f e s s i o n a l S t a f f M e m b e r (II) C O N T E N T S S. 50, as revised by proposed substitute amendment, text, summary, and section-by-section analysis (reprint of committee print of Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee).............................. ................ - __ __ 5 LIST OF WITNESSES T hursday, May 20 Alan Greenspan, Chairman, Council of Economic Advisers____________ J. Charles Partee, Governor, Federal Reserve Board___ _____ ________ Alice M. Rivlin, Director, Congressional Budget Office; accompanied by Frank DeLeeuw_______________________________________________ 32 38 64 Friday, May 21 J. Kenneth Galbraith, Emeritus, Harvard University______ __________ Melville J. Ulmer, University of Maryland__________________________ Sax A. Levitan, George Washington University___________ __________ William R. Allen, University of California, Los Angeles______ ________ 84 91 97 102 T uesday, May 25 Hubert H. Humphrey, U.S. Senator from the State of Minnesota_______ Augustus Hawkins, Representative in Congress from the State of California.____ ___________________________ ____ _____ ______ 142 Rudolph Oswald, Acting Director of Research, AFL-CIO; accompanied by Henry B. Schechter, Department of Housing and Urban Affairs, AFL-CIO....................................... ...................................................... Carl N. Madden, Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America; accompanied by Richard S. Landry, Staff Executive, Banking and Monetary-Fiscal Policy Committee............. ............... .......................... Leon H. Keyserling.........................................— ..................................... 130 203 213 226 Additional Statements and Data Alliance for Neighborhood Government Action Council, statement of Conrad Weiler______________ ______ ____________ ______________ America* Jewish Congress, statement received for the record_________ Catholic Bishops of the United States, statement on The Economy: Human Dimensions____ _________________________________________ ____ Center for Social Action of the United Church of Christ, statement of Paul Kittlaus____ _________ _______ ___________________________ Challenge Magaiine, text of interview with Senator Humphrey titled “ Do Economists Discover Economic Laws or Are They Passed by Congress?” Chicago Tribune, reprint of article titled “ Inflation and HumphreyHawkins bill” --------------------------------------------------------------------------Commission on Social Action of Reformed Judaism, statement of Dr. Helen Ginsberg------- ----- ----------------------------------------------------------Congressional Budget Office : Letter from Alice M. Rivlin, Director, with data on unemployment rates*------- ----------------------------------------------------------------------Study titled “ An Economic Analysis of the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976” ----------------------------------------------Economic Report of the President for January 1961, excerpts from-------International Union of Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers, statement of David J. Fitxmaurice, president_______________________________ <m) 368 351 146 354 178 306 354 65 158 289 366 IV National Commission for Manpower Policy, letter and statement from Eli Ginzberg, chairman___________________________________________ 174 Richmond, Paul, West Bloomfield, Mich., statement received for the record-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------366 Schmitz, John Noehl, economist for unemployment, San Gabriel, Calif., 367 statement for the record_______________________________________ Statements received in response to letter of Senators Proxmire and Tower: Bronfenbrenner, Martin, professor of economics, Duke University__ 269 Eckstein, Otto, professor of economics, Harvard University_______ 272 Eisner, Robert, Northwestern University_______________________ 272 278 Fellner, William J., professor of economics, Yale University_______ Fels, Rendigs, treasurer, American Economic Association__________ 279 Gaines, Tilford C., senior vice president and economist, Manufacturers Hanover Trust Co., New Y o r k .____________________________ 280 Lovell, Michael C., professor of economics, Wesleyan University___ 281 McDonald, Stephen L., University of Texas. - .................. ........... . 282 Musgrave, Frank W., associate professor of economics, school of humanities and sciences, Ithaca College_______________________ 283 Rees, Albert, office of the provost, Princeton University__________ 286 Saulnier, Raymond J., Barnard College, Columbia University______ 286 Solo, Robert A., professor of economics, Michigan State University— 297 Sprinkel, Beryl W., executive vice president and economist, Harris Bank, Chicago, 111_________________________________________ 305 Suits, Daniel B., Michigan State University.____ _______________ 307 Thurow, Lester C., professor of economics and management, Mas sachusetts Institute of Technology......................... ............. ........ 310 Weidenbaum, Murray L., director, Center for the Study of American Business____________ ____________________________________ 310 Zorn, Eugene C., Jr., Republic National Bank of Dallas---------------322 United Methodist Church, board of church and society, policy statement on unemployment..................................... .......................................... 143 Views of noted economists received by Senator Helms: Alchian, Armen A., professor of economics, University of California at Los Angeles.......... .......... .............................................................. 325 Allen, William R., professor of economics, University of California at Los Angeles.................................................................................. 325 Brown, Robert S., chairman of the board and president. First Federal Savings and Loan Association of Wisconsin........... ............. .......... 328 Buchanan, James M., professor and general director, Center for Study of Public Choice, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State Uni versity................ ............................................................. .......... 329 Harriss, C. Lowell, professor of economics, Columbia University, in the city of New York........................... .......... ............................. 329 Kemmerer, Donald L., retired professor of economic and financial history, formerly with the University of Illinois-----------------------335 Schmidt, Wilson, professor and head, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University-------- ----------------------------------------------- 336 Wallace, Irving, professor of management, Wisconsin State Uni versity...... ...................— ------- -------------------- ----------------------338 G. C. Wiegand, professor of economics, Carbondale, 111....... ......... 341 Wormser, Felix Edgar, consulting mining engineer, former Assistant Secretary of the Interior............................................. - ............--349 Washington Post, reprint of article titled “ A Strategy for Putting America Back to Work,” by Hubert H. Humphrey................................. - ........ 187 V C harts a n d T ables Comparative growth rates, 1961-75________________________________ Comparative trends in non-federally-held money supply, GNP, and prices, 1955-75 _____ ______________________________________________ Cost of departures from full economy, 1953-75______________________ “ Costs” and benefits of achieving full employment by end of calendar 1980_ Costs of deficient economic growth, U.S. economy, 1965-75___________ Distribution of employment, 1975, and projected, 1978 and 1980_______ Estimates of unemployment and budget impact of various programs costing $1 billion_____________________________________________________ Excess interests costs in the Federal budget 1965-75 contrasted with other costs for selected budget programs_____________________ - ________ Illustrative cost estimate for a public service employment program_____ Impact of economic growth upon productivity growth_________________ Increases in average interest rates, and excess interest costs due to these in creases, 1952-75_______ ___ ______ _____ ________ _____ ________ Projections of added inflation for different unemployment targets_______ Relative trends in economic growth, unemployment, and prices, 1952-76-_ Summary of the potential impacts of alternative measures to stimulate em ployment___________________________________________ ____ ____ The lag in wages and salaries behind productivity gains, 1960-75_______ Unemployment and inflation, 1957-64 and 1965H59____ ____ _________ Unemployment and inflation, 1950-78._______ ______________________ Unemployment and inflation, 1961-76__________________ ___________ Unemployment rates for all persons 16 and over compared with unemploy ment rates for persons 18 and over and 20 and over_________________ Unemployment rates for all persons 16 and under compared with unemploy ment rates for persons 20 and over and 25 and over_________________ U.S. economic performance, under various national administrations, with various approaches to national economic policy........... ............... ........ Page. 249 253 247 258 248 257 71 255 171 252 254 163 250 73 256 283 162 75 69 66 251 FULL EM PLO YM EN T AND BALAN CED G R O W T H ACT OF 1976 THURSDAY, MAT 20 , 1976 U.S. Senate Committee ok Banking, H ousing, and Urban Apfairs, Washington, D.C. The committee met at 10 a.m., pursuant to notice, in room 5302, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Senator William Proxmire (chair man of the committee) presiding. Present: Senators Proxmire, Tower, and Gam. The Chairman. The committee will come to order. Could I ask both Chairman Greenspan and Governor Partee to come forward. We would like to have both you gentlemen as a panel if that’s all right with you. Is that acceptable? Mr. Greenspan. Fine. OPENING STATEMENT OP SENATOR PROXMIEE The Chairman. This morning we open our hearings on S. 50. S. 50 is a real blockbuster o f a bill. It’s been called the centerpiece of the Democratic Presidential campaign. It’s been called an engine o f inflation. It’s been called a budget buster, costing tens of billions o f dollars. It’s been called nothing less than an attempt to repeal the business cycle. Professor Shiskin, a very fine economist, has called it that It’s been called the most significant social reform of the 1970’s. It’s been called the most significant economic reform of the 1970’s. It’s been called a moral imperative for America. It’s been called an end to free enterprise as we know it. It’s been called a charter for a wholesale domination of the economy by the Federal Government. In spite o f all these accolades and brickbats, it has bipartisan Support and it was reported favorably by a vote o f 25 to 10 by a House committee and is supported by every Democratic Presidential candidate with the possible exception of George Wallace, and the bill represents the Federal initiative at its best and at its worst. It’s an attempt to solve the cruelest problem o f all problems with an interference by Government on a scale that’s unprecedented. The inflationary effect of operating the way the bill is drafted, in my view, especially section 402 which provides for the wages being paid to people working in public employment being |>aid at the highest level o f either the minimum wage or the prevailing wage, represents a very serious problem. <1) 2 The cost would vary from estimates of $10 billion to $100 billion, depending on the state of the economy at the time. Another very serious problem is raised with the bill’s provision for the subservi ence of the Federal Reserve to the President in contradiction of the constitutional reservation of the money power in Congress. It’s ironic that this bill should come at a time when employment is at an all-time record, up 3 million in the last year alone, 700,000 in the last month. The work force represents a higher percentage of noninstitutional population than it has in history and if you sub tract from the work force the unemployment rate you find that the participation rate in that sense, that is people at work, is almost as high as it was in 1968 with the peak of the Vietnam boom, and yet the fact is unemployment is tragically, shamefully high, espe cially for women and blacks and young people. Paying people to be idle is something that people, whether they’re conservative or liberal, don’t like. Rather than have people on wel fare and food stamps and unemployment compensation, I think we all agree it’s far better to have them at work. The system we have now is wasteful, a burden on the Federal Government. It represents a high degree of personal misery, crime, moral degeneration, and it also represents a terrible injustice of imposing the main burden for combating inflation on those who are less able to protect them selves—the unemployed. The purpose of the bill is to give those who want a job, now 7 million, a chance to work. I think that most people could support that. But how do we do it? How do we achieve it? By using fiscalmonetary policy to expand the private sector and by providing public jobs for those who can’t afford it represents an enormously difficult problem. I’m very anxious to support this bill. I hope I can vote for it, here and on the floor, but I’d think we have to amend it to prevent what I think is an explosively inflationary potential if we pass it in its present form. I think it’s amendable. I hope our witnesses, although some of them undoubtedly oppose the bill, will try to help us achieve some alternative way at least of achieving a goal of reasonably full employment. Senator Tower has a statement. OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR TOWER Senator T o w e r . Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The legislation we are beginning to consider in hearings today, the so-called Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act, has emerged as one of the major campaign issues of 1976. Indeed, the bill goes to the heart of what many see as the major economic ob jectives of the post-World War II period, sustained economic growth, full employment, and price stabilitv. These goals are laud able. Who among us would not argue that sustained economic growth is desirable, that persons who ought to work should be able to, and that inflation should not run rampant? The issue is not really over these objectives but the means by which such objectives are sought to be achieved. More specifically, 3 it is whether we seek such objectives by relying primarily on free market forces or by relying on increased Federal involvement. Most observers agree that our economy is shaped and directed by a com bination of private and public forces. During the postwar period there’s been a greatly expanded role by the public sector in the Nation’s economy. But, the economic record in recent years, marked by massive Federal deficits, greatly expanded Federal regulation, and programs which frustrate full employment objectives by en couraging wage rigidity, should make us seriously pause before pursuing policies that tilt the balance even further in the direction of increased Government involvement. Among other things, the proposed Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act would establish the framework for national economic planning, establish specific unemployment rate targets for the adult labor force, establish a system of public service employment, and alter the Federal Reserve Board’s independence in conducting mone tary policy. In my opinion, this bill is the wrong approach, taken at the wrong time, for all the wrong reasons. The economy is just now emerging from the grips of the worst recession in the postwar period and recovery is occurring more rapidly than many observers had foreseen only a few months ago, and it owes its success to the powerful driving forces that are at work in the private sector. Those forces should be encouraged and nurtured, not supplanted by efforts to further impose the Federal Government in our Nation’s economy. The approach taken in this bill, I’m afraid, would lead to an economic police state, as efforts are undertaken to achieve economic plans. It might artificially push unemployment down to unrealistic levels for a short period, but this could rekindle the fires of infla tion and lead to much higher unemployment in the longrun. It would substitute public employment for private employment and do so at wage rates that provide no incentive for persons to seek meaningful employment in the private sector, and it would se riously erode the independence of the Federal Reserve. What’s needed now is not more Federal involvement in the Na tion’s economy. What is needed are policies that build on the foun dation of a solid recovery that’s already taken place by relying on the dynamics of private market forces. Only in that way can we really put the economy back on its feet and achieve the longrun economic stability that all of us very greatly desire. Thank you. Mr. Chairman. The Chairman. Senator Gam? OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR DARN Senator G a r n . Veiy briefly, Mr. Chairman, I think this is the wrong bill, at the wrong time. It’s ill-conceived and is an inter ference in the private sector without parallel, a bigger dose of socialism all at one time, than we have ever seen. I don’t know why we can’t learn from hindsight. To look back in my opinion, the major problems in the economy are Government caused. 4 There are problems. Senator Tower and I do not disagree with the goals. There are a lot of us here who would like to see that hap pen, but why. when we can look back with hindsight and see the miserable failures of Government and political tinkering with the economy—and then their answer to it is to come up with more tinker ing. more turning it over to the politicians, take away the independ ence of the Federal Reserve, start dictating interest rates, and unem ployment rates, credit allocation—it’s all coming piece by piece—turn it over to the politicians so we can test the wind and the whims of what is politically popular and promise the people during election time. I expect that this stupidity will probably pass. There is nothing I can do, as one vote, but oppose it, but everything I can do I will continue to do and talk against it. Let’s look at England. Let’s look at France. Let’s look at the other economies. We’re just so damned stupid that we keep going down the same road and will fall right into economic oblivion like they are. Turn it over—where one out of every four homes in England is owned by the Federal Government and end up with a 60-40 split versus private sector, and on and on and on. I ’m just absolutely appalled that we even consider something like this. So I guess you could gather that I ’m opposed to it, Mr. Chair man. Senator Tower. Would the Senator yield? Senator Garx. Yes, I would be happy to. Senator T o w e r . I would suggest if this bill passes we might want to summon the labor party economic planners over from Britain to devise a plan and maybe they can bring it down in a very short period of time. Senator G a r x . Maybe w e can get the Bussians to tell us about their 5 year plans, where at the end of every 5 years they have to buy more wheat because o f the total failure of their economic planning. Senator T ower. Maybe the Chinese could advise us on the “ Great Leap Forward.” Senator Garx. I would hate to think what condition this country would be in, what the unemployment would be, what the gross national product would be, if we had had the Government 25, 30 or 50 years ago that they are proposing now. The private sector built this country. Government did not. Now we don’t trust the private sector and there’s going to be more and more Government. The C h a i r m a x . Chairman Greenspan, you can see what an en thusiastic sendoff we’re giving the bill. I ’m sure you will add your support. Mr. Greenspax. The chairman is always very perceptive in these matters. Mr. Chairman, I would like to request permission to summarize my testimony and place the full text in the record. The C h a i r m a n . Fine. Without objection. Before we continue I will place the text and summary of S. 50 in the record at this point. [Information on S. 50 follows:] 5 FULL EMPLOYMENT AND BALANCED GROWTH ACT OP 1976 Sum m ary and S ectio n - b y -S ection A n a l y s is sum m ary The Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976 estab lishes the right o f ,all adult Americans able, willing, and seeking to work to opportunities for useful paid employment at fair rates of com pensation. To support that right, the act commits the U.S. Govern ment to fundamental reform in the management of the economy so that full employment and balanced economic growth are achieved and sustained. This includes the creation of a permanent institutional framework within which the President, the Federal Reserve Board, and the Congress are systematically encouraged to develop and estab lish the economic goals and policies necessary to provide productive employment for all adult Americans, as well as the mandating o f spe cific employment programs to achieve the goal of 3 percent unemploy ment as promptly as possible, but within not more than 4 years after the date o f the enactment of this act. SECTION-BY-SECTION ANALYSIS S ections 1 a n d 2. These sections include the title, table of contents, and general findings. Among the most important general findings are: ( 1) the high social and economic costs of unemployment; (2) the need for explicit economic goals and a coordinated economic policy anjong the President, the Federal Reserve and Congress; (3) that in flation is often aggravated by high unemployment; and (4) that there must be direct employment and anti-inflation policies to supplement aggregate monetary and fiscal policies to achieve and maintain full employment and balanced growth. T IT L E I—ESTABLISHMENT OF GOALS, PLANNING AND GEN ERAL ECONOMIC POLICIES 8 b c . 101.— S t a u c m f n t op P u rp o se. The purpose of this title is to declare the general policies o f the act, to provide an open process under which annual economic goals are proposed, reviewed, and established; to provide for the development o f a long-range Full Employment ana Balanced Growth; Plan, to provide for economy in gov ernment measures, to insure that monetary, fiscal, anti-inflation and general economic policies are used to achieve the annual economic goals, to support the long-range goals and priorities of the Full Em ployment ana Balanced Growth Plan, and generally to strengthen and supplement the purposes o f the Employment Act of 1946. 6 Sec. 102— D e c la r a t io n op P o lic y . The Employment Act of 1946 is amended to declare that all adult Americans able, willing, and seeking work have the right to useful paid employment at fair rates o f compensation. Moreover, the Congress further declares that the Federal Government use all practical means, including improved anti-inflation policies, to promote full employment, production and purchasing power. Sec. 103—Economic Goals and t h e Economic Report op t h e President. The Employment Act of 1946 is amended to require the President in each annual Economic Report to recommend numerical goals for employment, production, and purchasing power, as well as policies to support these goals and achieve balanced growth and full employment of the Nation's human and capital resources as promptly as possible. Sec. 104— Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan. The Employment Act of 1946 is amended to establish a process of longrange economic planning, through the Council o f Economic Advisers, to analyze developing economic conditions, to recommend long-term goals for full employment, production, and purchasing power, and to propose priority policies and programs to achieve such goals and to meet national needs. A long-term full employment goal is set at 3 percent adult unemployment, to be attained as promptly as possible, but within not more than 4 years after the date of the enactment of this act. S ec . 105— E co n o m y i n G o v e rn m e n t. This section establishes poli cies and procedures to improve the effectiveness of the Federal Gov ernment through the comprehensive planning framework established under this act. In conjunction with the submission of each Full Em ployment and Balanced Growth Plan, the President shall submit proposals for improving the efficiency and economy of the Federal Government, including, but not limited to, a review of existing Gov ernment rules and regulations to determine if they still serve a pur pose, and an annual evaluation of 20 percent o f the dollar volume o f existing Federal programs. Sec. 106— Fiscal and Monetary P olicies. The Employment Act o f 1946 is amended to require that monetary and fiscal policies be util ized in the optimum manner necessary to achieve full employment and balanced growth, including the requirement that the President deter mine the extent to which fiscal policy can be relied upon to achiece our economic goals and priorities, so that it becomes possible to estimate what supplementary job creation and anti-inflation policies must be utilized to achieve the objectives of this act. This section also requires the Federal Reserve Board to make an in dependent report to the President and Congress, in conjunction with each Economic Report, identifying the extent to which the Federal Reserve will support the economic goals recommended in the Presi dent’s Economic Report and, if the Federal Reserve Board does not support such goals, to provide a full justification of why and to what extent its policies will differ from those recommended by the President. I f the President determines that the Board’s policies are inconsistent with proposed economic goals and priorities, the President shall make recommendations to the Board and Congress to insure closer conform ity with the purposes of this act. 7 Sec. 107— A nti-Inflation P olicies. The Employment Act of 1946 is amended to require that each Economic Report contain a comprehen sive set o f anti-inflafion policies to supplement monetary and fiscal policy, including, but not limited to, analyzing inflationary trends m individual economic sectors; actions to increase the supply of goods, services, labor, and capital in tight markets, particularly food and energy; provision for an export-licensing mechanism for critical mate rials in short supply; recommendations to increase productivity in the private sector; recommendations to strengthen and enforce the antitrust laws; and recommendations for administrative and legisla tive actions to promote reasonable price stability if situations develop that seriously threaten national price stability. Sec. 108—C ouncil of Economic Advisers. The Employment Act o f 1946 is amended to require the Council o f Economic Advisers to pre pare the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan, to consult with the Advisory Committee, and to meet other requirements under this act. Sec. 109— A dvisory Committee on Full E mployment and Bal anced Growth. The Employment Act of 1946 is amended to establish a 12-member private Advisory Committee on Full Employment and Balanced Growth to advise and assist the Council of Economic A d visers on matters relating to the Economic Eeport and this act. The members of the committee shall be appointed proportionately by the President, the Speaker o f the House o f Representatives, and the Presi dent pro tempore o f the Senate in a maimer broadly representative of the Public. T IT L E I I —COUNTERCYCLICAL, STRU CTU RAL AND YO U TH EM PLOYM ENT P O LICIES Sec. 201—Statement of P urpose. This title establishes supple mentary employment policies to close the employment gap, i f one should exist, between the levels of employment achieved through ag gregate monetary and fiscal policy and the employment goals estab lished in sections 103 and 104. Accordingly, this title establishes a sys tem o f comprehensive and flexible employment policies to create jobs in both the private and public sectors of the economy. These supple mentary employment policies shall vary according to economic condi tions and the other actions taken under this act, but focus broadly upon reducing cyclical, structural, regional, youth unemployment, and unemployment due to discrimination. This title also establishes a Full Employment Office within the Department o f Labor to use special means for training, assisting, and providing employment for those people who are otherwise unable to find employment. Finally, this title mandates improved integration o f income-maintenance programs and full employment policies. S»c. 202— Countercyclical E mployment Policies. This section requires the development and submission by the President, within 90 days o f the enactment of this act, o f a coherent and flexible counter cyclical program to reduce high unemployment arising from cyclical movements in the economy. This comprehensive program shall in clude, as appropriate, public service employment, standby public works, antirecession grants for State and local governments, K ill train 8 ing in both the public and private sectors, and other programs. More over, this program shall be automatically implemented during periods of high unemployment, allocate employment assistance to areas of highest unemployment, provide for a well-balanced combination o f job creation and related activities in both the private and public sec tors, and incorporate transitional mechanisms to aid individuals in returning to regular employment as the economy recovers. Sec. 203— Coordination With State and Local Governments and Private Sector Economic A ctivity. This section requires the devel opment of policies that facilitate harmonious economic action between the Federal Government, regions, States, localities and the private sector. As a primary effort to achieve these ends, the President is re quired to submit legislation, with 90 days of the enactment of this act, creating a permanent, countercyclical grant program that will serve to stabilize State and local budgets during periods of recession and high unemployment. This program shall be automatically imple mented when the national unemployment exceeds a specified level and distribute its funds to those areas of most serious unemployment Sec. 204— Regional and Structural E mployment Policies. This section requires the establishment o f comprehensive employment poli cies designed to reduce the chronic underutilization of human and capi tal resources in certain areas of the country and in specific groups within the labor force. As a primary effort to reduce unemployment in chronically depressed areas, the President is required within 180 days after the date of enactment of this act to submit legislation providing an institutional means to make credit available: ( 1) for public and private investment in economically depressed regions, inner cities, and economic sectors; and ( 2) to provide an alternative source of capital funds for local and State governments to finance public facilities. Sec. 206— Y outh E mployment Policies. This section requires the development and submission by the President, within 90 days of the enactment of this act, of a comprehensive youth employment program to: ( 1) foster a smoother transition from school to work; ( 2) prepare disadvantaged youth with employment handicaps for self-sustaining employment through education, training, medical services, counseling and other support activities; (3) develop methods for combining train ing with work, including apprenticeship and on-the-job training in the private sector; and (4) provide job opportunities in a variety o f tasks including conservation, public service activities, inner-city clean up and rehabilitation and other jobs of value to States, local communi ties, and the Nation. Sec. 206— Full Employment Office and Job Reservoirs. To in sure that full employment is achieved under this act, the President, through the Secretary of Labor, shall develop policies and programs to provide job opportunities to adult Americans who, despite a serious effort to obtain employment, are unable to do so in the general eco nomic environment, or through any of the other provisions of this act. There is established within the Department of Labor a Full Employ ment Office to assist the Secretary of Labor in providing such job op portunities through counseling, training, and referral to job opportumties in the private sector and in position drawn from sections 202, 204, and 205 of this act. Additional job opportunities will be provided, 9 subject to regulations on job need and eligibility, through reservoirs o f federally operated or approved employment projects, to be phased in by the President in conjunction with the annual employment recom mendations required under section 3 of the Employment Act of 1946, and to achieve 3 percent unemployment within 4 years of enactment o f this act. S e c . 207— I n c o m e M a i n t e n a n c e a n d F u l l E m p l o y m e n t P o l i c i e s . This section requires that full employment policies: (1) provide qual ity jobs that strengthen income and eliminate substandard earnings; (z) integrate existing income maintenance polices with the full em ployment policies established by this act; and (3) substitute work for income maintenance to the maximum extent feasible. T IT L E I I I —PO LICIES AND PROCEDURES FOR CONGRESSIONAL R E V IE W Sec. 301— S t a t e m e n t o p P u r p o s e . This title establishes procedures for congressional review and action with respect to the annual eco nomic goals in the Economic Report, the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan, the report of the Board of Governors o f the Federal Reserve System, and the other policies and provisions of this act. This title also establishes a Division o f Full Employment and Balanced Growth within the Congressional Budget Office to assist the Congress in meeting its responsibilities under this act. S e c . 302— G e n e r a l C o n g r e s s i o n a l R e v i e w . This section establishes the responsibilities o f the Joint Economic Committee, the Committees on the Budget, and other appropriate committees of Congress. S e c . 303— C o n g r e s s i o n a l R e v i e w o f E c o n o m i c G o a l s i n E c o n o m i c R e p o r t .— This section requires the Joint Economic Committee to re view and make recommendations to Congress on annual numerical goals for employment, production, and purchasing power proposed by the President under section 3 o f the Employment Act o f 1946. The Joint Economic Committee shall submit such recommendations to the Committees on the Budget of both Houses, for incorporation in the first concurrent budget resolution, subject to such modifications as necessary to fulfill the objectives of this act and to meet the re quirement o f section 3A o f the Employment A ct to achieve full em ployment within not more than 4 years after the date of enactment o f this act. Sec. 304— C ongressional R e v i e w op F u l l E m p l o y m e n t a n d B a l a n c e d G r o w t h P l a n . This section provides for congressional review o f the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan, including re ports to the Joint Economic Committee from the standing committees o f Congress on matters that relate to the plan, public hearings before the Joint Economic Committee, and consideration o f State and local views on the plan. Following the above actions, the Joint Economic Committee shall report a concurrent resolution to Congress approv ing, disapproving or modifying the proposed plan, with such a resolution serving as a long-term guide to the Congress with respect to the goals, priorities, policies? and programs recommended in the 'lan. The President is to be notified or changes in the proposed plan, or such actions as deemed appropriate. ? 10 Sec. 305—D ivision op F ull E mployment and B alanced Growth. This section established a Division of Full Employment and Balanced. Growth within the Congressional Budget Office to assist the Joint Economic Committee in the discharge of its duties under this act, particularly with respect to long-term economic analysis and plan ning, and to assist other committees and Members of Congress in ful filling their responsibilities under this act. Sec. 306—E xercising op R ulemaking P owers. This section pro* vides that the provisions of this title, other than section 305, be incor porated into the rules of the House of Representatives and Senate,, respectively, with full recognition of the constitutional right of either House to change such rules. TITLE IV —GENERAL PROVISIONS S e c . 401—Nondiscrimination. N o person in the United States; shall on the ground of sex, age, color, religion, or national origin be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be sub jected to discrimination under any program or activity funded in whole or in part with funds made available under this act. The Sec retary of Labor is empowered to enforce such nondiscrimination through the Attorney General, title V I of the Civil Rights Act o f 1964, and such other actions as may be provided by law. Sec. 402— L abor Standards. This section provides that policies and programs implemented and mandated under this act shall provide that those employed are paid equal wages for equal work, and that the policies create a net increase in employment through work that would not otherwise be done. The section further prescribes a range of labor standards applicable to particular situations of employment. S e c . 403—Authorizations. Being a general economic policy act, the sums authorized for appropriation are those necessary to estab lish long-range economic planning, the Advisoiy Committee on Full Employment and Balanced Growth, the establishment of the Full Employment Office and job reservoirs, and other administrative mat ters. The authorizations and appropriations for other programs man dated under this act are to be determined in conjunction with each separate piece of legislation. [S. 50, 94th Cong., 2d eess.] AMENDMENTS Intended to be proposed by Mr. H u m p h r e y (for himself, Mr. W i l l i a m s , Mr. J a v i t s , Mr. B a t h , Mr. B r o o k e , Mr. C a s e , Mr. K e n n e d y , and Mr. H a r t ) to S. 50, a bill to establish a national policy and nationwide machinery for guaranteeing to all adult Americans able and willing to work the availability of equal opportunities for useful and rewarding employment, viz: Strike out all after the enacting clause and insert in lieu thereof the foUowing That this Act and the following table of contents may be cited as the “ Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976” . Sec. 1. Title. Sec. 2. General findings. TABLE OF CONTENTS 11 TITLE I—ESTABLISHMENT OF GOALS, PLANNING, AND GENERAL ECONOMIC POLICIES Sec. See. Sec. Sec. Sec. Sec. Sec. Sec. Sec. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. Statement of purpose. Declaration of policy. Economic goals and the Economic Report of the President. The FuU Employment and Balanced Growth Plan. Economy in government. Fiscal and monetary policies. Anti-inflation poUcies. Council of Economic Advisers. Advisory Committee on Full Employment and Balanced Growth. TITLE II—COUNTERCYCLICAL STRUCTURAL, AND YOUTH EMPLOYMENT POLICIES Sec. 201. Statement of purpose. Sec. 202. Countercyclical employment policies. Sec. 203. Coordination with State and local government and private sector eco nomic activity. Sec. 204. Regional and structural employment poUcies. Sec. 205. Youth employment policies. Sec. 206. Full Employment Office and reservoirs of employment projects. Sec. 207. Income maintenance and full employment policies. TITLE III—POLICIES AND PROCEDURES FOR CONGRESSIONAL REVIEW Sec. Sec. Sec. Sec. Sec. Sec. SOI. Statement of purpose. 302. General congressional review. 303. Congressional review of economic goals in President’s Economic Report 304. Congressional review of Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan. 305. Division of Full Employment and Balanced Growth. 306. Exercise of rulemaking powers. TITLE IV—GENERAL PROVISIONS Sec. 401. Nondiscrimination. Sec. 402. Labor standards. Sec. 403. Authorizations. GENERAL FINDINGS S e c . 2. (a) The Congress finds that the Nation has suffered sub stantial and increasing unemployment and underemployment, over prolonged periods of time, imposing numerous economic and social costs. Such costs include the following: (1) The Nation is deprived of the full supply of goods and services, the full utilization of labor and capital resources, and the related increase in individual income and well-being that would exist under conditions of genuine full employment. (2) Insufficient production is available to meet pressing na tional priorities. (3) Workers are deprived of the job security, income, skill development, and productivity necessary to maintain and advance their standards of living. (4) Business and industry are deprived of the production, sales, capital flow, and productivity necessary to maintain adequate profits, create jobs, and contribute to meeting society’s economic needs. 12 (5) The Nation is exposed to social, psychological, and physio logical costs and traumas, including disruption of family life, loss of individual dignity and self-respect, and the proliferation of physical and psychological illnesses, drug addiction, crime, and social conflict. # . . . ( 6) Federal, State, and local government economic activity is undermined as government budget deficits occur because tax reve nues fall and expenditures rise for unemployment compensation, public assistance, and other recession-related services in the areas of criminal justice, drug addiction, and physical and mental health. (b) The Congress further finds: ( 1) High unemployment often increases inflation by diminish ing labor training and skills, underutilizing capital resources, re ducing the rate of productivity advance, increasing unit labor costs, reducing the general supply o f goods and services and thereby generating cost-push inflation. In addition, modern in flation has been due in large measure to errors in national eco nomic policy, including erratic monetary policy, inadequate energy and food policies, and ineffective policies to maintain com petition in the private sector. ( 2) Although necessary for sound economic policy, aggregate monetary and fiscal policies are inadequate by themselves to achieve full employment production and to restrain inflation. Such policies must be supplemented by more direct private and public measures to create employment and reduce inflation. (3) Genuine full employment has not been achieved, in part, because explicit short- and long-term national economic goals and priorities have not been established by the President, the Congress, and the Federal Reserve. Moreover, public and private economic policies have not been organized and coordinated to achieve na tional goals and priorities. (4) Increasing job opportunities and full employment make a major contribution to the abolition of discrimination based upon sex, age, race, color, religion, national origin, and other improper factors. (c) The Congress further finds that an effective full employment and balanced growth policy should ( 1) be based on the development of explicit economic goals and policies involving the President, the Con gress, and the Federal Reserve, as well as State and local governments, with full use of the resources and ingenuity of the private sector of the economy, and ( 2) include programs specifically designed to reduce nigh unemployment due to recessions, and to reduce structural unem ployment within regional areas and among particular labor force groups. (d) The Congress further finds that full employment and balanced growth are important national requirements that will promote the economic security and well-being of all our citizens. TITLE I ESTABLISHM ENT OF GOALS, PLANNING AND GENERAL ECONOMIC PO LICIES * STATEMENT OF PURPOSE A01; ? 18the.?urP°se of this title to declare the general policies of this Act, to provide an open process under which a S n u a l 3 o S 13 goals are proposed, reviewed, and established, to provide for the devel opment of a long-range Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan,, to provide for economy in government measures, to ensure that mone tary, fiscal, anti-inflation, and general economic policies are used to achieve the annual ecoomic goals and support the goals and prioritieso f the Full Employment ana Balanced Growth Plan, and generally to strengthen and supplement the purposes and policies o f the Employ ment Act o f 1946. DECLARATION OF POLICY S ec . 102. (a) Section 2 of the Employment Act o f 1946 (15 U.S.C. 1021) is amended to read as follows: “ d e c l a r a t io n of p o l ic y “ S e c . 2. (a ) The Congress hereby declares that it is the continuing policy and responsibility of the Federal Government to use all practi cable means, consistent with its needs and obligations and other essen tial national policies, with the assistance and cooperation o f industry, agriculture, labor, and State and local governments, to coordinate and utilize all its plans, functions, and resources for the purpose o f creat ing and maintaining, in a manner calculated to foster and promote free competitive enterprise and the general welfare, conditions which promote balanced growth and useful employment opportunities, in cluding self-employment, for those able, willing, and seeking to work, and to promote full employment, production, and purchasing power. “ (b) The Congress declares and establishes the right of all adult Americans able, willing, and seeking work to opportunities for useful paid employment at fair rates of compensation. “ (c) The Congress further declares that inflation is a major na tional problem requiring improved government policies relating to food, energy, improved fiscal and monetary management, economy in government, the reform of outmoded government rules and regulatoins, the correction o f structural defects in the economy that prevent or seriously impede competition in private markets, and other measures.” ECONOMIC GOALS AND THE ECONOMIC REPORT OF THE PRESIDENT S e c . 103. Section 3(a) of the Employment Act o f 1946 is amended to read as follow s: “ S ec . 3. (a) The President shall transmit to the Congress not later than January 20 o f each year an economic report (hereinafter called the ‘Economic Report’) setting forth for each year— “ ( 1) current and foreseeable trends in the levels of employ ment, production, and purchasing power and a review and analysis o f economic conditions affecting these economic trends in the United States; “ ( 2) annual numerical goals for employment, production, and purchasing power that are designed to achieve balanced growth and full employment of the Nation’s human and capital resources as promptly as possible; " ( 3 ) a numerical long-term full employment goal which is (A ) consistent with the minimum level o f frictional unemploy ment necessary for efficient job search and mobility in the labor force, and (B ) consistent with the aggregate long-term economic 14 goals and priorities set forth in the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan required under section 3A ; and “ ( 4) the programs and policies for carrying out the policy declared in section 2 of this Act, as well as the numerical economic goals o f paragraph ( 2) of this subsection, together with such recommendations for legislation as the President deems necessary or desirable in order to achieve full employment and balanced growth as promptly as possible.” . FULL EMPLOYMENT AND BALANCED GROWTH PLAN S ec . 104. The Employment Act of 1946 is amended by adding after section 3 the following new section: “ fu ll e m p l o y m e n t a n d balan ced g ro w th p l a n “ S ec . 3A. (a) In conjunction with the first Economic Report after enactment of this section, or within ninety days after the enactment o f this section, whichever may come earlier, and thereafter in conjunc tion with each annual Economic Report, the President shall transmit to the Congress a proposed Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan, prepared with the assistance o f the Council o f Economic Advisers, and in consultation with the Office of Management and Budget. The Plan shall propose, in quantitative and qualitative terms, and for the number of years feasible, long-term national goals related to full employment, production, purchasing power, and other essential priority purposes, and the major policies and programs, including recommendations for legislation, to achieve such goals and priorities. In developing the goals, the President shall take into account the level and composition of each factor needed to maintain economic balance and full resource use and to meet priority needs. “ (b) The Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan shall set forth the foreseeable trends in economic and social conditions, pro vide estimates o f the unmet economic and social needs o f the Nation, and identify the human, capital, and national resources available and needed for the achievement of the economic and related social goals and priorities established in the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan. “ (c) The Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan shall con tain long-term economic goals as follows— “ ( 1) full employment goals set as the number of jobs to be provided for adult Americans in order to reduce unemployment level of frictional unemployment consistent with efficient job search and labor mobility; “ ( 2) full production goals set at the levels of output estimated to be yielded by achievement o f the full employment goals as \ ? \?ve’ expected improvements in productivity; and (3) full purchasing power goals set at levels estimated to be necessary for attaining and maintaining full employment and production while contributing to an equitable distribution of puroh&sing power. / In carrying out the provision o f paragraph ( 1 ) o f subsection ( c ) , the full employment goal shall be consistent with a rate o f unem 15 ployment not in excess o f 3 per centum o f the adult Americans in the civilian labor force, to be attained as promptly as possible, but within not more than four years after the enactment o f the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976. Within one year of the date o f enactment o f the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976, the President shall review the full employment goal and timetable required by this section and report to Congress on any obstacles to its achievement and, if necessary, propose corrective economic measures to insure that the full employment goal and timetable are achieved. “ Priorities, Policies, and Programs “ (e) To contribute to the achievement o f the general economic goals established in sections 3(a) (2) and 3 A (c) of this Act, the Full Em ployment and Balanced Growth Plan shall propose priority policies and programs that comprise a full employment program that provides productive non-wasteful jobs and that reorder national priorities and employ the jobless in the production o f goods and services which add to the strength o f the economy, the wealth of the Nation, and the well being o f the people. Such policies and programs shall not be set forth in the programmatic detail developed by specialized Federal agen cies, and by others in the public and private sectors, but only suffi ciently to furnish an integrated perspective o f our needs and capabili ties and as a long-run guide to optimum private, Federal, State, and local government action. Priority policies and programs to support full employment and balanced growth shall initially include— “ ( 1 ) development o f energy, transportation, food, small busi ness, and environmental improvement policies and programs re quired for full employment and balanced economic growth, and required also to combat inflation by meeting full economic levels o f demand; a ( 2) the quality and quantity o f health care, education, day care, and housing, essential to a full economy and moving gradu ally toward adequacy for all at costs within their means; “ (3) Federal aid to State and local governments, especially for public investment and unemployment related costs; x 44(4) national defense and other needed international programs; and “ (5) such other priority policies and programs as the President deems appropriate. “ ( f ) The President shall establish procedures to insure that mem bers o f the Cabinet, relevant regulatory agencies, other relevant officers o f the executive branch, and the Chairman o f the Advisory Commit tee on Full Employment and Balanced Growth have an opportunity to review and make recommendations to the President prior to his or her submission o f the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan to the Congress. The annual reports o f departments and agencies shall include reports on any actions and studies undertaken related to the implementation o f the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan. " (g ) A t the time of the submission of the proposed Full Employ ment and Balanced Growth Plan to the Congress, the President shall transmit copies of the Plan to the Governor of each State and to other appropriate State and loc$l officials. Within sixty days after the sub 16 mission to Congress of the proposed Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan, the Governor of each State may submit to the Joint Economic Committee a report containing findings and recommenda tions with respect to the proposed Plan. Any such report submitted by a Governor shall include the views and comments of citizens within the State, after public hearings have been held within the State.” ECONOMY IN GOVERNMENT S ec . 105. (a) The Congress finds and declares that widespread dup lication and contradiction among Federal departments and agencies, the failure to establish long-term priorities, lack of adequate informa tion on the impact o f Federal regulations and programs, and the lack of a process for developing more efficient alternatives for achieving the Nation’s priorities are impeding the Federal Government in effi ciently implementing full employment and balanced growth policies. The Congress further declares that genuine efficiency in government requires time and planning. Accordingly, it is the purpose o f this -section to utilize the comprehensive planning framework established by section 104 to improve the efficiency and economy of the Federal Government. (b) In carrying out this section, the President shall, in conjunction with the submission of each Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan, submit proposals for improving the efficiency and economy of the Federal Government, including, but not necessarily limited to— ( 1) a review of existing Government rules and regulations to determine if they still serve a public purpose and are properly designed; and ( 2) an annual evaluation of 20 per centum of the dollar volume o f existing. Federal programs which are in effect each year, and the submission to Congress of a formal analysis o f the economic and social impact and value of each program. FISCAL AND MONETARY POLICIES S ec . 106. (a) The Employment Act of 1946 is amended by inserting after section 3A, a^ added by this Act, the following new section: “ FISCAL AND MONETARY POLICIES “ S ec . 3B. ( a ) The President’s Budget and Economic Report shall b» consistent with the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan, and the Economic Report shall set forth for each year the following: “ ( 1 ) The level and composition of Federal expenditures, measured against estimated capabilities at full employment and production, necessary to support the annual economic goals proposed in section 3 and to support the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan, taking into account the role of the private sector and o f State and local governments in supporting these purposes. The President shall also make a determination of the extent to which the use of aggregate fiscal and monetary policy, without the supplementary employment policies provided in the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act o f 1976, will achieve the production, employment, purchasing power, and priority goals required in sections 3 and 3A Whenever the economy is 17 operating at full production and employment, or subjected to exces sive overall strain, the general principle to be followed is that priority expenditures established in section 3A(e) shall not in general be reduced, allowing for some variations for countercyclical purposes, so long as it is feasible to reduce relatively less important expendi tures, or to resort to means set forth in paragraph ( 2) below. “ ( 2) Federal tax policy consistent with expenditure levels in para graph ( 1 ) of this section necessary to (A ) balance the Federal budget or create a surplus under conditions of full production, employment and purchasing power, (B ) restrain excessive economic activity and inflation when total demand threatens to exceed the Nation’s capabili ties at full employment, (C) avoid fiscal drag upon the economy dur ing any periods of substantial economic slack, and (D ) contribute to the needed level and distribution of purchasing power. u(3) A monetary policy designed to assure such rate of growth in the Nation's money supply, such interest rates, and such credit avail ability, including policies of credit reform, allocation, and interna tional capital flows as are conducive to achieving and maintaining the full employment, production, purchasing power and priority goals specified in sections 3 and 3A. “ (b) The Board o f Governors of the Federal Reserve System shall transmit to the President and the Congress, within fifteen days after the transmission of the Economic Report or the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan, whcihever may come earlier, an independent statement setting forth its intended policies for the year ahead with respect to its functions, the extent to which these policies will support the achievement of the goals in section 3 and section 3A, and a full justification for any substantial variations from the President’s goals and recommendations. I f the President determines that the Board’s policies are inconsistent with the achievement of the goals and policies proposed under this Act, the President shall make recommendations to the Board and to the Congress to insure closer conformity to the purposes o f this Act.” ANTI-INFLATION POLICIES S ec . 107. (a) Section 3 of the Employment Act of 1946 is amended by adding at the end thereof the follow ing: “ (d ) The Economic Report shall each year contain a comprehensive set o f anti-inflation policies, including, but not necessarily limited to— “ ( 1) a comprehensive information system to monitor and an alyze inflationary trends in individual economic sectors, including information on the international sector, so that the President and Congress can be alerted to developing inflation problems and bottlenecks; “ ( 2) the use o f monetary and fiscal policy geared to the capa bilities o f the economy operating at full employment as provided in section 3B; “ (3) programs and policies in the Full Employment and Bal anced Growth R a n for increasing the supply o f goods, services, labor, and capital in structurally tight markets, with particular emphasis on increasing the supply o f food and energy; (4) provision for an export licensing mechanism for food and other critical materials when the national well-being is threatened 18 because projected supplies are inadequate to meet domestic needs without drastically increasing prices, and the establishment of stockpile reserves of food and other critical materials m order to meet emergencies such as floods and famines and to maintain reasonable price stability and adequate farm income; “ ( 5) encouragement to labor and management to increase pro ductivity within the national framework of full employment through voluntary arrangements in industries and economic sectors; “ ( 6) recommendations to strengthen and enforce the antitrust laws and such other recommendations as are necessary to increase competition in the private sector; and “ ( 7) recommendations for administrative and legislative ac tions to promote reasonable price stability if situations develop that seriously threaten national price stability. COUNCIL OF ECONOMIC ADVISERS S ec . 108. (a) The second sentence of section 4(a) of the Employ ment Act of 1946 is amended by inserting “ full” immediately after “ promote”. (b) ( 1 ) Section 4(c) ( 1) of such Act is amended by inserting im mediately after the semicolon a comma and the following: “ and the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan” . ( 2) Section 4 (c )(4 ) of such Act is amended by inserting “ full” immediately after “maintain” . ( c ) ( 1 ) Section 4(e) ( 1) o f such Act is amended by inserting im mediately before the semicolon a comma and the following: “ and shall consult with the Advisory Committee established under section 6.” ( 2) Section 4(e). of such Act is amended by striking out the period at the end of paragraph ( 2) and inserting in lieu thereof a semicolon, and by adding after such paragraph ( 2) the following: “ (3) In this connection, the Council is authorized and directed to seek and obtain the cooperation of the various executive and inde pendent agencies in the development of specialized studies essential to its responsibilities.” advisory com m itteee on f u l l e m p l o y m e n t a n d balan ced g r o w t h Sec. 109. The Employment Act of 1946 is amended by adding at the end thereof the following new section: “ advisory committee ; o n f u l l e m p l o y m e n t a n d balan ced g r o w t h “ S ec . 6. (a) To furnish advice and assistance to the Council of Eco nomic Advisers in the preparation and review of the Economic Report and Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan, there is established an Advisory Comihittee on Full Employment and Balanced Growth, which shall consist of— “ (1) four members appointed by the President; “ (2) four members appointed "by the Speaker of the House of Representatives; and (SVfour members appointed by the President pro tempore of 19 “ (b) The Committee shall elect a Chairman, and shall meet at the call o f the Chairman, but not less than twice a year. The members o f the Advisory Committee shall be appointed for terms of two years from among; representatives o f labor, industry, agriculture, consumers, and the public at large, who are especially competent by virtue of background and experience to furnish advice to the Council on the views and opinions of broad segments of the public on matters involved in the formulation and implementation of goals and policies for full employment and balanced growth. (c) Each member of the Advisory Committee shall be entitled to be compensated at a rate equal to the per diem equivalent of the rate or an individual occupying a position at level III, of the Executive Schedule under section 5314 of title 5, United States Code, when en gaged in the actual performance o f his or her duties as such a member, ana each member shall be entitled to reimbursement for travel, sub sistence, and other necessary expenses incurred in the performance o f his or her duties. “ (d ) The Advisory Committee is authorized to establish regional or industry advisory subcommittees to furnish advice and assistance to it. Each such subcommittee shall consist of at least one member of the Advisory Committee and shall be broadly representative o f the particular region or industry, including business, labor, and consumer interests. “ (e) The Chairman of the Council o f Economic Advisers shall fur nish the Advisory Committee with such personnel, acilities, and serv ices as he or she aeems necessary to enable the Advisory Committee to perform its functions under this Act.” . T IT L E I I —COU N TERCYCLICAL, STRUCTU RAL, AND Y O U TH EM PLOYM EN T PO LICIES STATEMENT OP PURPOSE S e c . 2 0 1 . It is the purpose o f this title to establish supplementary employment policies to close the employment gap, if one should exist, between the levels o f employment achieved through aggregate mone tary and fiscal policy and the employment goals established in sections 3 and 3A o f the Employment Act of 1946. Accordingly, this title es tablishes a system of comprehensive and flexible employment policies to create jobs in both the private and public sectors o f the economy that encourages the optimum contribution of the private sector and State and local governments toward the achievement o f the goals and purposes o f this Act. These supplementary employment policies shall vary according to economic conditions and the other actions taken under this Act, but shall have the broad objective o f reducing cyclical, structural, regional, and youth unemployment, and unemployment due to discrimination. It is also the purpose o f this title to establish a Full Employment Office within the Department of Labor to use spe cial means or training and providing employment for those people who are otherwise unable to find employment. It is the further purpose o f this title to mandate improved integration o f income maintenance programs and full employment policies. 20 COUNTERCYCLICAL EMPLOYMENT POLICIES Sec. 202. (a) (1) The Congress finds and declares that— (A ) the Nation has been unprepared to promply implement employment policies during periods of economic downturn and resultant high unemployment; (B ) existing policies are so diffused and fragmented at all levels of government that it has been impossible to implement a comprehensive countercyclical employment program in a coordi nated manner; and (C) the lack o f a coherent, flexible, countercyclical employment policy reduces the prospects of the Nation solving economic and related social problems which threaten fundamental national interests and objectives, including those specified by this Act. ( 2) It is the purpose of this section to require the development o f a -coherent and flexible countercyclical employment policy, creating jobs in both the private and public sectors that are valuable to States, local communities and the Nation, and thereby reducing employment gaps that may remain despite the appropriate implementation of other provisions of this Act. (b) ( 1) To carry out the provisions of this section, the President shall within ninety days after the date of enactment of this Act trans mit to the Congress a comprehensive proposal, together with such legislation as is necessary, which shall establish on a permanent basis the range of supplementary employment policies and programs neces sary to reduce high unemployment arising from cyclical movements in the economy. The countercyclical action provided for in this section relates to periods of high unemployment, regardless of the stage of the business cycle. ( 2) In establishing the component parts of such a comprehensive proposal, and making a determination of the role of each, the President should consider the following programmatic entities— (A ) countercyclical public service employment; (B ) accelerated public works, including the development of standby public works projects; (C) State and local countercyclical grant programs as speci fied in section 208; (D ) the levels and duration of unemployment insurance; (E ) skill training in both the private and public sectors, both as a general remedy, and as a supplement to unemployment insurance; (F ) youth employment programs as specified in section 205; (G ) a community development program to provide employ ment in activities of value to the States, local communities, and the Nation; and (H ) augmentation of other employment and manpower pro grams that would prove helpful in meeting high levels o f unem ployment from cyclical causes. (c) To insure that the component parts o f the countercyclical pro posal establishes an integrated and flexible program, the President Bnan— ( I ) utilize existing employment and training mechanisms as appropriate; 21 ( 2) provide for advance planning for countercyclical employ ment programs among the Federal Departments and agencies; ( 3 ) provide for an automatic trigger or set o f coordinated trig gers that would implement the program during a period of rising unemployment, and phase out the program wiien unemployment is appropriately reduced; ( 4) insure that allocation o f employment assistance takes into account the severity and geographic distribution of unemploy ment, and the special needs of the unemployed groups within the labor force; ( 5) provide for a well balanced combination of job creation and related activities in both the private and public sectors of the economy; and ( 6) incorporate effective transitional mechanisms to facilitate individuals assisted under programs developed pursuant to this section to return promptly to regular private and public em ployment as the economy recovers. COORDINATION WITH STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND PRIVATE SECTOR ECONOMIC ACTIVITY S ec . 203. (a) As an integral part o f the comprehensive countercycli cal employment policies established under section 202, the President shall set forth programs and policies to facilitate harmonious eco nomic action among the Federal Government, regions, States and localities and the private sector to promote the ( 1) achievement o f the coals and priorities o f this Act and the Employment Act of 1946, and ( 2) an economic environment in which State and local governments and private sector economic activity and employment will prosper and essential services will be maintained. (b) As a primary effort to meet the requirements of this section, the President shall within ninety days after the date of enactment of this Act transmit to the Congress legislation creating a permanent, counter cyclical grant program that will serve to stabilize State and local budgets during periods o f recession and high unemployment. In formulating this proposal, the President shall endeavor to meet cri teria that establish a program ( 1 ) funded to take into account total State and local expenditures and the national unemployment rate; and ( 2) automatically implemented when the national unemployment rate exceeds a specified rate. REGIONAL AND STRUCTURAL EMPLOYMENT POLICIES S e c . 204. (a) (1 ) The President shall within one hundred and eighty days after the date of enactment of this Act transmit to Congress a comprehensive regional and structural employment proposal, includ ing such legislation as necessary, designed to reduce the chronic under utilization o f human and capital resources in certain areas of the country and in groups within the labor force. In formulating tie re gional components of such a proposal, the President shall encourage private sector production and employment to locate within depressed regions and inner cities. The President’s regional employment pro posal shall also include an analysis o f the extent to which Federal 22 Government tax, expenditure, and employment policies have influ enced the movement of people, jobs, and industry from chronic high unemployment regions and areas, and proposals designed to correct Federal policies that have an adverse economic impact upon such regions and areas. ( 2) In formulating the structural components of such an employ ment program, the President shall utilize existing employment and training mechanisms and other existing programs, as appropriate, and such other measures as necessary. # (b) To further meet the requirements of this section, the President shall transmit to the Congress, within one hundred and eighty days after the date of enactment of this Act, legislation providing an insti tutional means designed to encourage ( 1 ) public and private invest ment in economically depressed regions, inner cities, and economic sec tors; and ( 2) provide an alternative source of capital funds for local and State governments to finance public facilities. In formulating the legislation required by this section, the President shall include provi sion for— ( 1 ) long-term loans at low rates of interest no higher than the average rate of long-term Treasury borrowings plus service costs; ( 2) capitalization through public stock and bond subscriptions, stock purchases by the State governments, local governments, and businesses that benefit from the program, and financial assistance from the Federal Government; and (3) criteria setting priorities for assistance to State and local government and businesses, with special attention to areas with unemployment rates consistently and significantly in excess of the national average, to achieve the objective of increasing employ ment in such areas, and increasing total employment. YOUTH EMPLOYMENT POLICIES S e c , 205. (a) The Congress finds and declares that— ( 1) serious unemployment and economic disadvantage exist among youths, this group constitutes a substantial portion of the Nation’s unemployment, and this significantly contributes to crime, drug addiction, and other social and economic problems; ( 2) many youths have special employment needs and prob lems which, if not promptly addressed, will substantially con tribute to more severe unemployment problems in the long run; (3) a significant number of youths in certain areas even in the best of economic circumstances do not have adequate access to employment opportunities providing effective entry into the labor force; and (4) existing employment programs for youth are fragmented and inadequate, and the special needs and problems o f youth un employment require the development o f a permanent, comprehen sive youth employment program which will meet the job needs o f youth. (b) To meet the requirements o f subsection (a), the President shall transmit to Congress within ninety days after the date o f enactment o f this Act legislation creating a comprehensive youth employment program which— 23 ( 1 ) utilizes the resources and facilities o f existing youth em ployment and training programs that are designed to provide job opportunities for youths, ( 2) provides for other policies and programs necessary to provide employment for youths, and (3) contributes to carrying out the policies of this A ct and the Employment Act of 1946. (c) In formulating such a program, the President shall include provisions designed to— ( 1) fully coordinate youth employment activities with other employment and manpower programs; ( 2) develop a smoother transition from school to work by fostering a more effective partnership between educational and employment institutions, such as businesses, employer associa tions, and labor unions; (3) prepare disadvantaged and other youths with employ ability handicaps for regular self-sustaining employment through education, training, medical services, counseling, and other support activities; (4) develop realistic methods for combining training with work, including apprenticeship and on-the-job training in the private sector; and (5) provide job opportunities for youths in a variety o f tasks, including conservation, public service activities, inner city cleanup and rehabilitation, and other jobs o f value to States, local communities, and the Nation. FULL EMPLOYMENT OFFICE AND RESERVOIRS OF EMPLOYMENT PROJECTS S e c . 206. (a) In order to insure that full employment is achieved under this Act, the President, through the Secretary of Labor, shall develop policies, procedures, and programs to provide employment opportunities to adult Americans able, willing, and seeking to work but who, despite a serious effort to obtain employment, are unable to do so in the general economic environment, or through any o f the other provisions o f this Act. {b ) There is established within the Department of Labor a Full Employment Office to assist the Secretary o f Labor in providing the employment opportunities required under subsection (a ). Under the supervision o f the Secretary of Labor, the Office shall be phased in consistent with subsection (d) o f this section. (c) In meeting the responsibilities to provide job opportunities under subsection (a ), the Secretary o f Labor shall, as appropriate— ( 1 ) provide counseling, training, and other support activities necessary to prepare persons willing and seeking work for employment; ( 2) refer persons able, willing, and seeking to work to job opportunities in the private and public sectors through the exist ing public employment placement facilities and through the United States Employment Service; and ( 3) refer persons willing, able, and seeking to work to job opportunities in positions drawn from sections 202, 204, and 205 or this Act. 24 (d) Insofar as adult Americans able, willing, and seeking work are not provided with job opportunities under section 206(c) or other wise under this Act, such opportunities shall be provided by the Presi dent through reservoirs of federally operated public employment projects ana private nonprofit employment projects approved by the Secretary of Labor. The number and nature of such reservoirs of employment projects shall be determined in conjunction with the poli cies and programs of the Full Employment Office established under subsection (b) and the other job creation provisions of this Act. The provisions of this subsection shall be phased in by the President, in conjunction with the annual employment recommendations required under section 3 of the Employment Act of 1946, in order to achieve a rate of unemployment not in excess of 3 per centum as established by section 3A (a) of such Act. # t (e) The Secretary, in carrying out the provisions of this section, shall establish such" regulations as he or she deems necessary. Such regulations shall include provisions for— ( 1 ) an initial determination by the Full Employment Office o f the job seekers’ ability to be employed at certain types and dura tion of work so that he or she may be appropriately referred to jobs, training, counseling, and other supportive services; ( 2) compliance with the nondiscrimination provisions of this Act in accordance with section 401; ( 3) such priority criteria as may be appropriate to establish the order in which persons able, willing, and seeking to work are pro vided jobs under this section, so that such persons who most need employment are given first consideration and, in determining the priority order, the Secretary shall consider such factors as dura tion of unemployment, the number of employed persons in a house hold, number of people economically dependent upon any such person, expiration of unemployment insurance, household income, and any other factors essential to determining employment need; (4) appropriate eligibility criteria to limit access to the pro gram authorized under subsection (d ), including but not limited to such criteria as household income, duration of unemployment, and refusal to accept or hold a job which pays whichever is the highest of (A ) the prevailing wage, as determined by the Secre tary of Labor, for that type of work in the labor market in which such job occurs, or (B ) fair rates of compensation as determined under section 402 of this A ct; and (5) such administrative appeal procedures as may be appro priate to review the initial determination of the abilities of per sons willing, able, and seeking to work under clause ( 1) of this subsection and the employment need and eligibility under clauses (3) and (4) of this subsection. Compliance with the requirements of clause (4) of this subsection re lating to a person’s eligibility for assistance may be satisfied by an affidavit submitted by persons seeking assistance. I f such person know ingly provides false information in any such affidavit, he or she shall be ineligible for any assistance under this section and shall, in addi tion, be subject to prosecution under section 1001 of title 18, United StatesCode. 25 IN C O M E M A IN T E N A N C E AND FU LL EM PLOYM ENT P O L IC IE S S e c . 207. (a) Congress finds and declares that to achieve the goals o f full employment and balanced growth it is essential that the em ployment policies prescribed by this Act and the Employment Act o f 1946 give adequate attention to (1) providing quality jobs that im prove the work environment, strengthen income and eliminate sub standard earnings; ( 2) improving and integrating existing public and private income maintenance programs with the full employment policies o f this Act and the Employment Act of 1946; and ( 3) sub stituting work for income maintenance to the maximum extent feasi ble, taking account of the need for adequate income maintenance among those who cannot be brought within the full employment policy. (b) To meet the requirements o f this section, the President shall within ninety days after the date of the enactment of this Act trans mit to Congress a proposal, together with such legislation as is neces sary, analyzing the relationship of income maintenance needs, existing income maintenance programs, and the full employment policies re quired by this Act and the Employment Act o f 1946, and make rec ommendations on how the income maintenance and employment poli cies can be integrated to insure that employment is substituted for in come maintenance to the maximum extent feasible. T IT L E I I I — PO LICIES AND PROCEDURES F O R CONGRESSIONAL R E V IE W STATEMENT OF PURPOSE 301. The purpose of this title are— ( 1 ) to establish procedures for congressional action and review with respect to the Economic Report, the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan, the report o f the Board of Governors o f the Federal Reserve System, and the other policies and pro visions o f this Act and the Employment Act o f 1946; and (2) to establish a Division of Full Employment and Balanced Growth within the Congressional Budget Office. S ec. general congressional review S ec. 302. (a) T o provide for comprehensive economic and employ ment policies to meet the objectives o f this Act and the Employment Act o f 1946, and to provide Congress with guidance on these matters, the appropriate committees o f the Congress shall review and revise, to the extent deemed desirable, the economic goals, priorities, policies, and programs proposed under such Acts by the President and the Board o r Governors o f the Federal Reserve System. The Congress shall initiate or develop such legislation as it deems necessary to im plement these proposals and objectives, after such modification in such proposals as it deems desirable. ■(b) In addition to its responsibilities tinder the Employment Act o f 1946 with respect to the Economic Report, the Joint Economic Committee shall carry out overall review o f executive branch poli cies under this Act, with special attention to general economic condi 26 tions, the setting of national economic goals in the Economic Report, the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan, and the relationship o f economic policy measures to the fulfillment of the goals and pri orities established under this Act and under the Employment Act o f 1946* . . . , , „ i (c) In addition to their responsibilities under the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, the Committee on the Budget of the Senate and the Committee on the Budget of the House o f Representatives shall review, in conjunction with reporting concurrent resolutions on the budget under the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, the fiscal policy, economy in government policies, and Federal budget priorities recom mended by the President* (d) The other appropriate committees of Congress shall review and report on those policies or programs implemented or submitted which relate to matters within the jurisdiction of each such committee. CONGRESSIONAL REVIEW OF ECONOMIC GOALS IN ECONOMIC REPORT S ec . 303. (a) In conjunction with its review o f the Economic Re port, and the holding of hearings on the report, as required under the Employment Act of 1946, the Joint Economic Committee shall review and analyze the annual numerical goals for employment, pro duction, and purchasing power recommended by the President in ful fillment of section 3 o f the Employment Act of 1946. Subsequent to such a review, the Joint Economic Committee shall make recom mendations to the Congress on the appropriate annual numerical goals for employment, production, and purchasing power, subject to the requirements of section 3A (d) o f the Employment Act of 1946 relating to those periods when unemployment is to be reduced to given levels. (b) Section 301(a) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 is amended— (1) by striking out “ and” at the end of clause ( 5) ; ( 2) by redesignating clause ( 6) as clause (7 ); and (3) by inserting after clause (5) the following new clause: ‘ ( 6) numerical goals for employment, production, and pur chasing power; and”. (c) The second sentence o f section 301(c) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 is amended to read as follows: “ The Joint Eco nomic Committee shall also submit to the Committees on the Budget o f both Houses its recommendations as to the fiscal and monetary policies appropriate to the goals of the Employment Act o f 1946. The Joint Economic Committee shall further submit to the Committees on the Budget o f both Houses, in accordance with section 3 o f the Em ployment Act o f 1946, recommendations on annual numerical goals for employment, production, and purchasing power designed to achieve JromnTlv m Nation’s human «»d capital resources as w £ Pn P o ^ l e . Thes* recommendations shall be incorporated y the Committee on the Budget of each House in the first concurrent 40 subsection (a) reported by that S S r S r S w ? modifications, i f necessary to fulfill the objectives o f Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act o f 1976, and to meet 27 the requirement o f section 3A of the Employment Act to achieve full employment within not more than four years after the enactment o f the Full Employment and Balanced Growth, Act o f 1976. In the event that the Committee on the Budget of either House modifies the annual numerical goals for employment, production, and purchasing power recommended by the Joint Economic Committee, that Budget Com mittee shall provide its reasons for such modification in the report accompanying the first concurrent resolution. CONGRESSIONAL REVIEW OP FULL EMPLOYMENT AND BALANCED GROWTH PLAN Sec. 304. (a) Each proposed Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan transmitted to the Congress by the President under sec tion 3A o f the Employment Act of 1946 (hereafter in this section re ferred to as a “ Proposed Plan” ) shall be referred to the Joint Eco nomic Committee. Within sixty days after receipt by the Congress o f a Proposed Plan, each standing committee of the Senate and the House o f Representatives and each joint committee o f the Congress shall submit to the Joint Economic Committee a report containing its views and recommendations with respect to aspects o f the Proposed Plan which relate to matters within the jurisdiction o f such committee or joint committee. (b ) The Joint Economic Committee shall hold hearings for the purpose o f receiving testimony from the Members o f Congress, ap propriate representatives o f Federal departments and agencies and such representatives o f the general public and interested groups as the joint committee deems advisable. The joint committee shall also con sider the comments and views on the Proposed Plan which are received from State and local officials. (c) Not later than one hundred and five days after the submission o f a Proposed Plan to the Congress, the members o f the Joint Eco nomic Committee who are Members o f the House o f Representatives shall report to the House, and the members of the joint committee who are Members o f the Senate shall report to the Senate, a con current resolution which shall state in substance that the Congress approves or disapproves the Proposed Plan, in whole or in part, and which may contain such alternatives to, modifications of, or addi tions to the Proposed Plan as the joint committee deems appropriate and in accord with the purposes of this Act and the Employment Act o f 1946. The report accompanying such concurrent resolution shall include findings and recommendations o f the joint committee with respect to each o f the main recommendations contained in the Pro posed Plan. (d ) ( 1 ) When a concurrent resolution referred to in subsection (c) has been reported to the House o f Representatives it shall at any time thereafter be in order (even though a previous motion to the same effect has been disagreed to) to move to proceed to the consideration o f the concurrent resolution. The motion shall be highly privileged and not debatable. A n amendment to the motion shall not be in order, nor shall it be in order to move to reconsider the vote by which the motion is agreed to or disagreed to. 73-365 0 - 78 -3 28 (2) General debate.on any such concurrent resolution in the House o f Representatives shall be in the Committee o f the Whole House on the State o f the Union* and shall be limited to not more than ten hours, which shall be divided equally between those favoring and those opposing the concurrent resolution. A motion further to limit debate .shall not be debatable. (3) Except to the extent specifically provided in the preceding pro visions of this subsection, consideration in the House o f Representa tives of any such concurrent resolution and amendments thereto (or any conference report thereon) shall be governed by the Rules of the House of Representatives applicable to other bills and resolutions, amendments, and conference reports in similar circumstances. (e) ( 1) Debate in the Senate on a concurrent resolution referred to in subsection (c), and all amendments thereto and debatable motions and appeals in connection therewith, shall be limited to not more than ten hours. The time shall be equally divided between, and controlled by, the majority leader and the minority leader or their designees. ( 2) Debate in the Senate on any amendment to any such concurrent resolution shall be limited to two hours, to be equally divided between, and controlled by, the mover and the manager of the concurrent resolu tion. Debate on any amendment to an amendment, and debate on any debatable motion or appeal shall be limited to one hour, to be equally divided between, and controlled by the mover and the manager of the concurrent resolution, except that in the event the manager of the concurrent resoution is in favor of any such amendment, motion, or appeal, the time in opposition thereto, shall be controlled by the minor ity leader or his designee. No amendment that is not germane to the provisions of the concurrent resolution shall be received. Such leaders, or either of them, may, from the time under their control on the pass age of the concurrent resolution, allot additional time to any Senator during the consideration of any amendment, debatable motion, or appeal. (3) A motion in the Senate to further limit debate is not debatable. A motion to recommit (except a motion to recommit with instructions to report back within a specified number of days, not to exceed three, not counting any day on which the Senate is not in session) is not in ord£r. Debate on any such motion to recommit shall be limited to one hour, to be equally divided between, and controlled by, the mover and the manager of the concurrent resolution. (4) The conference report on any such concurrent resolution shall be m order m the Senate at any time after the third day (excluding Saturdays, Sundays, and legal holidays) following the day on which such a conference report is reported and is available to Members of tne senate. A motion to proceed to the consideration o f the conference report may be made even though a previous motion to the same effect has been disagreed to. (5) During the consideration in the Senate of the conference report on any such ccm curat resolution, debate shall be limited to two hours, j between, and controlled by, the majority leader ° I ^ eir I^bate on any debatable motion I n K n i ? Z report shall be limited to thirty •ad <OT“ roUed 29 ( 6) Should the conference report be defeated in the Senate, debate on any request for a new conference and the appointment o f conferees shall be limited to one hour to be equally divided between, and con trolled by, the manager o f the conference report and the minority leader or his designee, and should any motion be made to instruct the conferees before the conferees are named, debate on such motion shall be limited to thirty minutes, to be equally divided between, and con trolled by, the mover and the manager of the conference report. Debate on any amendment to any such instructions shall be limited to twenty minutes, to be equally divided between, and controlled by, the mover and the manager o f the conference report. In all cases when the manager o f the conference report is in favor o f any motion, appeal, or amendment, the time in opposition shall be under the control o f the minority leader or his designee. (7) La any case in which there are amendments in disagreement, time on each amendment in the Senate shall be limited to thirty minutes, to be equally divided between, and controlled by, the manager o f the conference report and the minority leader or his designee. No amendment that is not germane to the provisions o f such amendments shall be received. (f ) Upon adoption of a concurrent resolution under this section with respect to any Proposed Plan, the concurrent resolution shall serve as a long-term guide to the Congress with respect to legislation relevant to the goals, priorities, policies, and programs recommended in the Proposed Plan, as modified by the concurrent resolution. A copy o f the concurrent resolution shall be transmitted to the President by the Clerk of the House of Representatives or the Secretary of the Senate, as appropriate, for such actions as the President deems appropriate. DIVISION OF FULL EMPLOYMENT AND BALANCED GROWTH Sec. 305. (a) There is established within the Congressional Budget Office a Division o f Full Employment and Balanced Growth (here after in this section referred to as the “ Division” ) to perform long term economic analysis. The Division shall be headed by a Deputy Director who shall perform his or her duties under the supervision o f the Director o f the Congressional Budget Office and shall perform such other duties as may be assigned to him or her by the Director. Such Deputy Director shall be appointed in the same manner, serve for the same period, and receive the same compensation as the Deputy Director provided for in section 201 of the Congressional Budget Act o f 1974. (b) It shall be the first responsibility o f the Division to assist the Joint Economic Committee in the discharge o f its duties under this A ct by providing, as the joint committee may request— ( 1) information with respect to long-term economic trends, national goals, resource availability, and the methods available to achieve full employment and balanced economic growth; ( 2) information necessary for the preparation o f the report and concurrent resolution referred to in section 8 0 4 (c); and (3 ) such related information as the committee may request. (c) A t the request o f any committee o f the House of* Representa tives or the Senate, or any other joint committee o f the Congress, the 30 Division shall provide to such committee or joint committee the infor mation necessary to fulfill its responsibilities under this Act. (d) At the request of any Member of the House or Senate, the JJivision shall provide to each Member any information necessary to ful fill his or her responsibilities under this Act. EXERCISE OP RULEMAKING POWERS Sec. 306. (a) The provisions of this title (other than section 305) are enacted by the Congress— __ * (1) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the House of Representatives and the Senate, respectively, and as such they shall be considered as part of the rules of each House, respectively, or of that House to which they specifically apply, and such rules shall supercede other rules only to the extent that they are incon sistent therewith; and . . ( 2) with full recognition of the constitutional right of either House to change such rules (so far as relating to such House), at any time, in the same manner and to the same extent as in the case of any other rule of such House. TITLE IV—GENERAL PROVISIONS NONDISCRIMINATION Sec. 401. (a) No person in the United States shall on the ground o f sex, age, race, color, religion, or national origin be excluded from participation m, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimi nation under any program or activity funded in whole or in part with funds made available under this Act, including membership in any structure created by this Act. (b) Whenever the Secretary of Labor determines that a recipient o f funds under this Act has faiied to comply with subsection (a ), or an applicable regulation, he or she shall notify the recipient of the noncompliance and shall request such recipient to secure compliance. I f within a reasonable period of time, not to exceed sixty days, the recipi ent fails or refuses to secure compliance, the Secretary of Labor is authorized ( 1) to refer the matter to the Attorney General with a recommendation that an appropriate civil action be instituted, ( 2) to exercise the powers and functions provided by title V I of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (42 U.S.C. 2000d ) , or ( 3) to take such other action as may be provided by law. (c) When a matter is referred to the Attorney General pursuant to subsection (b), or whenever he or she has reason to believe that a re cipient is engaged in a pattern or practice in violation of the provisions o f this section, the Attorney General may bring a civil action in the appropriate United States district court for any and all appropriate relief* (d) To assist and evaluate tho enforcement of this section, and the broader equal employment opportunity policies o f this Act, the Secre tory o f Labor shall include, in the annual Manpower Report of the President^ a detailed analysis o f the extent to which the enforcement of this section achieves affirmative action in both the quantity and quality o f jobs, and for employment opportunities generally. 31 LABO R STANDARDS S ec . 402. The policies and programs implemented and provided for by this Act, and funded in whole or in part through this Act, shall provide that persons employed pursuant to such policies and programs are paid equal wages for equal work, and that such policies and pro grams create a net increase in employment through work that would not otherwise be done* In providing employment under this Act, or in submitting legislation under this Act, the President shall insure that persons employed in jobs utilizing funds, provided in whole or in part through this Act, be paid wages not lower than whichever is the highest of— (A ) the minimum wage which would be applicable to the em ployee under the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, if section 6(a*) (1) o f such Act applied to such employee and if he or she were not exempt under section 13 thereof; (B ) the State or local minimum wage for the most nearly com parable covered empolyment; (C) (i) in the case of employers which are States, political sub divisions, local educational agencies, public institutions o f higher education, or other public agencies or institutions, the prevailing rates o f pay for persons employed in similar public occupations by the same employer, or, (ii) in the case of empolyers which are nonprofit private or ganizations or institutions, the appropriate prevailing wage de termined in accordance with the Service Contract Act o f 1965 or the prevailing rates of pay for persons employed in similar oc cupations by the same employer, whichever is the higher, or (D ) in the case of persons performing work o f the type to which the Davis-Bacon Act, as amended (40 TJ.S.C. 276a— 276a-5), applies, the prevailing wage determined in accordance with that Act. AUTHORIZATIONS S ec . 403. There is authorized to be appropriated such sums as may be needed to carry out the provisions o f this Act. Notwithstanding any other provisions of this Act, no provision shall be construed to re quire expenditures in excess of amounts appropriated pursuant to this Act. Amend the title so as to read: “ A bill to establish and translate into practical reality the right of all adult Americans able, willing, and seeking to work to full opportunity for useful paid employment, pro duction, and purchasing power goals with proper attention to balanced growth and national priorities; to mandate such national economic policies and programs as are necessary to achieve full employment, production, and purchasing power; to restrain inflation; and to pro vide explicit machinery for the development and implementation of such economic policies and programs.” . 32 STATEMENT OF ALAN GREENSPAN, CHAIRMAN, COUNCIL OF ECONOMIC ADVISERS Mr. G r e e n s p a n . I am grateful for the opportunity to appear before this committee to discuss the views of the Council of Eco nomic Advisers on the proposals embodied in S. 50, the Full Em ployment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976. This is a set of pro posals which goes far beyond the Employment Act of 1946 and which, if adopted, would have major effects upon economic policy, the policymaking processes of the Federal Government, and, of course, the economy itself. These proposals, therefore, deserve our closest examination. Implicit in this legislation, and indeed, in any meaningful eco nomic definition of full employment is the presumption that employ ment means productive jobs, that is, jobs supported by productive facilities which enable the high levels of productivity and hence the high wages which are the hallmark of the American worker. When we speak of full employment, our goal is not a statistic, but a labor market characterized by high employment and productivity. There are only two ways to pay a high wage for a particular job. Either there is sufficiently high output per manhour in that em ployment to generate the real income implicit in the wage, or the difference is paid by someone else in the economy through a transfer or a subsidy. Putting people on a public payroll in an unproductive job is not much different from unemployment insurance since the activity that is taking place contributes relatively little to the total national product. We may call it a job, but in an economic sense, that doesn’t make it one. Hence, I think it is important to recognize that productive employment should be implicit both in the concept of full employment and in any number we might use to designate the unemployment rate associated with full employment. The approach incorporated in S. 50 relies heavily on the ability of the economics profession to plan or to outline fairly precisely the path that must be followed to achieve and then maintain full employment. I find the thrust of this argument troublesome. It presumes a detailed forecasting capability which is far beyond any realistic assessment of the present or immediately foreseeable capability of the economics profession. Nor would an infusion of additional funds significantly improve forecasting reliability. A modem industrial economic system based even partly on market phenomena is so complex that any model or statistical abstraction, no matter how complex, is still a gross oversimplification of the dynamics of the system. Models can never expect to achieve more man very rough approximations of the dynamics of the real world. These approximations are most useful, but they fall significantly short of the analytic and forecasting requirements of the approach envisioned in S. 50. Moreover, try as we might, it will be difficult to separate political considerations from the planning process. The Federal Government would sanction certain growth paths for total demand which would presumably be consistent with the unemployment targets. This goal related projection, however, is almost certain to go wrong. For 33 clearly, whatever comes out of the straight-forward projection based on average historical relationships will surely be considered inade quate by the political process setting the goals. Instead of basing the targets on the average expectation cranked out by the analytical process, there will be a tendency to adopt more optimistic and, by definition, less probable sets of projections as targets or as stand ards of performance. This would place the goals in the outer range, if not at the absolute extremes, of real growth, employment, and inflation possibilities. Consequently, as real events unfold, the economy will have been found to have fallen short of the unrealistic politically determined goals for the levels of production, employment, income, inflation, and so forth. This in turn could mean that either the goals would be abandoned or the Government would intervene further in the system to correct the so-called “ fault/’ Historic experience suggests that intervention is far more likely than the abandoning of unreal istic goals. Implicit in S. 50’s specification that the Federal Government set not only economic goals but the particular policies that will get us there, is the presumption that our theoretical underpinnings enable us to construct and successfully follow such programs. Since such a view is unrealistic, what would S. 50 mean in prac tice? I f the detailed policies fail to achieve the specified goals, as a practical matter public service jobs become the means to achieve the 3 percent adult unemployment statistic. For this reason, I be lieve we must examine the impact of expanded public service em ployment as the means o f achieving our goal of full employment. W e do not have experience with the large scale public employ ment projects contemplated in S. 50. Millions of jobs would have to be funded under these programs in order to reduce the adult unemployment rate as measured statistically to 3 percent. Such large scale public employment programs would entail a major increase in the number of workers committed to relatively low productivity jobs in the public sector. This would certainly slow the rise in overall productivity and hence in our standards o f living. The programs would not contribute to the capital investment required to create the productive jobs needed to regain a sustain able high employment economy. Indeed, the heavy budget costs of funding the program would result in higher taxes on the produc tive private sector or greater budget deficits. This is likely to inter fere with private savings and capital investment, and badly needed increases in job supporting facilities. In short, we would be cre ating the types o f problems which confront other countries where bloated public sector employment has become a serious impediment to growth, progress, and stability. This approach has proven to be shortsighted and counterproductive. There is no question that extremely high unemployment and the hardship associated with it is one of the most serious problems currently confronting this country. It is important, however, in de vising policies to examine the nature of the problem carefully so that the remedies are applicable and do not focus on something other than the real problems. There is, for an example, an implicit 34 notion in many unemployment reducing programs that unemploy ment is a stable and unchanging condition for those who are un employed. In reality, our labor markets are characterized by an extraordinary amount of churning, involving entry and exit from the labor force and moves between jobs, occupations, and geographic areas. The statistics suggest that unemployment is more generally of relatively short duration and experienced by a significant pro portion of the labor force. There were, for example, close to 8 million unemployed on av erage every week during 1975, and there are likely to be perhaps 7 million this year. But it is not the same people who are out of work month after month for periods of years. I f that were the case, very specific economic policy remedies would have to be directed toward that problem. But the problem is quite different. On av erage, based on past experience, we can estimate that approximately 25 million different people experienced one or more spells of un employment in 1975, and perhaps one-third or more o f these ex perienced at least two spells. On average, each spell of unemploy ment approximated 2 months and a large proportion of the spells was o f very short duration. Because of the significant amount of turnover within the unemployment rolls, the approximately 400 million total weeks of unemployment experienced in 1975 was spread verv broadly across our average 93 million work force. Clearly, if we are to confront appropriately tbe problem of se vere unemployment, it is important to recognize it for what it actu ally is. Public service jobs are not a sensible solution for short dura tion unemployment, in fact, this approach mav actually inhibit the normal processes of job search and productive reemployment, and thereby unnecessarily shunt workers onto public payrolls. Although most unemployment is characterized by high turnover and spells of short duration, some is of a severe and prolonged na ture. When an individual who has been specifically trained to do a particular job loses that lob, it is often difficult to find another job that uses those skills. When skills are not readilv transferable, there is a structural problem that can be very painful to the worker caught in that position. It is sometimes said that programs targeted to the long-term unemployed might be useful to eliminate some of this type o f unemployment. However, there is no reason to believe that public jobs can be easily matched to the precise skills of these displaced workers. In fact, a public employment job that does not utilize these skills simply delays the readiustment process—the job training or relation that must take place for the worker to become productive again. Taking all of these factors into account, unem ployment insurance, coupled with job training programs for the long-term unemployed, would appear to be the most appropriate response to our problem of excessive unemployment. It cushions the financial hardships associated with unemployment, allows time rv! search' ^wation, and retraining. Our goal should be to achieve the reestablishment of a stable econ omy, the generation of productive job opportunities, and a rising standard °f hvmg. Under normal circumstances, this problem is dif ficult enough. There are compelling reasons, however, for believing 35 that it may be more than normally difficult in the next several years. The employment of our labor force in productive jobs in the private sector of the economy will require a very large increase in capital investment. Not only must we provide the tools, the plant, and the equipment, we must also provide the investment required by our energy objectives and by the environmental and safety legislation which is already on the books. Without the investment required to produce the jobs and the pro ductivity growth, we will not achieve the increasing standards of living to which we have become accustomed. Indeed, short of funda mental and improbable changes in our institutions or in our patterns of behavior, inadequate investment could prevent the attainment of high-employment conditions and price stability even if we were to accept the lower rates of productivity increases. Thank you very much. The C h a i r m a n . Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. [The complete statement follow s:] T estim ony by A lan Greenspan , C h airm an , Council or E conomic A dvisers I am grateful for the opportunity to appear before this Committee to dis cuss the views of the Council of Economic Advisers on the proposals embodied in S. 50, The Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976. This is a set of proposals which goes far beyond the Employment Act of 1946 and which, if adopted, would have major effects upon economic policy, the policy making processes of the federal government, and the economy itself. These proposals therefore deserve our closest examination. The bill has several major provisions which I would like to address this morning. It would establish a single numerical goal for full employment and commit the Federal government to the achievement of tha goal within four years. The numerical goal is specified as “a rate of unemployment not in excess of 3 percent of the adult Americans in the civilian labor force.” The bill also specifies programs and policies to be used in attaining the unem ployment rate goal. If the unemployment goal cannot be achieved through the use of standard fiscal and monetary policy measures, it is to be achieved by assigning an employer of last resort role to the Federal government and “ through reservoirs of federally-operated public employment projects and private non-profit employment projects.” And, the bill requires an elaborate formal system of reporting and consultation. Implicit in this legislation, and indeed, in any meaningful economic definition of full employment is the presumption that employment means productive jobs, that is jobs supported by productive facilities which enable the high levels of productivity and hence the high wages which are the hallmark of the Ameri can worker. When we speak of full employment our goal is not a statistic, but a labor market characterized by high employment and productivity. There are only two ways to pay a high wage for a particular job. Either there is sufficiently high output per manhour in that employment to generate the real income implicit in the wage, or the difference is paid by someone else in the economy through a transfer or a subsidy. Putting people on a public payroll in an unproductive job is not much different from unemployment insurance since the activity that is taking place contributes relatively little to the total national product. We may call it a job but in an economic sense that doesn’t make it one. Hence I think it is important to recognize that productive employment should be implicit both in the concept of full employ ment and in anv number we might use to designate the unemployment rate associated with full employment. There are great difficulties involved in specifying the appropriate minimum unemployment rate, that is, the rate consistent with maximum employment, production and purchasing power, the goals specified in the Employment Act of 1946. Our goal should be to produce the highest level of productive em ployment which is sustainable over the longer run. What that level is at any 36 particular time is far easier to specify when the economy is already operating near it. Under those conditions one is better situated to judge the balance or the tradeoffs between employment, capacity and a number of other factors whose interaction is vital to achieving and maintaining a high employment stability. Our policy should focus on expanding economic activity as rapidly as feasible until we achieve that qualitative state. Specifying an unemployment number in advance does not, in m y judgment, add much information to the economic policy decisionmaking process. Our economic system is dynamic and an unemployment rate that was consistent with full employment in one period may be too high or too low in some subsequent period. Suppose, for example, we were to choose a 4 percent unemployment rate goal but when we got into the vicinity of 4 percent we found that we could in fact achieve and sustain an even lowyer unemployment rate. Under these conditions we would clearly attempt to reach the lower rate. In that instance the 4 percent objective would not have served a par ticular useful purpose. On the other hand, suppose we discovered significant pressure with respect to the utilization of resources when we reached 5 percent, just to choose a number. It would be clear at that point that an effort to reach a 4 percent unemployment rate would create destablizing economy into a recession and send the unemployment rate back up. However, if we were committed at that point to achieve a 4 percent unemployment rate it would be more difficult to resist the pressures to do so. It, therefore, seems far preferable to strive to achieve the qualitative condition of full employment as quickly as we are able to do so. Having a specific numerical objective in advance does not seem to me to be especially helpful and when we are again in the neighborhood of full employment it might make the achievement of stable full employment more difficult. The approach incorporated in S. 50 relies heavily on the ability of the economics profession to plan or to outline fairly precisely the path that must be followed to achieve and then maintain full employment. I find the thrust of this argument troublesome. It presumes a detailed forecasting capability which is far beyond any realistic assessment of the present or immediately forseeable capability of the economics profession. Nor would an infusion of additional funds significantly improve forecasting reliability. A modern industrial economic system based even partly on market phe nomena is so complex that any model or statistical abstraction, no matter how complex, is still a gross oversimplification of the dynamics of the system. Models can never expect to achieve more than very rough approximations of the dynamics of the real world. These approximations are most useful but they fall significantly short of the analytic and forecasting requirements of the approach envisioned in S. 50. Moreover, try as we might, it will be difficult to separate political considera tions from the planning process. The Federal government would sanction certain growth paths for total demand which would presumably be consistent with the unemployment targets. This goal related projection, however, is almost certain to go wrong. For clearly, whatever comes out of the straight forward projection based on average historical relationships will surely be considered inadequate by the political process setting the goals. Instead of basing the targets on the average expectation cranked out by the analytical process there will be a tendency to adopt more optimistic and. by definition, less probable sets of projections as targets or as standards of performance. This would place the goals in the outer range, if not at the absolute extremes, of real growth, employment and inflation possibilities. Consequently, as real events unfold, the economy will have been found to have short of the unrealistic politically-determined goals for the levels PrCi*t!ction, employment, income, inflation, etc. This in turn could mean that either the goals would be abandoned or the government would intervene H! * . * Z ^stem to correct the “fault.” Historic experience suggests that Intervention is far more likely than the abandonment of unrealistic goals. Implicit in S. 50's specification that the Federal Government set not onlv E*!* butlhe Particular policies that will get us there, is the presumptlon that onr theoretical underpinnings enable us to construct and suc cessfully follow such programs. 37 Since such a view is unrealistic what would S. 50 mean in practice? If the detailed policies fail to achieve the specified goals, as a practical matter public service jobs become the means to achieve the 3 percent unemployment goal. For this reason I believe we must examine the impact of expanded public service employment as a means of achieving our goal of full employment. On the basis of experience with moderate size public employment programs, numerous studies have concluded that public jobs programs do not ultimately create significantly more jobs than any other type of current policy, whether it be in the form of tax cuts or increased government spending for other purposes. In fact, the evidence suggests that after two years as much as 90 percent of those public sector jobs that were funded would have been created anyway through ongoing state and local efforts. What happens is that state and local governments substitute federal funds for their own funds as they expand. The additional federal money enables state and local governments to lower taxes or raise them less than they otherwise would have. In this sense, a good deal of public employment funds indirectly becomes a form of general grants to state and local governments. Also, studies indicate that it is not the hard core unemployed who tend to be placed in federally funded public service employment job slots, but rather the jobs tend to go to persons with good prospects for a job in the private sector of the economy where wages are more likely to reflect productivity. We do not have experience with the large scale public employment projects contemplated in S. 50. Millions of jobs would have to be funded under these programs in order to reduce the adult unemployment rate as measured sta tistically to 3 percent. Such large scale public employment programs would entail a major in crease in the number of workers committed to relatively low productivity jobs in the public sector. This would certainly slow the rise in overall pro ductivity and hence in our standards of living. The program would not con tribute to the capital investment required to create the productive jobs needed to regain a sustainable high employment economy. Indeed, the heavy budget costs of funding the program would result in higher taxes on the productive private sector or greater budget deficits. This is likely to inter fere with private savings and capital investment, and the badly needed increases in job supporting facilities. In short, we would be creating the types of problems which confront other countries where bloaded public sector employment has become a serious impediment to growth, progress and stability. This approach has proven to be shortsighted and counter productive. There is no question that extremely high unemployment and the hardships associated with it is one of the most serious problems currently confronting this country. It is important, however, in devising policies to examine the nature of the problem carefully so that the remedies are applicable and do not focus on something other than the real problems. There^s, for example, an implicit notion in many unemployment reducing programs that unemploy ment is a stable and unchanging condition for those who are unemployed. In reality, our labor markets are characterized by an extraordinary amount of churning, involving entry and exit from the labor force and moves between jobs, occupations and geographic areas. The statistics suggest that unemploy ment is more generally of relatively short duration and experienced by a significant proportion of the labor force. There were close to 8 million unemployed on average every week during 1975 and there are likely to be perhaps 7 million this year. But it is not the same people who are out of work month after month for periods of years. If that were the case very specific economic policy remedies would have to be directed towards that problem. But the problem is quite different. On average, based on past experience* we can estimate that approximately 25 million different people experienced one or more spells of unemployment in 1975, and perhaps one-third or more of these experienced at least two spells. On average, each spell of unemployment approximated two months and a large proportion of the spells was of very short duration. Because of the significant amount of turnover within the unemployment rolls the approxi mately 400 million total weeks of unemployment experienced in 1975 was spread very broadly across our average 9ft million work force. 38 Clearly if we are to confront appropriately the problem of severe unem ployment it is important to recognize it for what it actually is. Public service jobs are not a sensible solution for short duration unemployment. In fact, this approach may actually inhibit the normal processes of job search and productive reemployment, and thereby unnecessarily shunt workers onto public payrolls. Although most unemployment is characterized by high turnover and spells of short duration some is of a severe and prolonged nature. W h e n an individual who has been specifically trained to find another job that uses those skills. When skills are not readily transferable there is a structural problem that can be very painful to the worker caught in that position. It is sometimes said that programs targeted to the long-term unemployed might be used to eliminate some of this type of unemployment. However, there is no reason to believe that public jobs can be easily matched to the precise skills of these displaced workers. In fact, a public employment job that does not utilize these skills simply delays the readjustment process— the job training or relocation that must take place for the worker to become productive again. Taking all of these factors into account unemployment insurance, coupled with job training programs for the long-term unemployed, would appear to be the most appropriate response to our problem of excessive un employment It cushions the financial hardships associated with unemploy ment, allows time for job search, relocation and retraining. Our goal should be to achieve the reestablishment of a stable economy, the generation of productive job opportunities and a rising standard of living. Under normal circumstances this problem is difficult enough. There are some compelling reasons, however, for believing that it may be more than normally difficult in the next several years. The employment of our labor force in pro ductive jobs in the private sector of the economy will require a very large increase in capital investment. Not only must we provide the tools, the plant and the equipment, we must also provide the investment required by our energy objectives and by the environmental and the safety legislation which is already on the books. Without the investment required to produce the jobs and the productivity growth we will not achieve the increasing standard of living to which we have become accustomed. Indeed, short of fundamental and improbable changes in our institutions or in our patterns of behavior, inadequate invest ment could prevent the attainment of high-employment conditions and price stability even if we were to accept the lower rates of productivity increases. The C h a i r m a n . Governor Partee, in your statement, if you would like to abbreviate it in any way, we would appreciate it, because we do have another witness; and the entire statement will be printed in full. STATEMEHT OF J. CHARLES PARTEE, MEMBER, BOARD OF GOVERNORS, FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM Mr. P a r t e e . I will be glad to summarize. I appreciate the opportunity to present the views of the Federal Reserve Board on S. 50, the “ Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976.” This bill would amend the Employment Act of 1946, which requires the Federal Government to utilize all of its resources in order to foster conditions that “ promote maximum employment, production, and purchasing power.” The Federal Reseije. Board fully recognizes its responsibility under the 1946 act and has reported regularly to Congress on its efforts to further the objectives o f the law. The central question facing Congress as it considers S. 50 is whether or not the proposed amendments will help advance the goals of the oriflrinal act. I am sorry to say that we do not believe they will. The bill is both too rigid and too inflationary 39 and on balance, would likely prove to be inconsistent with the long term economic well-being of the nation. It is o f critical importance, we believe, that the containment of in flation be recognized explicitly as a national objective inseparable from the goals of maximum employment and production. Indeed, a principal flaw in the 1946 act is its failure to identify clearly price stability as a long-run economic goal. S. 50 shares and extends this shortcoming. In the Board’s judgment, the anti-inflation provisions of the bill are too weak and too vague to be satisfactory. Nowhere are there workable safeguards against inflation. Instead, the bill has many provisions that would contribute further to conditions and practices that would likely result in an intensification o f upward price-pressures. Certainly one inflationary feature is the bill’s objective o f 3 per cent adult unemployment to be reached, and sustained, within 4 years following enactment. This is a most arbitrary target. Histori cally, a 3 percent adult unemployment rate is very low. Over the past 30 years, the jobless rate for those 18 and over has been in the neighborhood of 3 percent only during 1952-53 and 1968-69, years in which the number of men in the armed forces was over 3.5 mil lion—half again as high as the present level. Moreover, both o f these periods o f heightened economic activity were characterized by demand-pull inflationary pressures and were followed eventually by major recessions. Thus, our postwar experience has been that achieve ment of 3 percent unemployment is likely to be accompanied by substantial upward price-pressures and followed by economic de cline, rather than by sustained full employment. Some of the countercyclical and structural programs of S. 50 would be likely to introduce important new elements of inflationary bias into our economic system. A significant problem of many past stabilization programs has been timing. Although the bill calls for the establishment of triggers and allocation formulas, I believe it still unlikely that we would avoid the pitfall of applying the aid too late in an economic downturn and continuing it too far into a recovery, when the effect on price-pressures can be most pro nounced. Experience has shown that such defects in timing have been particularly marked in programs o f accelerated public works— one o f the bill’s recommended options. The inflationary implications of some o f the other suggested programs—including those to sta bilize State and local government budgets over the cycle and to ex tend unemployment insurance— also require careful evaluation. The major inflationary thrust from the countercyclical programs, however, would come from the specific provisions of this bill that make the Federal Government the employer o f last resort. While worthy in principle, the program as specified in S. 50 has a critical flaw. It requires the payment of prevailing wages, defined where applicable as the highest of the following: The Federal minimum wage, the State or local minimum wage, the prevailing wage in State or local government, or the prevailing wage in construction, as speci fied bv the Davis-Bacon Act. This program—and these wages—would have profound inflation ary consequences for several reasons. First, the program would re 40 suit in substantial cost-push pressures. Private labor markets would be tightened, and this would cause private employers to bid up wage rates in order to obtain and retain workers. Also, by making public jobs available at attractive wages as a matter of right, the program would encourage workers now employed in the private sector to press for even larger wage gains, or to transfer to governmental jobs. As an example, any construction project under this bill would pay the going union rate; but, since a large proportion of building in the United States is nonunion, this wage would be higher than many construction workers now receive and would provide for an alternative preferable to their existing jobs. Second, the employer of last resort program, as specified, would very likely come to generate significant demand-pull pressures on prices. Given our national reluctance to raise taxes sufficiently to cover increases in Government spending, the financing of the pro gram would tend to add to the Federal deficit—very substantially so, at some points in time. In this fiscal year, for example, the Fed eral Government is spending close to $3 billion to support some 320,000 public service employment jobs in State and local govern ment. The program proposed by S. 50 has the potential of being many times larger than this. Its attractive wage provisions would draw not only from the unemployed but also from those working part-time or at less desirable jobs, and from those not presently in the labor force, including retired persons, housewives, and students* The upper bound of potential participation cannot be estimated with any degree of accuracy. But it seems quite possible to me that several million jobs might come to be needed to employ all o f those seeking these positions at the relatively attractive rates of pay that would be offered. Far and away the most significant defect of the bill as far as in flation is concerned, however, results from the limitations it places on the exercise of monetary and fiscal policy. I f I interpret S. 50 correctly, such policies are to be directed solely to the achievement of the 3 percent unemployment goal until this target is reached. Only when that rate is below 3 percent can macro-economic tools be di rected in any degree to the problems o f inflation and economic in stability. Instead, these fundamental techniques of demand manage ment are to be supplanted in the bill by a series o f specific program initiatives. The list o f these substitute measures includes the follow ing: a comprehensive information system to monitor inflationary trends, programs to encourage greater supplies of goods, services and factors of production, export licensing, establishment of stockpile reserves of food and critical materials, encouragement to labor and management to raise productivity through voluntary action, and proposals to increase competition. Whatever the individual merits of these programs— and some are worthy of careful consideration— one fact is abundantly clear. They ao not constitute an effective policy of inflation control. We believe : be a most serious mistake to discard the use of mone* tary and fiscal policy for stabilization purposes without first findmg some ^nfective alternative means of constraining inflation on an 41 Moreover, the bill’s adoption of a trigger point with regard to economic goals simply does not provide a workable basis for em ploying accumulated knowledge about the behavior of the economy. It would not be practicable, in my view, to focus macroeconomic policies exclusively toward a full employment goal and then, at a given point, abruptly shift attention to the containment o f inflation. That is analogous to approach a stoplight at top speed, and then applying the brakes with equal vigor; the momentum would be sure to carry one into the intersection, or the deceleration to send one through the car’s windshield, or more probably both. There needs to be the latitude to modulate and balance policy objectives to changing economic circumstances if we are to have any hope of achieving a lasting economic prosperity. The changes required by the bill would go considerably beyond , narrowing the options for modulating macropolicy objectives in accord with perceived needs of the economy. They would also alter dramatically the features of the existing process for review and over sight of the monetary policy function. In this regard, I would like to direct my comments to two specific provisions. First, the President is required to recommend a particular plan for monetary policy and to submit it annually to the Congress along with his numerical goals for employment, production, and purchasing power. Second, within 15 days o f the President’s report, the Federal Reserve Board is re quired to submit its intended policies for the coming year to the ' Congress, indicating the extent to which its plans support the goals of S. 50 and providing justification for any variation from the Pres ident’s recommendations. ! The Federal Reserve Board strongly objects to these proposed new procedures on two grounds. First, they would alter the tradi tional relationship between the Congress, the Federal Reserve, and the executive branch in a way that could well prove detrimental to the economic well-being of the Nation; and, second, the procedures specified would seriously impair the current operational flexibility needed in the formulation and conduct of monetary policy. The Federal Reserve Act was carefully drawn to specify a rela tionship between the Congress and the Federal Reserve System that would serve to insulate the monetary authority from shortrun po litical pressures. This feature of the act stemmed from a wellfounded concern that excessive Government spending could be aided and abetted if the Executive were granted the authority to control a Nation’s money supply. The need to turn to private financial markets in order to finance deficit public spending performs an important function. The process o f financing shifts purchasing power from private savers to the Government, thus neutralizing much o f the potential inflationary effect o f deficit financing, while the necessity of finding willing in vestors imposes a market discipline on the scale o f such deficits. But even in the United States, where this discipline of the market has largely prevailed, the Federal budget has been in deficit every year but one since 1960. There is nothing in this record that suggests that we can relent in the battle to avoid excessive deficit financing. But instead S. 50 proposes to weaken one key safeguard against 42 inflationary public finance by introducing the executive branch ex plicitly and publicly into the making of monetary policy. And were the Congress to mandate these new procedures, it also would sig nificantly dilute its preeminent role in the oversight of the monetary process. Moreover, the proposed procedures for the planning and evalua tion of monetary policy are, for operational reasons, inferior to those now in place. Under House Concurrent Resolution 133, the Federal Reserve Board reports on economic and financial develop ments, and specifies its current expectations for a variety of mone tary aggregates on a quarterly schedule, alternately before the Bank ing Committees of the House and Senate. The great advantage of this reporting procedure is that it permits the Federal Reserve the flexibility necessary to adapt monetary policy to changing economic conditions. The procedures proposed in S. 50 would curtail such flexibility* There are two major changes in the existing process required. First, policy planning is moved from a quarterly to what would ef fectively be a 12- to 15-month reference period; and, second, there would appear to be a fixed commitment to longer-term plans for monetary policy in support of specified numerical national economic goals. On the basis of experience, the Board is convinced that these changes would make the proposed planning and evaluation process too rigid to be workable. As this committee is well aware, the ability of economists to forecast economic events for a year or more into the future with any high decree of reliability simply does not exist. Two rather notable recent illustrations of forecasting imprecision come quickly to mind: the extraordinarily high rates of inflation that developed in 1973 and 1974 that virtually no one foresaw, and the severity of the 1974-1975 recession, which was also quite unex pected. In either case, it would have been a serious error to adhere to outdated plans based upon economic forecasts that proved wide of the mark. In addition, the current state of knowledge about the relationship between movements in the monetary aggregates and real economic activity is not nearly so precise as the comments of some economists would have you believe. In recent quarters, for example, there ap pears to have been a dramatic reduction in tbe amount of money needed to accommodate the expansion in GNP. Under these cir cumstances, holding to a course of monetary growth that might have been suggested by historical relationships could have been quite damaging. Speculative activities would have been encouraged, thus sowing the seeds for future economic instability, and the foundation might well have been laid for a renewal of intensified inflationary pressures. Uncertainties about monetary and economic relationships require exceptional vigilance and flexibilitv by the Federal Reserve, and serve to point out the need for flexibility as an attribute of the mone tary policy process. Ours is a complex and dynamic economy; its linkages and responses are still imperfectly understood and probably always will be. Thus, in order to accomplish the obiectives of eco nomic stabilization, the formulation and conduct of monetary policy 43 need to retain their flexibility to adapt to unforeseen developments in our economic and financial system. Let me turn now to what this bill has to offer by way of improv ing the tradeoff between unemployment and inflation. High unemployment side by side with high rates of inflation pre sents the most difficult problem facing economic policymakers, not only in the United States, but throughout the world. The sources of this problem are far from fully understood, but an important part appears to be structural in nature and, therefore, relatively immune to monetary and fiscal policy. The bill properly recognizes the importance of structural problems and suggests a variety of programs to alleviate them. There are many such programs that might prove beneficial, but I believe that two broad areas deserve special emphasis. First are programs that would help increase competition in product and factor markets. There is need to reassess the effectiveness of our antitrust legislation— with regard to both business and labor practices—and the anti competitive effects of Federal regulation of all kinds. We need also to reexamine the costs and benefits of such federally mandated pro grams as the Davis-Bacon Act, the minimum wage for teenagers, and extended unemployment insurance. Second are programs that would serve to increase over time the employability of the jobless. We need better and more imaginative training programs and an im proved labor market information system that would match job va cancies with available people, perhaps on a national basis. Other programs are worthy of consideration. We should find ef fective ways to encourage more investment in productive plant and equipment, through stronger incentives and perhaps some revisions in the tax laws. We should stress programs to improve efficiency in both the private and public sectors. In this regard, incidentally, the Board would endorse the principle of zero*base budgeting, which appears to be contemplated by the feature of S. 50 requiring the review of one-fifth of all Federal government programs annually. A new emphasis on structural programs such as these, together with prudent monetary and fiscal policies, will provide our best hope for achieving the goals of the Employment Act of 1946. But the Board believes that S. 50, while reasserting these goals, would in the end be counterproductive in the effort to achieve them. The bill would release a powerful combination of demand-pull and cost-push pressures on prices. As has been demonstrated by the experience of many other countries—and, to a degree, by our own experience of recent years—rapid inflation can breed economic instability and ulti mately retard—not promote—the growth of productive jobs. I f we are truly to commit ourselves to the broad goals of the 1946 Act, we need programs and policies that achieve a greater balance among our economic objectives than is recognized in S. 50. [The complete statement follows:] Statem en t bt J . C h a r l e s P a s t e s , M e m b e r , B o ar d R eserve S y s t e m of G overnors of t h e F ederal I appreciate the opportunity to present the views of the Federal Reserve Board on S. 50, the “Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978." 73-365 0-76 -4 44 This bill would amend the Employment Act of 1946, which requires the Federal government to utilize all of its resources in order to foster conditions that “promote maximum employment, production and purchasing power.” The Federal Reserve Board fully recognizes its responsibility under the 1946 Act and has reported regularly to Congress on its efforts to further the objectives of the law. The central question facing Congress as it considers S. 50 is whether or not the proposed amendments will help advance the goals of the original Act. I am sorry to say that we do not believe they will. The bill is both too rigid and too inflationary and, on balance, would likely prove to be inconsistent with the long-term economic well-being of the nation. Unemployment has been a very serious problem recently in the United States, as in many other countries. But this condition is mainly a product of the recession, which in turn was caused by the excesses and imbalances that had developed earlier in the economy. With economic recovery, good progress is being made in restoring jobs, and the unemployment rate has dropped 1% percentage points over the past year. Substantial further progress is necessary in creating new job opportunities, thereby reducing unemployment and providing for the absorption of a steadily growing labor force. This must be a primary objective of governmental eco nomic policy. It is also of crucial importance, however, that wTe avoid re creating the conditions that led to the past recession, and could do so again. This means that continued attention must be directed to questions of economic structure and balance, including avoidance of the extremely injurious effects of rapid inflation. We at the Board are gravely concerned that the net effect of S. 50 would t>e to add substantially to the inflationary bias already evident in the per formance of the nation’s economy, without generating a lasting increase in productive employment opportunities. The events of recent years have demon strated again that rapid inflation can undermine prosperity and exacerbate unemployment. The inflation of 1973 and 1974, with its adverse effects on real incomes, attitudes and the quality of economic decision-making, was a major force contributing to the subsequent deep economic recession. It should be clear from this experience that such conditions exact their toll in terms of economic inequity and social discontent. The American people have become painfully aware of the costs of inflation and of the need to control it. It is of critical importance, we believe, that the containment of inflation l>e recognized explicitly as a national objective inseparable from the goals of maximum employment and production. Indeed, a principal flaw in the 1946 Act is its failure to identify clearly price stability as a long-run economic goal. S. 50 shares and extends this shortcoming. In the Board’s judgment, the anti-inflation provisions of the bill are too weak and too vague to be satis factory. Nowhere are there workable safeguards against inflation. Instead, the bill has many provisions that would contribute further to conditions and practices that would likely result in an intensification of upward price pressure*. Certainly one inflationary feature is the bill’s objective of 3 per cent adult unemployment to be reached, and sustained, within four years following enactment. This is a most arbitrary target. Historically, a 3 per cent adult unemployment rate is very low. Over the past 30 years, the jobless rate for been in tlle neighborhood of 3 per cent only during and 1968-09, years in which the number of men in the armed forces 3% million—half again as high as the present level. Moreover, both iii« heightened economic activity were characterized by demandpull inflationary pressures and were followed eventually by major recessions, iiuis, our postwar experience has been that achievement of 3 per cent unemaccompanied by substantial upward price pressures i* Leconomic decline, rather than by sustained full emplovment. of a rigid unemployment goal ignores the dynamic ti* can *al>or force. The jobless rate of a decade or so ago the 7tSnl? 8Las the carrent rate’ principally because of Fpdmi *orce and the more literal nature of our enVmnta labor force has relatively more new ^ the yoxm* ' and married women—than it did !• S * e h4gber **tes of joblessness as they search^ often intermittently and through trial and error-for a satisfactory job. It is ofhTn 45 reasonable to think that this has biased the official jobless rate in an upward direction. Indeed, the fact that the bill sets forth an unemployment target while making no mention of a comparable specific objective with regard to inflation is illustrative of its uneven treatment of these two economic problems. I would not urge that any fixed target for short-run price behavior be set; the meaning of an inflation rate, in its own way, can be as changeable as the meaning of a jobless rate. My purpose simply is to point out the bias of S. 50 in favor of one important national goal at the expense of another. Some of the countercyclical and structural programs of S. 50 are likely to introduce important new elements of inflationary bias into our economic sys tem. A significant problem of many past stabilization programs has been timing. Although the bill calls for the establishment of triggers and allocation formu las, I believe it still unlikely that we would avoid the pitfall of applying the aid too late in an economic downturn and continuing it too far into a recovery, when the effect on price pressures can be most pronounced. Experience has shown that such defects in timing have been particularly marked in programs of accelerated public works—one of the bill’s recommended options. The inflationary implications of some of the other suggested programs—including those to stabilize State and local government budgets over the cycle and to extend unemployment insurance—also require careful evaluation. The major inflationary thrust from the countercyclical programs, however, would come from the specific provisions of this bill that make the Federal gov ernment the employer of last resort. While worthy in principle, the program as specified in S. 50 has a critical flaw. It requires the payment of prevailing wages, defined where applicable as the highest of the following: the Federal minimum wage, the State or local minimum wage, the prevailing wage in State or local government, or the prevailing wage in construction as specified by the Davis-Bacon Act. This program—and these wages—would have profound inflationary con sequences for several reasons. First, the program would result in substantial cost-push pressures. Private labor markets would be tightened, and this would cause private employers to bid up wage rates in order to obtain and retain workers. Also, by making public jobs available at attractive wages as a matter of right, the program would encourage workers now employed in the private sector to press for even larger wage gains, or to transfer to govern mental jobs. As an example, any construction project under this bill would pay the going union rate; but since a large proportion of building in the U.S. is nonunion, this wage would be higher than many construction workers now receive and would provide an alternative preferable to their existing jobs. Second, the employer at last resort program, as specified, would very likely come to generate significant demand-pull pressures on prices. Given our na tional reluctance to raise taxes sufficiently to cover increases in government spending, the financing of the program would tend to add to the Federal deficit—very substantially so, at some points in time. In this fiscal year, for example, the Federal government is spending close to I $3 billion to support some 320,000 public service employment jobs in State ,and local government. The program proposed by S. 50 has the potential of being many times larger than this. Its attractive wage provisions would draw hot only from the un employed but also from those working part-time or at less desirable jobs, and from those not presently in the labor force, including retired persons, house wives and students. The upper bound of potential participation cannot be estimated with any degree of accuracy. But it seems quite possible that sev eral million jobs might come to be needed to employ all of those seeking these positions at the relatively attractive rates of pay that would be offered. Such a program might therefore involve $30 billion or more in outlays at current average pay scales. I might note also that we have learned from the existing public service employment programs that cost offsets in terms of reduced trans fer payments under other programs may not be as large as is often thought. Only nbout one-fourth of public service program enrollees in 1975 had been receiving unemployment insurance or public assistance prior to participation in the program. Far and away the most significant defect of the bill as far as inflation is concerned, however, results from the limitations it places on the exercise of 46 monetary and fiscal policy. If I Interpret S. 50 correctly, such policies are to be directed solely to the achievement of the 3 per cent unemployment goal until this target is reached. Only when that rate is below 3 per cent can macroeconomic tools be directed in any degree to the problems of inflation and eco nomic instability. Instead, these fundamental techniques of demand manage ment used throughout the world in governmental efforts to combat inflation as well as unemployment—are to be supplanted in the bill by a series of spe cific program initiatives. The list of these substitute measures includes the following: a comprehensive information system to monitor inflationary trends; programs to encourage greater supplies of goods, services and factors of pro duction; export licensing; establishment of stockpile reserves of food and critical materials; encouragement to labor and management to raise produc tivity through voluntary action; and proposals to increase competition. Whatever the individual merits of these programs—and some are worthy of careful consideration—one fact is abundantly clear. They do not constitute an effective policy of inflation control. We believe that it would be a most serious mistake to discard the use of monetary and fiscal policy for stabilization pur poses without first finding some effective alternative means of constraining in flation on an enduring basis. Moreover, the bill’s adoption of a trigger point with regard to economic goals simply does not provide a workable basis for employing accumulated knowl edge about the behavior of the economy. It would not be practicable, in my view, to focus macro-economic policies exclusively toward a full employment goal and then, at a given point, abruptly shift attention to the containment of inflation. That is analogous to approaching a stoplight at top speed, and then applying the brakes with equal vigor; the momentum would be sure to carry one into the intersection, or the deceleration to send one through the car’s windshield, or more probably both. There needs to be the latitude to modulate and balance policy objectives to changing economic circumstances if we are to have any hope of achieving a lasting economic prosperity. The changes required by the bill would go considerably beyond narrowing the options for modulating macro-policy objectives in accord with perceived needs of the economy. They would also alter dramatically the features of the existing process for review and oversight of the monetary policy function. In this regard, I would like to direct my comments to two specific provisions. First, the President is required to recommend a particular plan for monetary policy and to submit it annually to the Congress along with his numerical goals for employment, production and purchasing power. Second, within 15 days of the President’s report, the Federal Reserve Board is required to submit Its intended policies for the coming year to the Congress, indicating the extent to which its plans support the goals of S. 50 and providing justification for aion»Va n *rom President’s recommendations. TTie Federal Reserve Board strongly objects to these proposed new pro cedures on two grounds: (1) they would alter the traditional relationship between the Congress, the Federal Reserve and the Executive Branch in a way a prove detrimental to the economic well-being of the nation, a l.proce^ ires specified would seriously impair the current operai ^Reeded in the formulation and conduct of monetary policy. ^ deserve Act was carefully drawn to specify a relationship be tween the Congress and the Federal Reserve System that would serve to insuY *u*hority from short-run political pressures. This feature I a well founded concern that excessive government thnritv ^ a*ded an<J abetted if the executive were granted the authftt a J1’8 money Tt is a fact of economic history massivp have come under great pressure to engage in ieona rfiJS f l l time or another, even though this patently the inflflHrmnpv he*].th the <*°nomy. History also is replete with in to such t e m W f t ve followed when governments have given to Siinnlv thp slmT)ly nm the Pointing presses in order t0 finance their deficits. \! public spend!n? S r fJ L 1! T e ^ anclftl markets in «^er to finance deficit m u c h 2 lmT>ort,Lnt faction. The process of financing shifts Z effeCt 0f dcficit while the necessity of finding willing savers to the government, thus neutralizing or nnmng willing investors imposes a market discipline on the scale of such 47 deficits. But even in the United States, where this discipline has largely pre vailed, the Ueuerai budget has been in deficit every year but one since 1960. There is nothing in this record that suggests that we can relent in the battle to avoid excessive deficit financing. But instead S. 50 proposes to weaken one key saieguard against inflationary public finance by introducing the Execu tive Branch explicitly and publicly into the making of monetary policy. And were the Congress to mandate these new procedures, it also would significantly dilute its preeminent role in the oversight of the monetary policy process. Moreover, the proposed procedures for the planning and evaluation of monetary policy are, for operational reasons, inferior to those now in place. Under House Concurrent Resolution 133, the Federal Reserve Board reports on economic and financial developments, and specifies its current expectations for a variety of monetary aggregates on a quarterly schedule, alternately before the Banking Committees of the House and Senate. The great advantage of this reporting procedure is that it permits the Federal Reserve the flexibility necessary to adapt monetary policy to changing economic conditions. The procedures proposed in S.50 would curtail such flexibility. There are two major changes in the existing process required by S. 50: (1) policy planning is moved from a quarterly to what would effectively be a 12 to 15-month reference period, and (2) there would appear to be a fixed commitment to longer-term plans for monetary policy in support of specified numerical national economic goals. On the basis of experience, the Board is convinced that these changes would make the proposed planning and evalua tion process too rigid to be workable. As this Committee is aware, the ability of economists to forecast economic events for a year or more into the future with any high degree of reliability simply does not exist. Two rather notable recent illustrations of forecasting imprecision come quickly to mind: the extraordinarily high rates of inflation that developed in 1JT<3 and 1974 that virtually no one foresaw, and the severity of the 1974-75 recession, which was also quite unexpected. In either case, it would have been a serious error to adhere to outdated plans based upon economic forecasts that proved to be wide of the mark. In addition, the current state of knowledge about the relationship between movements in the monetary aggregates and real economic activity is not nearly so precise as the comments of some economists would have you believe. In recent quarters, for example, there appears to have been a dramatic reduction in the amount of money needed to accommodate the expansion in GNP. Under these circumstances, holding to a course of monetary growth that might have "been suggested by historical money/GNP relationships could have been quite damaging. Speculative activities would have been encouraged, thus sowing the seeds for future economic instability, and the foundation might well have been laid for a renewal of intensified inflationary pressures. Technical and financial innovations, accompanied by regulatory changes, undoubtedly have accounted in part for the slower growth in the narrowlydefined money stock. For example, the spread of overdraft checking account credit privileges, increased use of credit cards to facilitate transactions, and the introduction of savings accounts at commercial banks for business firms all have tended to encourage greater economizing in the use of currency and checking account balances. These effects could not have been estimated with any accuracy in advance, however, and in any event, I do not think that they provide a complete explanation. The fact is that there is a potential for shortrun volatility in monetary relationships that can make economic forecasts based on monetary inputs quite treacherous. These uncertainties about monetary and economic relationships require exceptional vigilance and flexibility by the Federal Reserve, and serve to point out the need for flexibility as an attribute of the monetary policy process. Ours is a complex and dynamic economy; its linkages and responses are still imperfectly understood and probably always will be. Thus, in order to accomplish the objectives of economic stabilization, the formulation and conduct of monetary policy need to retain their flexibility to adapt to unfore seen developments in our economic and financial system. For these reasons we believe the provisions of S. 50 with respect to the monetary policy planning process would serve to impair the contribution the Federal Reserve can make in helping to achieve our national economic goals. 48 Let me turn now to what this bill has to offer by way of improving the trade-off between unemployment and inflation. We have alt painfully learned that the unemployment-infiation trade-off— which is generally thought to be shaped by our human and material resources, our economic institutions and processes, and our social practices and aspira tions—has grown distinctly more unfavorable in recent years. A simple but useful illustration of this deterioration is the so-called discomfort index, which adds together the unemployment rate and the rate of increase in consumer prices. Last year, that index was 15.6, while a decade ago it was 6.4 and two decades ago 4.8. High unemployment side by side with high rates of inflation presents the most difficult problem facing economic policymakers, not only in the United States but throughout the world. The sources of this problem are far from fully understood, but an important part appears to be structural in nature and, therefore, relatively immune to monetary and fiscal policy. A look at the composition of unemployment figures illustrates some of the structural impediments in labor markets. Groups experiencing the greatest barriers— discrimination, marginal skills, location in depressed areas—have jobless rates well above the national average, even when the economy is not in a recession. For example, in the pre-recession year of 1973, when the national average unemployment rate was 4.9 percent, black joblessness was 8.9 percent, while 14.5 percent of all teenagers in the labor force were unemployed. The bill properly recognizes the importance of structural problems and suggests a variety of programs to alleviate them. There are many such pro grams that might prove beneficial, but I believe that two broad areas deserve special emphasis. First are programs that would help increase competition in product and factor markets. There is need to reassess the effectiveness of our antitrust legislation—with regard to both business and labor practices— and the anti-competitive effects of Federal regulation of all kinds. We need also to reexamine the costs and benefits of such Federally mandated programs as the Davis-Bacon Act, the minimum wage for teenagers and extended unemployment insurance. Second are programs that would serve to increase over time the employability of the jobless. We need better and more imagina tive training programs and an improved labor market information system that would match job vacancies with available people, perhaps on a national basis. Other programs are worthy of consideration. We should find effective ways to encourage more investment in productive plant and equipment, through stronger incentives and perhaps some revisions in the tax laws. We would stress programs to improve efficiency in both the private and public sectors. In this regard, the Board would endorse the principle of zero-base budgeting, which appears to be contemplated by the feature of S. 50 requiring the review of one-fifth (by dollar value) of all Federal government programs annually. A new emphasis on structural programs such as these, together with prudent monetary and fiscal policies, will provide our best hope for achieving the goals of the Employment Act of 1946. But the Board believes that S. 50, while reasserting these goals, would in the end be counterprodxictive in the effort to achieve them. The bill would release a powerful combination of demandpull and cost-push pressures on prices* As has been demonstrated by the experience of recent years—rapid inflation can breed economic instability and ultimately retard—not promote—the growth of productive jobs. If we are truly to commit ourselves to the broad goals of the 1946 Act, we need programs and policies that achieve a greater balance among our economic objectives than is recognized in S. 50. The O h a t k m a x . T want to thank both yon gentlemen very much Chairman Greenspan. nobody can say no with greater effective quiet elegance than you can, as yon have proved once again this mormnor. * TM like to start off, though, bv asking von, Mr. Chairman, why von ha ve snoh a strong opposition to setting a eoal, seftin " a target? isnt that the wav every successful company operates? TSvery suc cessful corporation sets goals and targets. People who achieve any 49 thing in life usually set a goal and aim for it. If that goal isn’t defi nite and understood there’s no basis for effectively evaluating per formance. It’s much easier for people if they don’t have a goal set for them, if they’re not measured then they can deny they are fall ing short. If we’re going to have a reduction in unemployment and make real progress, why shouldn’t we set this goal ? You concentrate a lot of your attention on the mischief of setting a goal. Maybe the goal is too low. Maybe 3 percent is too low. Maybe it’s not balanced. Maybe we should also have a goal on inflation. But I don’t understand why you would criticize having any goal at all. Why ? Mr. Greenspan. Mr. Chairman, I’m not against goals and I cer tainly agree with you that one cannot achieve anything without a specific idea of purpose, direction and ultimate objective. My ob jection is to a specific numerical goal. A goal does not have to be numerical to be concrete, objective, and clear. The Chairman. Give me an example. Mr. Greenspan. Yes. A goal should essentially be such that one can determine the nature of the policies required to implement the goal. Our appropriate goal should be the lowest level of unemploy ment that is sustainable in a balanced sense over the longer run. Now the reason I choose words is that they are concrete. True enough, they do need and require interpretation, but I think the be lief that a specific numerical goal somehow significantly alters that situation or aids us in interpreting the overall goal is mistaken. My basic concern is that setting a specific numerical goal as dis tinct from another form of goal actually could be counterproductive to the process itself. The Chairman. Yes, but what you have just given us is not a specific or a definite clear-cut, understandable goal. It’s ambiguous. It means all things to all people. Some people might argue that 7 percent is the best we can do on unemployment. Some would say 5 percent. Some would say 3 percent. Some would say less. Mr. Greenspan. No. I know of no economists at this stage who would look at the existing level of unemployment, its structure, the degree of underutilization of resources, and who would specify that anything in the area of 7 or 7y2 percent comes under that category. The reason I think that we-----The Chairman. It comes under the category of------Mr. Greenspan. The category of full employment or sustainable balanced—the achievement of a goal as I would have specified. The belief that somehow using a single number solves the problem of evaluating whether we have reached a sustainable level of full em ployment, I believe, is an illusion. Is it the statistic we are achieving? In other words, is it the goal of governmental policy to achieve a certain state which means that every month on the first Friday of the month the Bureau of Labor Statistics releases a number of adult unemployment of 3 percent or less I I submit that is not, cannot and should not be our goal because the mere achieving of the statistic, per se, is not what we really have 50 in mind. What concerns me is that if we focus our efforts on achieve ment of a number we are apt to initiate policies which would be counterproductive to what we really mean by full employment in a very broad sense. The Chairman. Well, I would agree that it would be insane to just say the only thing that counts is getting adult unemployment down to 3 percent if we get everything else. I don’t think we would ever administer a goal with that in mind. It would be only one of a number of measures of failure or success. We have a housing goal now and some people regret we do have that goal. In my view it’s been very helpful in evaluating our work in this committee. Even if we fall short, we may be making progress, but it’s very, very help ful to have some specific number of that kind. We could argue that our unemployment performance is poorer than any large industrial country, with the possible exception of Canada which, of course, is almost part of our economy. Senator Tower. So is our capital investment. The Chairman. That’s right. But at any rate, I just don’t under stand why there’s this strong feeling about it. Now the Nixon ad ministration did propose a specific target for inflation back in 1973. They wanted a percent inflation level at that point. Incidentally, I put in an amendment for a 4 percent unemployment goal. It passed this committee. It passed the Senate. It was dropped in conference, but that has been considered by this committee and by the Senate and accepted as a principle, that we could have an unemployment goal. Mr. Greenspan. Mr. Chairman, let me just say that if you had a specific numerical goal which did not in fact impede appropriate policy. I could see no reason to be against it. Unfortunately, a goal as a number can actually be counterproductive in the following way, as I think I pointed out in my prepared testimony: Namely, that if you have a preset numerical goal significantly distant from where you currently are, and you find that when you get down to that goal you find that conditions are such that you still have further leewav to so lower, obviously we should and would go lower. On tne other hand, if the goal is set and as we approach it we find i?* ninn*n# *n*° inflationary imbalances and other difficulties which would eventually increase unemployment it would be a mis take to attempt to achieve that numerical goal in any context that I can conceive of. The pressure to endeavor to achieve the numerical goal simply because we have adopted it may well be overwhelming and that would be wrong policy. The Chatrman. Well, with all respect, Mr. Chairman, it seems to me that if you were an economist for a corporation and you said that we shouldn t set a goal for our sales or a goal for our produc tion because we ought to be measured in these general terms you want to measure our national economy in, this wouldn’t be verv acceptable by most effective and efficient managers of that corpora tion. They would insist on a specific goal. I can’t understand any real fundamental reason why this great Nation of ours shouldn’t 51 have something like that same kind of target, as I say, without ac cepting it as something that is a sacrosanct and must be achieved at all costs, but as a measure, as a basis for determining whether or not we are making progress. Mr. Greenspan. Mr. Chairman, we would have no objection to a number if it were appropriately qualified, but I suggest that when you incorporate the necessary qualifications you eventually end up with very much the same sort of formulation. The Chairman. You qualify it. How would you qualify it? Mr. Greenspan. I would qualify it in the way in which I. did. I would set a goal of, say, blank percent provided that it were dear ly conditional upon a whole list of qualifications. I would say that the qualifications substantially override and in a sense make rather meaningless the numerical goal. The Chairman. Would you give us some specific language along that line? It would be very helpful. Mr. Greenspan. I do not believe that there is a unique full-employment unemployment rate which we should expect to hold under all circumstances. The minimum unemployment rate consistent with the absence of an acceleration of the rate of inflation depends upon many factors which vary over time, such as the demographic com position of the labor force, public policies that influence the incen tive to work and many others. As an example we might look at the way in which the economics profession has evaluated the unemployment rate in the fairly recent past. In the early 1960’s, for example, it was frequently said that the 4.1 percent unemployment rate attained in 1956 constituted a set of conditions in the economy that was a close approximation to full employment. Whether this rough rule-of-thumb assessment was correct or not, we might use it as a point of departure. Since 1956, there has been a substantial growth in the proportion of youths and married women working in the labor force. For many reasons which have been analyzed fully elsewhere women and teenagers tend to have higher rates of unemployment than adult men. Consequently, even in the absence of other factors the change in the demographic composition of the labor force between 1956 and today alone has operated to increase aggregate average unemployment rates by an amount which most observers estimate to be slightly less than one percentage point. This, of course, assumes that the shift in the com position of unemployment does not affect the relative “ full employ ment” level of each demographic group. I f so, and if 4.1 percent constituted full employment in 1956 a comparable rate today would appear to be somewhere in the neighborhood of 5 percent. In addition the expanded social programs of the last two decades the expansion of coverage and benefits under unemployment com pensation, AFDC, and food stamps have reduced the financial bur den of being unemployed. In addition, other factors such as the in crease in the proportion of families with more than one adult job holder and the increase in family savings and wealth, have also reduced the hardships of temporary unemployment. Although we know these effects exist and may be substantial, they ,are difficult to 52 quantify. As a consequence, most jobless are not as hard pressed as in earlier periods to take the first job available and can spend more time in job search. This tends to increase the measured unemploy ment rates. Undoubtedlv other factors have operated to reduce unemployment rates. The rising educational level of the labor force, the decline in regional and structural unemployment problems, and improvements in labor markets information are believed by some to have operated to reduce the full-employment level of unemployment. Moreover, some of the demographic changes which have tended to lift un employment rates in the past will soon begin to operate in the oppo site direction, as, for example, the decline in the birth rate which began in the late 1950’s begins to reduce the proportion of young people in the labor force. I frankly do not know how low a rate of unemployment may be achieved on a sustained basis in the future. Instead of guessing what this rate may be, it seems far preferable to me to proceed by pursuing economic recovery as fast as is consistent with the avoidance of a reignition of inflationary presures. When the unemployment rate has been reduced further, ana we are closer to the area where these difficult choices must be faced, we will be much better able to judge or to assess the economic conditions developing at that time—and to fashion economic policies to suit those needs. The Chairman. It seems to me the heart of the problem, at least a big part of the problem, is to put the unemployed to work without exerting inflationary pressure on wages. I think both you and Mr. Partee dealt with that and dealt with it intelligently. Obviously, Dr. Bums, the Chairman of the Federal Reserve oBard, doesn’t feel it would be inflationary necessarily or unsound economic policy to have the Government serve as an employer of last resort because he proposed exactly that; but he proposed it with a wage which would be very low. What I would like to suggest to you is that you consider the possi bility of having the Government as an employer of last resort with a wage that would not be as high as specified in the bill. I would agree that the prevailing wage would be automatically inflationary. As Dr. Burns testified here, it would mean that you couldn’t run most small businesses that hire people at close to the minimum wage because they would move into the more attractive jobs that pay more. Why couldn’t we have something like we have ini the CETA legislation that provides for the prevailing entry wage which is considerably lower than the prevailing wage as a compromise! It would mean that we would be able than to pay the people in public service work less than in the private sector. They would have an incen tive for working and a reward for working:, but they would also have an incentive to work in the private sector because they would pet still r l t ^ i T T 116 comT).roT™se' something in that area— because I think you would agree with me that it’s better to have people workinptha" to have them idle on welfare or unemployment compensation. Mr. Grernsfak. Given those as choices, Mr. Chairman, I would e question, however, is what constitutes * lob? Dries merely putting somebody on a payroll make that a fofe, as distinct from say unemployment insurance for which they also 53 receive payment? The critical question, with respect to the public service type of employment—which is implied in S. 50—is whether in fact you have the infrastructure to back up the employment expan sion. By that, I mean the appropriate type of facilities, the type of equipment which enables that type of job to produce a level of output which justifies even a minimal level of wage to be paid. If you are going to have a program of this sort, certainly you would want the wage to be as close as conceivable to the worth of the real output of that job. There are numerous problems that we find in the whole concept of employer of last resort. Certainly, the type of constitutional amend ment which I believe, the Chairman of the Federal Reserve has advo cated would basically make it very difficult to get a wage high enough to create the problems which you suggest. It still, however, doesn’t come to grips with the essential difficulties that we find in the concept of employer of last resourt. These are related both to the nature of unemployment, that is, its duration and turnover and, to the necessity to have the tools on the capital equipment in place to insure that those jobs will have sufficient level of productivity. The C h a ir m a n . I have some questions on that. My time is up. Senator Tower. Senator T o w e r . Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Greenspan, in your prepared testimony, you say we do not have experience with the large-scale public employment projects contemplated in S. 50. Millions of jobs would have to be funded under these programs in order to reduce the adult unemployment rate, as measured statistically, 3 percent. Can you give us an estimate of what the cost to the taxpayer would be on an annual basis when this pro* gram reached full function ? Mr. G r e e n s p a n . It’s very difficult at this stage to make that evalua tion, Senator. It’s a very large number and it depends on a wide variety of other assumptions. I will attempt to put in the record some rough estimate if we can come up with one which has some meaning. The .difficulty largely rests not only on the initial costs involved should we go to large public service employment, but also on the terribly im portant Secondary effects on the economy overall. The budgetary costs per se will obviously be very substantially dependent upon all the sec ondary effects as well. Consequently, while I would say that without qualification the number would be very large* I ’m not sure that that’s the sole criterion you should look at. The bill has vastly more important implications about the way our labor market operates, the nature of free collective bargaining processes, the question of noninflationary growth, and continued high and improving standards of living. Senator T o w e r . I ’m sure the means by which you try to establish an estimate will be imprecise at best. If you could mull this over and present us with some ball park figures or perhaps alternative figures based on different assumptions and projections of conditions and cir cumstances, I think it would be enormously helpful to us. Mr. G r e e n sp a n . An estim ate o f th e lik e ly b u d g e ta r y co st at fu ll fr u it io n o f th e la rg e -sca le p u b lic serv ice em p lo y m e n t (PSE) p ro g ra m 54 that would be needed to satisfy the goals of the proposed Full Employ ment and Balanced Growth Act (£5. 50) would depend critically on a variety of assumptions as to the state of the economy, and the specific characteristics of the program. At this juncture it is impossible to estimate the cost of such a program with any precision. The only substantive program characteristic contained in S. 50 at present is the specification that the wage level to be paid in the PSE slots is to be either the minimum wage or the prevailing wage, whichever is higher. These characteristics, however, will have an extremely important in fluence upon the eventual program costs. Even more important, one must make assumptions about the response elasticities of the labor force, and the behavior of public employers and private employers when confronted with a massive program never previously experi enced in the United States. The evidence required to make these judge ments does not exist at present. Consequently, the best one can hope to offer are very broad and very tentative orders of magnitude which are in turn based upon highly qualitative overall economic assump tions. Currently the Federal budget cost per PSE job is about $10,000. Under the prevailing wage rule this might be a lower bound estimate of the average cost per job funded in 1980, measured in 1976 dollars. Any cost calculation must start with where unemployment would have been without the program. If the unemployment rate were at 3 percent, a highly unlikely possibility, there would be little if any costs incurred by S. 50 as there would be no large scale PSE program. A public service employment program would have to provide for a net increase in total employment of about 1 million for each percentage point above 3 percent that the unemployment rate would otherwise be. In addition, however, there are several factors which make it certain that a much larger number of PSE jobs will have to be funded in order to achieve each net reduction of 1 percentage point in the unemployment rate. To some extent State and local governments will respond to the program by using PSE-funded workers for job slots now funded out of State and local revenue sources. The evidence for the small scale PSE programs we have had in recent years indicate high replacement or substitution effects ranging from 0.5 all the way up to 0.9. Although we have had no experience with massive PSE programs, most ob servers woud agree that the replacement effects would be less serious but still very substantial. Some observers would probably place the replacement effect as low as 0.3 while others wrould place it higher, perhaps as high as 0.6 of the total number of jobs funded. In an arith metic sense the replacement or substitution effect alone would mean that somewhere in the neighborhood of 1.5 million PSE jobs would have to be funded to create each million new jobs. Moreover, the very existence of the program would increase the mmber of people looking for work and add further to the number of PSE job slcrt;s which would have to be funded. Many persons currently outside the labor force because their earning potential is less than the prevailing wage for PSE jobs should be expected to enter the labor force. Jobe would have to be created for these persons. In addition, workers earning wages below the level specified in PSE jobs or who are now employed m less pleasant jobs would have an incentive to leave their job, become unemployed for a few weeks, and then apply 55 for a PSE job. As workers are attracted from the private to the pub lic sector the lowest existing wage in the private sector would rise to the wage level in PSE job slots. This would mean a smaller number of jobs in the private sector and a need to fund a corespondingly larger number of PSE jobs. We lack good estimates of these two response elasticities of workers to the PSE program. Beyond constructing rough examples it is not possible to ascertain the extent to which the labor force would increase or the extent to which those employed in the private sector would seek PSE job slots. However, the overall working age population is about 150 million so that even low response elasticities imply very large budget costs. For each additional percentage point of the working age population attracted to the labor force roughly 1.5 million public sector jobs would have to be created. After allowance for the replace ment effect this would mean that more than 2.0 million additional jobs would have to be funded for each percentage point increase in the pro portion of the working age population attracted into the labor force. Combining these effects would suggest that a net reduction in un employment of 1 million via a large scale public service employment program would require a very large number of PSE job slots to be funded. The total number of job slots to be funded—for each percentage point reduction in the unemployment rate—would rise to 3.5 mil lion if one makes the assumption that the number of workers attracted into the labor force is equivalent to 1 percentage point of the working age population. In addition allowance should also be made for the tendency for the higher level of wages in the PSE programs to attract workers from lower wage private sector jobs to the public sector because this will also add to the gross number of jobs funded in order to achieve any given net reduction in unemployment. Without knowing more of the detailed program characteristics of the PSE program the orders of magnitude of this shift are extremely uncertain. Employment in the private sector is now more than 70 million, however, and it is reason able to expect that these responses will not be trivial. Consequently we are inclined to regard the above order of magnitude as a lower bound or minimum estimate. These budgetary costs will, of course, be offset to some extent, though estimates of these offsets are also uncertain. Each percentage point reduction in the unemployment rate would reduce unemployment in surance and welfare costs but the reductions will be progressively smaller as the unemployment rate returns to more normal levels. More over, reduction in the unemployment rate result in an enlargement of Federal tax revenues, but the revenue offset will also become pro gressively smaller as the economy returns to more normal employ ment levels. Nonetheless, even after making generous allowance for the off.sets, any reasonable estimate would place the net budget costs of the Humphrey-Hawkins approach in the tens of billions of dollars. Senator T o w e r . Is it correct to say that inflation and inflationary expectations are themselves a cause of recession ? Mr. G reenspan. I think the evidence is very clear on that. The answer is yes. The effect of inflation and inflationary expectations, as far as consumers are concerned, is to cause a degree of uncertainty 56 over their capacity to meet ever-increasing fixed costs for food, rent, utilities and the like. Thus, inflation tends to make them pull back, or postpone at least, purchases of large, big ticket consumer items. The virtual collapse of the automobile market, homebuilding and the like, in late 1974, clearly indicates that. In the business sector, inflation creates inflationary expectations and a higher risk premium deferring investment. I think there, too, its effect is negative. A very classic ex ample is the situation we have just been through. Our recent inflation was the major cause of the 1974*75 recession. In fact I would even go further to say that inflation is probably the greatest potential destroyer of iobs in the economy. Senator Tow er. Inflationary expectations also are a part of the motivation behind the high inventory buildups; aren’t they. That is to say, that the inventories were built up before the price increases in expectation that prices would rise ? Mr. Greenspan. Yes, that was part of it. However, most of the buildup I think----Senator Tow er. Is a result of buyer resistance ? Mr. Greenspan. Yes. It was very largely a cyclical phenomenon, much of which was due to the collapse of final demand, but unquestion ably, inflationary expectations were a factor. Senator Tower. You state without the investment required to pro duce the jobs and the productivity growth we wall not achieve the increasing standard of living to which we have become accustomed. I have been concerned that one of the most critical problems that confront us today in terms of our economic growth is a canital short fall and I have frenuine fears that we will not be able to develop the capital availability in the private sector that’s necessary to sustain a satisfactory rate of economic growth in the future. Do you see anything in that bill which would stimulate much needed capital investment? Mr. Greenspan. On the basis of studies that the Federal Govern ment has embarked upon in the last 6 or 9 months, we concluded that larger capital investment is needed to sustain the sharp rises in em ployment necessary to achieve full employment. If we are to meet our goal of full employment, plus the large additional capital require ments for energy, environmental concerns, et cetera, we will reonire a substantial increase in the proportion of capital investment to GNP over the next several years. I f we are successful in bringing down the Federal deficit and the claims of the Federal Government on our pool of savings, I believe we can achieve the capital investment reauired to meet our croaks. If, however, we continue with the very substantial Federal deficits, I suspect that we are going to find we will have an incapacity to achieve our capital investment roals. This will mean inore inflation and instability, less real growth and I fear an inability to aschieve a sus tainable low level of unemployment. Senator Tow er. Then do you see a potential in this bill fo** its being counterpttxtuchve in terms of capital expansion in the private sector? Mr* ( t r e e n s p a n . Yes, sir. I see nothin* in this bill which in any way 01Ir v^t° mee* our car>ital investment needs, v * ? - Governor Partee, would you care to comment on 57 Mr. P a rte e . I agree with the Chairman. There are some provisions in the bill that would provide perhaps some incentive for investment in high unemployment areas. There’s one section that has some of that in it, I believe, but that would be trivial in stimulative effect compared with the unfavorable effect of much heavier Government borrowing associated with the larger deficit, and the sapping of ex pectations and incentives that would come from the kind of labor markets that business firms would have to deal with. So I think the net effect of the bill would be to depress private investment rather than to raise it. Senator Tower. Thank you, Governor. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The C h airm an . Mr. Greenspan, you were talking about public serv ice jobs not being productive or not being productive enough to war rant the kind of wages which the bill calls for and therefore having an inflationary effect. I have some sympathy for that, but it seems to me that many of the jobs in the public sector could be highly pro ductive and it seems to me it would be perfectly proper and logical to allocate a wage which would be sufficient to provide a reward for work and at the same time be a reflection of productivity. For example, in the health services, in parks and recreation, in such mass transit needs as constructing railroad beds, various environmental protection measures requiring a colossal amount of manpower and w'ork and effort are quite productive. We had an experience with this in the thirties with the CCCs when the young men went out and weren’t paid very much but they planted trees and they took other action that was enormously productive for our country, for our soil, and for our environment in general, not to speak of tne fact that it had fine hu manitarian effects and personal effects on the people involved. Now those people were paid very little, something like $25 a month or maybe less, but I think that experience suggests that it’s not im proper to consider a public service job a job that can be productive for the society and for the economy and warrant reasonable pay. Mr. G reen sp an . Mr. Chairman, I think you have to differentiate the ongoing types of the job slots that exist in State and local govern ments, which I think are largely confronted by the CETA funding as it now stands. The types of jobs we're talking about are of necessity batch-tvpe projects-----The C h airm a n . What type ? Mr. G reen sp an . Batch-type. Let me be very specific. It’s a type of iob which is a limited job with respect to its length. In other words, it’s not a permanent type of job. The problem is that if you start talk ing in terms of providing long-term jobs you will withdraw people from the labor market who are on relatively short-term spells of unemployment, and prevent them from being reemployed in the pri vate sector. If your objective is to get people back to work in the private sector, you cannot have jobs which are integral to the func tioning of State and local governments. It’s one question to hire people at that level but once thev are built into the system it will be very difficult to remove them from those jobs because the structure of Government will have been built around them. I think we are likely to see some very difficult problems, comparable for example, to some of those experienced by the city of New York, where the attempt to 58 bring in or reduce the level of total employment has been rather difficult. The C h a i r m a n . But they have been able to do that. They out 45,000 people off their payroll in about a year, a 15 percent cut. Mr. G r e e n s p a n . Well, I think it occurred under conditions of dur ess—as you're well aware. It was not simply a voluntary approach. The Chairman. Of course not. They had to do it. Mr. G r e e n s p a n . Let me get very specifically to the type of question you raised. It is more than the distinction between productive and nonproductive jobs. It’s very difficult to imagine a human activity of any sort which has literally zero productivity. The issue is produc tivity relative to what alternative. If we have a very substantial num ber of public service employment jobs, it will mean, I believe, of necessity, that these people will be withdrawn from private sector job search and more productive reemployment possibilities. It is im portant for us to realize that when you talk in terms of jobs in the public sector it is always necessary to ask the next question: Does this mean fewer jobs in the longer term in the private sector? Are we committing ourselves to large permanent public service employment? The CHa ir m a n . That depends very largely on whether there’s a wage incentive for going back into the private sector. Here you have a situ ation in some parts of our country where you have 30 and 40 percent unemployment in our inner cities. For example, black, teenage women nationally have an unemployment rate of 25 percent or 30 percent— very close to it—and people located in situations like that, it seems to me, it’s constructive to provide a job even if it is a make-work job, although I think it shouldn’t require too much ingenuity to find jobs that would be constructive in terms of preventing crime, constructive in terms of providing the kind of character and the kind of habits that would serve these people far better as thev grow older, far better for the society, productive also in the sense that they’d have a little money to spend and they would be able to spend it and help the private sector provide more employment. , ft seems to me this kind of effort in a very substantial way would lust make a stronger, better country and I see the inflation problem, but it seems to me the crux of that inflation problem is whether or not the pay is so high, if you’re going to nay a premium to get people to work into the public sector. Certainly, you could pay something like the unemployment compensation level for people—they’re getting it now anyway for doing nothing—and maybe a little more, 10 percent or J) percent more, in order to provide a reward for going to work. * °n V " ould b®any more inflationary than having a kind tion* ^ situation we have now with unemployment compensaMr. Greenspan. Well, it would not if the wage levels involved are •a ^ .m *he unemployment insurance. I would say that the potential rests strictly on the issues which you raise. The question is to what extent do you take people who are temporarily out of w k and seeking a job, and by putting them into public service jobs thereby remove them from an opportunity and an incentive JS? * “ igh productivity private sector job with a future! i ^HAIRJiAN* That 8 a good point and that’s worried me, but by ana large, when the household survey goes around to see whether 59 people are looking for work, they determine whether or not they have looked at a want ad or two in the preceding week, whether they are registered at the employment office and so on. So it’s not a matter of people spending 8 hours a day going from door to door knocking on doors. A few people do that and those people usually get work, but most people I don’t imagine do that. If they’re working in some kind of a job that keeps them busy 8 hours a day, they still have time to get a better job if the job is available and they would be happy to do it I would think if they could get a significant increase in their pay, and that would be possible, as I say, if the public service job is at a wagre which is sufficiently low. Mr. G r e e n s p a n . Weil, let’s look at it from the point of view of public employer who has particular productive job. With a decline in unemployment the public employer will automatically have his re sources drained out from under him. The public employer will find that he will be unable to complete his projects unless he keeps the workers on the public payroll. The C h a i r m a n . That’s going to happen from time to time. You’re going to have to pay a price, no matter what you do. We pay a terrible price now in idleness and crime and so forth. That would be the price you have to pay. You would have to have some public service work that would go unfinished, but it seems to me that’s a pretty modest price to have to pay to provide work for people and also to provide an incen tive at the same time to get back into the private sector. I f that is the principal problem, it seems to me that would be an easy choice, at least for this Senator. I realize you have to go. Chairman Greenspan. I think as far as you’re concerned, the other Senators have left, so if you would like to leave now, we appreciate very much your testimony and you have been most helpful. I disagree with you, as you know, but I think you have, as usual, made a very, very fine and impressive presentation and thank you, sir. I have some questions for Governor Partee. Mr. G r e e n s p a n . Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The C h a i r m a n . First, Governor Partee, on page 16 of the bill it requires the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System to transmit to the President and the Congress within 15 days after trans mission of the economic report of the full employment and balanced growth plan an independent statement setting forth its intended poli cies for the year ahead with respect to the functions and the extent to which these policies will support the achievement of the goals in section 8 and 3(a) and a full justification for any substantial varia tions from the President’s goals and recommendations and so on. Now that particular part of the bill provides for the President, in the following sentence, to determine that the Board’s policies are in consistent with the achievement of the goals and policies and the President shall make recommendations to the Board and the Congress to assure closer conformity to the purposes of this act. That would put the President in a position where no President of the United States has ever been so far as monetary policies are con cerned, to the best of my knowledge. He would be telling the Board they should follow’ different monetary policies, whereas the Consti tution says the Congress shall have the power to coin and regulate 73-965 O- Tl - 5 60 money. We delegated that to the Federal Reserve Board and you’re responsible to the Congress. This would give the President the au thority to tell you to revise your monetary operations. How would you view that in relationship, in the first place, to the Constitution, and in relationship further to your responsibility to the Congress ? Mr. Partee. One of our principal concerns with the bill has to do with that paragraph and the one immediately preceding it, section 3B(a) (3) in which, first, the President specifies the monetary policy in terms of a wide range of aspects of policy. The Chairman. I want to comc to that next. That gets into a little different problem. Mr. P artee. Then, you see, we specify our policy and if there’s a di fference he then can object to it or intervene again. The Chairm an. There’s no enforcing power on the part of the Presi dent. He can recommend to you but you can forget it if you want to. Mr. Partee. That’s right, although I think we have to recognize practical realities. I think it would create many situations which would be most difficult for everybody concerned. I don’t have any philosophical objection to paragraph (b) myself, except for the last sentence. That is, I don’t see why we should not specify our plans and objectives, subject to the proviso that there would be reasons for changing and adjusting the policy as the year goes on----The Chairm an. So you say you do not have philosophical difficulty with having the President make recommendations to you to change your monetary policy ? Mr. P artee. No, sir. I say I have no objection really to the first part of that paragraph (b). It’s only the last sentence that I object to. The Chairm an. You do object to having the President tell you----Mr. P artee. Yes, and I would much rather have this be done in an oversight manner by the Congress as is provided for in the bill at a somewhat later stage in the proceeding. The Chairm an. Now the other part I’m not so sure is so bad. It says a monetary policy designed to assure such rate of growth in the Na tion’s money supply, such interest rates, and such credit availability, including policies of credit reform, allocation, and international capi tal flows as are conducive to achieving and maintaining the full em ployment, production, purchasing power and priority goals specified in sections 3 and 3A. Now that does change the Employment Act of 1946. It changes it, however, simply to provide that your policies should be designed to achieve full employment, 3 percent unemployment. At the present time you re required by law, by the ’46 Act, to have your monetary policies conform to maximizing employment growth and purchasing power. Right ? Mr. P artee. You’re quite right. The change is the 3 percent. I might also pist note, though, that that Paragraph (3). starting on line 11 of page 15, ig something that the President would do, not the Federal Reserve, and T dislike the idea of the President specifying the mone tary policy m full particulars because------ The Chairm an. That goes back to page 15. 61 Mr. P a rte e . Monetary policy is a highly technical subject. Our Chairman has said at times that this sort of change would mean some fellow in the basement of the White House is going to be making monetary policy, and I think that’s possible. The Chairman. So that your difficulty with that, again, is the problem of the President rather than the Congress ? Mr. P a rte e . Right. The subparagraph (b) of section 3B says essen tially the same thing in terms of the Board’s specification of the pro gram, and that, I say, I have no philosophical objection to. The C h airm an . N ow both you and Chairman Greenspan were criti cal of the failure of the bill to include a specific target for price stability. I f Congress does legislate a voluntary long-term unemploy ment target, do you also recommend that we include an inflation target ? Mr. P a rte e . I have the same problem, I ’m sorry to say, with a spe cific inflation target—A numerical target—as I do with an unem ployment target. It seems to me that what ought to be said instead is that there would be equal or substantial weight given to maintain ing or achieving the conditions that would be conducive to reasonable price stability. The C h airm an . I agree with that, but the only wday you can do it, if you’re going to make the unemployment target a number, is to make the inflation target a number. Mr. P a rte e . I ’m afraid that’s right. What I would propose is d oin g neither. The C h airm a n . I understand that’s your preference, but if you’re going to have a target, whatever it is—3 or 4 percent or whatever— for unemployment, wouldn’t it be logical to therefore have an inflation target ? Mr. P a rte e . Well, if one thinks of it in operative terms, I guess it would be better than not having any goal at all. Usually, the speci fication would probably be such that we will miss both. That is, the unemployment rate target will be too bold and will be missed in fact, and the inflation rate target that anybody would specify would be too bold and it will be missed in fact. I suppose policymakers would be better off, since they could say, look, we came somewhere in-between, but missed both of them by something like equivalent amounts. So in that sense, I think it would be preferable, even though it would be very difficult to specify at the beginning of a year what could reason ably be expected in terms of progress in reducing inflation. You mentioned the Nixon administration’s 2y2 percent goal. That was in a year when, by the end, we were in the double-digit inflation range. So 2V2 percent inflation was a very bold objective. My guess is that people knew at the beginning that it couldn’t be met, but I don’t think anybody at the beginning of 1973 expected a double-digit rate of inflation. The C h airm a n . I ’m glad you raised that point because I think that’s an excellent one and it indicates that goals don’t manacle you; goals don’t put your feet in concrete, but they can be helpful. In that case, of course, we had double-digit inflation because we had an energy price explosion. Mr. P a r t e e . And a food shortage. 62 The Chairm an. And a food shortage. At the same time, that just resulted in a colossal increase in price without comprehensive rigid wage-price controls so it couldn’t have been contained. Mr. Partee. And an overheated economy. The Chairm an. It had nothing to do with monetary or fiscal policies at large, although staff argues that your monetary policy was too expansive, but I m not too sure about that. I believe I was urging a more expansive one at that time. Mr. Partee. I believe you were. The Chairm an. Finally, you say the prevailing wage provisions of the bill could fuel inflation. I have had some discussion with Mr. Greenspan on that and I share his concerns. Would you give us any help otner than what Dr. Bums has suggested ? In other words, that people would be paid less than the minimum wage, that they be cut off unemployment compensation, and that you write into the Consti tution, a constitutional amendment so the Congress couldn’t change it. Congress obviously isn’t going to do that kind of thing. I think it would be wrong if we did and we are not going to do it. At the same time, isn’t there something we can do to provide for a wage which would provide a reward for work and also an incentive to move into the private sector, thereby not being inflationary 1 Mr. Partee. I wouldn’t disagree with your comments on that sub ject in your exchange with the Chairman. The point is to get a wage that would be low enough so that people will still be eager to move out of these jobs and back into private employment. But I don’t know about using the entry wage for an industry which I believe was one of your suggestions. What bothers me about that is that most people would want to sign up for the kind of work that had the highest entry wage, and I’m not sure whether they would be qualified or whether they would be adequately tested to demonstrate that they are qualified. Let me make one comment that indicates that this question of deal ing with the problem of structural unemployment is really pretty complicated. The figures I have before me indicate that in April, 80 percent of the unemployed had been unemployed for less than 27 weeks. That is, 20 percent had been unemployed for half a year or more. Now that’s one kind of a category of people. Approximately 10 percent had been unemployed between 15 and 27 weeks, and the remainder—about 70 percent—had been unemployed for 3 months or less. The C hairm an. N ow I don’t know about you, but Chairman Green span put the best possible interpretation on that. I would like to put another interpretation on it. He said, look at the fact that most people are unemployed for brief y>eriods. That’s one way of looking at it. Another way of looking at it is that there were far more people than just 7 million who were unemployed and therefore suffered the losses and the pain and the humiliation in many cases of being unemployed during that year, some 25 or 30 million people, very large proportion. Mr. P artek. It was a very large number. The Chairman. Far more than what people envision as having been unemployed. Mr. P a rtee. For temporary periods, sometimes voluntarily. 63 The C h airm an . That could have had a devastating effect on the family. After all, most of us live close to our income and if you lose your income for a period of a couple months that can be pretty de vastating. Mr. P a rte e . But a fair proportion could be voluntary unemploy ment, too. The C h airm an . What do you mean it could be voluntary unemploy ment? Mr. P a rte e . Persons who decide to quit a job so that they can look for a better one. The C h airm an . If they’re not seeking work ? Mr. P a rte e . So they can look for another job. The C h airm an . I see. Mr. P a rte e . I think that’s a very common way of improving your status, and as a matter of fact, it’s a purpose of unemployment insur ance—making it possible to go out and seek a job. My point, Mr. Chairman, was simply that I think there would need to be programs especially tailored for those who are truly long-term unemployed. The C h airm an . Let me make sure I understand that. Is it true that if you—I should know this—I shouldn’t admit my ignorance—is it true if you quit a job that you get unemployment compensation? Mr. P a rte e . In most States. The C h airm an . In a lot of States you don’t. If you’re laid off you get unemployment compensation. If you just quit to look for another job-----Mr. P a rte e . This is a technical question and I ’m perhaps exceed ing my competence here. My understanding is that in most States a few weeks longer waiting is required before you can begin to collect unemployment compensation, but in fact you get it. My point is simply that we wouldn’t want to draw those people into public employment programs when they are actively looking for work and are very likely to find it. And I agree with the Chairman that if you tied those people up in public employment, they won’t have the job mobility needed. On the other hand, you mentioned teenage minorities. The April unemployment rate nationally for teenage minorities was nearly 40 percent—39 percent—and in that case I think the idea of comething like a Job Corps or a training program or a CCC is not improper at all. Depending on the circumstances of the groups that were being served, there might be different kinds of public jobs. I think there could be much more done in this area. It would involve a lot of work. There would undoubtedly be major failures and mistakes made, but I think overall it would be productive, and that’s what I had in mind when I said structural programs would have a role to play. The C h airm a n . Governor Partee, thank you very, very much for a most helpful presentaton. I think we have gotten from you—and cor rect me if I’m wronar—the notion that it’s your view that you’re con cerned about this bill for these reasons: (1) It’s inflationary and you feel that if we can modify the prevailing-wage section of the bill, 402, that this might be very helpful, at least in reducing that impact; (2) The power that this bill would give the President over the Federal Reserve Board which may be, if not unconstitutional, certain it’s 64 against the spirit of the constitution; that those are the two principal concerns that you have. Is that correct ? Mr. Partee. I would cite a third concern, and that is the diversion o f attention o f macro-policy entirely to the unemployment rate ob jective. That is, as I read the bill, one could not------The Chairman. We have suggested if we put a goal in there for inflat ion that would bring that balance back. Mr. P artee. Yes. I might also say that I think the goal on the em ployment side might be in terms o f employment rather than unem ployment. That is, the creation o f a particular number o f jobs, which is the positive aspect o f economic planning. The Chairm an. Well, if we had done that in 1968 we wouldn’t have—theoretically, we wouldn’t have any unemployment problem now. We’ve got a very big one. What’s happened is the participation rate has so exploded we’ve got a different ball game. Mr. P artee. Yes. You would have to make adjustments to this on an interim basis, but you’re exposed to a highly volatile labor market response when you look at the unemployment rate. You could say instead that what we want this year is an increase in real GNP of 7 percent which we expect, to bring 2 million new jobs into the economy, and we consider that a proper employment goal and we hope to do it with a declining rate of inflation. Do it in those terms and you would have something that economists at least would view as a more realistic planning environment. The Chairm an. That’s very helpful. Thank you very much. Mr. P artee. Thank you. The Chairm an. Our final witness today is Director Alice Rivlin, Congressional Budget Office. We are very happy to have you. Ms. Rivlin, if you would like to summarize your statement it all will be printed in full, in the record., including the tables. Ms. R iv lin . Yes, I would, Mr. Chairman. I would also like to in troduce a very valuable member of my staff, Dr, Frank de Leeuw, on my left, who is our Assistant Director for Fiscal Analysis. STATEMENT OF ALICE M. RIVLIN, DIRECTOR, CONGRESSIONAL BUDGET OFFICE; ACCOMPANIED BY FRANK DE LEEUW, ASSIST ANT DIRECTOR FOR FISCAL ANALYSIS Ms. R iv lin . Let me just summarize very briefly the main points made in the statement. Clearly, unemployment is a human tragedy and a national waste. Our current level of 7.5 percent unemployment doesn’t just mean that 7.5 percent of the labor force is in trouble. It means the whole economy is in trouble. It is a proxy for the fact that we are running our economy way below capacity, a proxy for low sales, low income, low production, low investment. A recovery from the recession is clearly well under way, but the recession was very deep. Even if growth rates continue to be quite favorable, it will be several years before we get back to the average unemployment rate of the last 15 years, and that average hasn’t been very good. Since 1960 we have been running an average unemployment rate of 5.2 percent. Clearly, the question is, can we do better? S. 50 is an 65 attempt to provide a mechanism for doing better, for not allowing the unemployment rate to rise so high as it has in the current recession, and for getting the average rate down. But lower unemployment, of course, is not the only goal of an economy. Price stability is a goal and, as it makes policy, the Congress has to weigh the unemployment rate against the inflation rate and try to find ways to lower both. S. 50 sets a goal of 3-percent adult unemployment in 4 years. It suggests some tools that one might use to get there. It establishes a procedure for formulating a plan. It is not a set of programs of defined character or size or duration for which one could estimate cost and effects. This is a little fustrating for the Congressional Budget Office be cause part of our job is to estimate the cost of bills and this is one for which we can really not do that. W e can only make general statements about the effects of the various tools that one might use and their costs and the risk of inflation. First, it would be well to be clear about the 3-percent goal because it does depend on how one defines adult. If one defines adult as 20 and over, that is nonteenagers, then 4-percent overall unemployment would be consistent with 3-percent adult; or if one defines adult as 18 or over, then 3-percent adult is consistent with about 3.5 percent overall. The C h airm a n . D o you have it for 24 ? Ms. R iv lin . N o , I don’t. W e can certainly supply it. The C h airm a n . Thank you. [The following was received for the record:] C o n g r e ss of t h e U n it e d S t a t e s , C o n g r e s s io n a l B udget O f f ic e , Washington^ D.C. Hon. W i l l i a m P r o x m ir e , Chairman, Committee on Banking, Housing and Urtan Affairs, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. D e a r M r. C h a i r m a n : During my testimony concerning S. 50, the Full Employ ment and Balanced Growth Act o f 1976, before the Committee on Banking, Hous ing and Urban Affairs on May 20, 1976, you requested data on unemployment rates for persons 24 and over relative to the overall unemployment rate (fo r per sons 16 and over). The Bureau o f Labor Statistics publishes unemployment data for the category “ 20 to 24 years” and for various categories ‘25 years and above.” Consequently, the data provided in the attached Table show unemployment rates for persons 25 and over compared with the nonteenage unemployment rate and the overall un employment rate from 1960 to 1975. O f interest is the fact that the gap between the overall unemployment rate and that fo r persons 25 and over is much higher now than in the 1960s. W hile the nonteenage gap has remained relatively constant (rising slightly with the in crease in overall unemployment), most of the increase is attributable to persons in the 20 to 24 age category. There are several reasons for this. First, there is more cyclical variability in unemployment for the 20 to 24 year age group than for any other. This is because, lacking experience, these persons are last-hired, first-fired. Yet they are less apt than teenagers to drop out o f the labor force in discouragement or to return to school when unemployment is high. A second factor is the increase in this population cohort in the latter 1960s that increased the supply o f young workers. W hile the cohort effect was also there fo r teenagers, persons in the 20 to 24 age category had a stronger tendency to remain in the labor force. For males, the draft and Vietnam disguised the 66 exrenn supply condition until the early seventies; their unemployment rates re- maincd relatively low throughout the 1960s but rose quite a bit m the early 1970s. Female unemployment rates in the 20 to 24 age category rose steadily relative to the overall rate for females beginning in the late 1960s. The effect of the Increased sisse of their population cohort was exaggerated by a rapid increase In labor force participation for females aged 20 to 24 in this period. Fin"*IIv the proportion of the population aged 20 to 24 enrolled in school de clined in the 1970s. This added to the number of job seekere in this age category, increasing the supply of young workers and adding to their unemployment situation. Given what appears to be an increase in the gap between unemployment rates for All persons relative to persons 25 and above, what is this gap likely to be in the future wh*n labor markets tiehten? In 1973. the most recent year of relatively tight labor market conditions, the gap was 1.8 percentage points: overall unem ployment was 4.9 percent relative to 3.1 percent for persons 25 and over. Demo graphic changes over the next decade will reduce the relative size of the 20 to 24 age cohort somewhat; however, increased participation of women and further reductions in school enrollments might he offsetting factors. A rough estimate is that the difference between the overaU unemployment rate and the rat* for persons 25 and over might range from 1.5 to 2.0 percentage points provided that the overall rate is below 6 percent. If "adult” is defined as persons 25 and above, a 3 percent adult unemployment rate would mean a 4.5 percent to 5.0 percent overall rate according to this estimate. T verv much enloved appearing before the Committee and I hope you will call on me if I can be of further assistance. With best wishes, Sincerely, A l ic e M. R iv l in Attachment: , Director. UNEMPLOYMENT RATES FORALL PERSONS 16 ANDOVERCOMPAREDWITHUNEMPLOYMENT RATES FORPERSONS 20 AND OVER AND 25 AND OVER Yiir Unemoloyment Unemployment Unemotoyment ntf 16 andover rate20 andover rate 25 and over ______________ ___________ 0) 1160... mi.... 1962. 1963... 1964... 1965... 1966. . 1967__ 1966 __ 1969... 1970.... 1971.... 1972... 1973... 1,74 *975................................ 25 /nVovtf 5.5 6.7 5.5 5.7 5.2 4.5 3.8 3.8 3.6 3.5 4.9 5.9 5.6 4.9 5.6 L S 8.5 forci 2® 0X 2) 0X 3) (2) (3) (4) (5) 4.8 5.9 4.9 4.8 4.3 3.6 2.9 3.0 2.7 2.7 4.0 4.9 4.5 3.8 4.5 73 7.3 4.4 5.4 4.4 4.3 3.8 3.2 2.6 2.6 2.3 2.2 3.3 4.0 3.6 3.1 3.6 fi’n 6.0 0.7 .8 .6 .9 ,9 .9 .9 .8 .9 .8 .9 1.0 1.1 1.1 1.1 i'i 1.2 2.5 for 8,1 persons 16 »nd over. Col. 2 is the unemolovment rate wer. Cot 3 isthe unemployinefit for an persons inthe civilian labor force Source: Bureauof Labor Statistics, U.S. Department of Labor. Ms. Rtvux. The tools that one might use to accomplish such a goal <ie|>enn, of course* on what the situation is and what type of unem ployment one is attacking. First, there cyclical unemployment, the unemployment resulting from running the economy below capacity. The standard remedies for cyclical unemployment are increasing Government spending to stimu late the economy or cutting taxes to stimulate the private spending* 67 But other tools for job creation are certainly possible, such as public service employment, accelerated public works, special grants to State and local governments, tax incentives to the private sector, or some form of job guarantee; and these are specified in S. 50. The Congressional Budget Office did a study in September, called “Temporary Measures to Stimulate Employment” , in which we tried to estimate, albeit roughly, the cost and effects of these various ap proaches. The study did indicate that some of these special measures, such as public service employment, can be used to create more jobs per dollar than, say, a tax cut or a general increase in Government spend ing and, indeed, the differences are rather wide. The jobs that might be created immediately by $1 billion of spend ing for public service employment would range between 80,000 and 125,000, while one might expect from a tax cut a much smaller amount of job creation initially, about 8,000 to 15,000 jobs. The spread of these numbers would narrow after 1 or 2 years. Over the long run, such approaches begin to have similar effects and costs, and cost is of course not the only criteria. Moreover, it is very difficult to design the selective public service employment and public works type programs to do exactly what one wants to do. It is diffi cult to minimize the substitution of these jobs for jobs that might have been available anyway and to encourage a return to the private sector as the economy improves. Presumably, one encourages this best by keeping the wage level low. But there is also structural unemploy ment, which everybody has referred to earlier in this session, and at low levels of aggregate unemployment much higher rates obtain for blacks, for women, for teenagers. The problem is not lust one of inequity, although it is that; it is the unevenness of unemployment which makes it much more difficult to get the aggregate unemployment down without creating inflation. At a 5-percent overall unemployment, persons 25 to 65 enjoy an unemploy ment rate of well below 3 percent. That means that wrages for those groups may already be accelerating under pressure of a tight labor market while unemployment remains high for other groups. It wouldn’t be such a problem if blacks and women were competing for the same iobs in a tight labor marekt and if young people had a better way of getting established in the labor market. But the reme dies for structural unemployment are difficult to design and might be costly. Public employment programs designed to relieve structural unemplovment do have to provide more training and the acquisition of skills on the job and increase job attachment. They may well be con siderably more expensive per job created than the kind of public employment program one w’ould design to cure purely cyclical un employment. The budget costs of attaining a given unemployment goal are, of course, not the onlv costs that one must consider* There are also the possible inflation costs. There is no perfect cor relation between inflation and unemployment, but in general, inflation has accelerated when unemployment has dropped. We are not now sure where the danger point reallv is, how low we can push unemployment without danger of accelerating inflation. But clearly, reducing unem-^ ployment to a rate of 3-percent adult, no matter how you define adult,# carries significant risks and one could not look at past history without realizing that there was significant risk at those levels of accelerating the inflation level. We have made some rough estimates, and they can only be very rough. These estimates indicate that, if one were moving the unem ployment rate down to 3.5 percent from a level of 5 percent, inflation would be something like 2 points higher, a 2-percent higher rate, than would otherwise obtain and might get worse as one tried to hold that level of unemployment. That's a very rough estimate and many econo mists feel that the danger would be greater. Of course, one might mitigate the danger of inflation with success ful structural unemployment programs or with other anti-inflation measures. But there are also, as has been pointed out earlier, dangers of escalating inflation inherent in some of the programs in S. 50, particularly the Government as employer of last resort at the prevail ing wage provision. In summary, the Congress, I believe, needs to recognize that there are two goals to be pursued and that it will be difficult to do both, but that it is necessary to work on the anti-inflation front very hard if the unemployment rate is to be lowered significantly. [Complete statement follows:] Statement of A l ic e M. R iv l in , D ir e c t o r , C o n g r e s s io n a l B udget O f f ic e Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee: I appreciate this opportunity to be with you today and to comment on S.50, the “Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976.” Unemployment is a continuing human as well as economic problem. For the economy it represents a waste of resources that is reflected in a lower level of output of goods and services than could potentially be produced. For individuals, it represents not only loss of income associated with joblessness, but deterioration of skills and damage to a sense of pride and self-esteem. More over. even at high levels of aggregate employment, unemployment problems persist for minorities, teenagers, and some other groups. Reducing unemploy ment is thus important not just to restore full capacity production but also to provide the opportunity to participate in the economy for all groups of workers. While the overall unemployment rate has fallen since it reached a 35-year peak last spring, it remains far above the range that any would consider satisfactory. Even if recovery proceeds at the reasonably rapid rate that most forecasters are now projecting, unemployment is unlikely to reach even its 1960-1975 average of 5.2 percent for several years. Clearly there is good reason for proposing new programs or strategies that will speed the decline in unemployment and improve on our past unemployment record. Reducing unemployment, however, is not the only goal of economic policy. Reasonable price stability is another major goal which the Congress must weigh along with the unemployment goal in shaping the nation’s economic policies. S. 50 calls for a new process of formulating and coordinating economic policy which, if enacted, could well lead to lower unemployment. At the same time, however, it carries a significant risk of accelerating the rate of inflation. Tn my fpstimonv this morning 1 would like to discuss the goals of S. 50 and the pos sible programs to implement those goals, and then comment on the inflation problem. GOAL8 OF 8. 50 S. 50. the Pull Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976, has several major aspects: Establishment of a goal of 3 percent adult unemployment to he reached as promptly as possible, but within not more than four years after the date of enactment or the Act. 60 Recognition that achieving a 3 percent unemployment goal will require a mix of both aggregate demand policies and more selective targeted measures. Recommendation that full-employment policies be accompanied by anti-inflation measures. Extension of the organizational structures established in the Employment Act of 1946 and the Congressional Budget Reform Act of 1974 to establish an insti tutional framework whereby the President, the Federal Reserve Board, and Congress can coordinate national economic policy to achieve the goals set forth in the Act. While the bill specifies a full-employment goal and an administrative process, it does not identify specific programs that would be enacted. Both the economic impact and the budget costs differ greatly depending on which policy tools are used to achieve the unemployment goal, which anti-inflation measures are pur sued, and where the economy stands at the time the process begins. An analysis of S. 50 must necessarily be restricted to broad qualitative judgments rather than specific estimates. TheMeaningof3Percent Unemployment The requirements for reaching the goal of 3 percent adult unemployment depend first of all on who is classified as an adult. A useful rule of thumb in this regard is that since the mid-1960s, the overall unemployment rate, defined as the rate for all workers aged 16 and over, has been roughly one percentage point above the unemployment rate for those 20 and over and 0.5 percentage points above those 18 and over. Table 1 contains more precise comparisons on a yearly basis. Although demographic factors in the future could reduce this differential, projections by The Urban Institute indicate that this approximate spread will persist through the next decade. Thus, if we speak of 3 percent nonteenage unemployment, we are referring to an approximate 4 percent over all rate. Similarly, a 3 percent unemployment rate for persons 18 and over implies about a 3.5 percent overall rate. TABLE 1—UNEMPLOYMENT RATES FOR ALL PERSONS 16 AND OVER COMPARED WITH UNEMPLOYMENT RATES* FOR PERSONS 18 AND OVER AND 20 AND OVER Year 1950___ _______ ............... 1951.............. . _______ 1952__________________ 1953.............. . ............. 1954...................._______ 1955___________ ............. 1956................. _______ 1957___________ 1958................. _______ 19*>9___________ ............. 1960................. . _______ 1961___________.............. 1962................. _______ 1963__________________ 1964............ ....... _______ 1965______ ___________ 1966___________ 1967............ ....... ............. 1968___________ ........ ... 1969___________ .............. 1970................. . _______ 1971___________ 1972___________ ............... 1973___ _______ _______ 1974................. ________ 1975___________ .............. (1) Unemployment rate, 16+ (2) Unemployment rate, 18+ (3) Unemployment rate, 20+ 5.3 3.3 3.0 2.9 5.5 4.4 4.1 4.3 6.8 5.5 5.5 6.7 5.5 5.7 5.2 4.5 3.8 3.8 3.6 5.1 3.1 2.8 2.7 5.3 4.2 3.9 4.0 6.5 5.2 5.2 6.4 5.2 5.2 4.7 4.1 3.4 3.5 3.2 4.8 3.0 2.7 2.6 5.1 3.9 3.7 3.8 6.2 4.8 4.8 5.9 4.9 4.8 4.3 3.6 2.9 3.0 2.7 3.5 4.9 5.9 5.6 4.9 5.6 8.5 3.1 4.5 5.4 5.1 4.3 5.0 7.9 2.7 4.0 4.9 4.5 3.8 4.5 7.3 (4) (5) OH2) (1M3) 0.2 .2 .2 .2 .2 .2 .2 .3 .3 .3 .3 .3 .3 .5 .5 .4 .4 .3 0.5 .3 .3 .3 .4 .5 .4 .5 .6 .7 .7 .8 .6 .9 .9 .9 .9 .8 .6 .6 .6 .8 .9 1.0 1.1 1.1 1.1 1.2 .4 .4 .4 .5 .5 .9 Note.—Column (1) is the unemployment rate for the civilian labor force for all persons 16 and over. Column (2) b the unemployment rate for the civilian labor force for all persons 18 and over. Column (3) is the unemployment rate for the civilian labor force excluding teenagers, that is, persons 16 to 19. Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics. 70 PROGRAMS UNDER S. 50 Countercyclical Programs S. 50 outlines a number of policy measures that might be implemented to achieve the full-employment target. Standard fiscal and monetary measures might be supplemented by special job-creating policies like public service em ployment, accelerated public works, grants to state and local governments, and special tax incentives to business. Further, there is a provision of a limited job guarantee for persons able and willing to work and seeking work. Special employment programs are to be enacted to the extent that fiscal and monetary policies are unable to achieve the 3 percent adult unemployment target. Presumably what this means is that supplementary measures are to be used if the inflationary pressures or budget costs associated with using standard fiscal and monetary policy to achieve the unemployment target become unacceptably high. Special countercyclical measures such as public service employment, employ ment tax incentives, accelerated public works, and special assistance to state and local governments can either provide jobs directly to the cyclically unem ployed (as in public employment and public works), or can provide special incentives to private industry and state and local governments to employ more people than they otherwise would have. A recent study by CBO of temporary measures to stimulate employment,1 concluded that some of these measures can potentially have a higher employment impact per dollar spent than across-theboard spending or tax changes. Further, in some cases, the potential inflation impact per job is less than for standard fiscal and monetary policy, suggesting that using selective measures can improve the inflation-unemployment rela tionship. Table 2 shows estimates of the employment impact and net budget cost (tak* ing into account savings from unemployment compensation and higher tax pay ments from program participants) for alternative temporary employment pro grams.* Initially, there is a fairly wide variation in cost per job, although these differences tend to narrow after a year or two of program operation. Public employment has a lower cost per job than other measures; after a year of operation, for instance, accelerated public works may cost about one and half to twice as much per job as public employment. Across-the-board cuts could entail a cost of from three to four times that of public employment. * L.S. C o n fe ss, Congressional Budget Office, Temporary Measures to Stimulate Employ ment; An Evaluation of Some Alternatives , September 2, 1975. fS * <’I plana.tloS*Jof f h^e assumptions behind these estimates can be found In Temporary Measures to Stimulate Employment cited in footnote 1 of this testimony. TABLE 2.—ESTIMATES OF EMPLOYMENT AND BUDGET IMPACT OF VARIOUS PROGRAMS COSTING (1 BILLION Initial Impact Type of program PubMc service employment.......... _....... Anti-recession aid to State and local governments.................................... Accelerated public works..................... Tax cut*............................................ Government purchases......................... Increase in jobs (in thousands) 80-125 40-77 1&-46 8-15 20-50 Reduction in unemploy* ment rate 0.07 0.11 .04 .02 .01 .02 .07 .04 .02 .04 12 months Net budget cost (in millions) Increase in jobs Cmthousands) (754-1615 90-145 850-716 915-793 980-960 948-870 70-97 56-70 26-35 40-70 i These estimates assume no monetary accommodation. If the money supply were increased to prevent interest rate* from rising at a result of the expansionary fiscal measure, the job-creative effect woukf be higher andthe net deficit cost lower. Accommodating monetary policy wouldincrease IN upm vim m n affect by 25 percent or more which, in turn, would reduce the budget cost by an average about $125 miHta. *The income tax cut is assumed to be oee-thfrd corporate and two-thirds personal. If the taxcut Reduction in unemploy ment rate 0.08 0.13 .07 .06 .02 .03 .09 .07 .03 .05 24 months Net budget cost (in millions) Increase in jobs (in thousands) J492-J425 90-150 590-570 537-510 740-720 600-590 72-100 64-80 30-40 60-80 Reduction in unemploy ment rate 0.08 0.13 .07 .07 .02 .04 .09 .08 .03 .05 Net budget cost (in millions) $392-1312 480-450 430-390 663-637 475-425 were entirely personal, the expansionaryeffect would be about 50 percent greater andthe net budget cost about $175 million lower. Source: Set app. B. Source: U.S. Congress, Congressional Budget Office, 'Temporary Measures to Stimulate Employ* ment: An Evaluationof Some Alternatives," Sept 2,1975, p. V. 72 Some of the more costly programs, however, have other benefits such as the high value of their output. Table 3 provides in summary form some of the con siderations discussed in Temporary Measures to Stimulate Employment in mak ing comparisons between programs. While special measures to stimulate em ployment may be less costly and potentially less inflationary in the short run, aggregate demand policies are sometimes viewed as a more neutral way to stim ulate economic growth and creat jobs in the long run. Selective measures are also sometimes criticized when their timing does not match the need reflected in rising and falling unemployment. A program which is truly countercyclical should include safeguards to ensure that workers move rapidly into regular private sector and government jobs as the economy ex pands. For instance, countercyclical public works projects should be designed so that they can be started up or completed in a short time. In public em ployment programs, wages should be lower than private-sector alternatives (contrary to the provisions of S. 50) to ensure movement out of temporary jobs when permanent employment becomes available. Tax incentives and grants that create temporary jobs indirectly should also be designed with rapid phase out in mind. Programs ToRcduce Structural andFrictional Unemployment When overall unemployment is in the 4 to 5 percent range, a great deal of the remaining unemployment is due, not to any depression in the general economy, but to what are often called “structural” or “frictional” factors. Structural unemployment refers to an excess supply of labor in some sectors of the labor market with a special long-term problem—for example, a local area which is losing jobs to other regions or an industry whose output is no longer in demand. Discrimination in some occupations against racial minorities or women cause these groups to concentrate their supply in other occupations, and overcrowding of these occupations is another form of structural unem ployment TABU 3.—SUMMARY OF THE POTENTIAL IMPACTS OF ALTERNATIVE MEASURES TO STIMULATE EMPLOYMENT Employment impact per dollar expenditure Startup time Phaseout flexibility Inflation impact Income-tax cut........ ......... Relatively low, particularly Subject to lags in individ* Potentially easy to termiIn the short run. uals* spending. nate. IncrttM in Government Higher than tax cut; lower Potentially fast; subject to May be hard to terminate, purthaats. than special employment policy initiation lag. especially if useful outprograms. put, services involved. Accelerated public works. Value of output Targetability Same as any aggregate Entirely private sector_____ None. fiscal measure. Same as any aggregate Mostly public sector; 2d Low. fiscal measure, dependround effects on private ing on employees' skill sector. mix. Potentially low if wages are Potentially long; but with Wide variation; appropria- Somewhat greater than___ do..............................Can be directed at highhigh; greater job impact wide variations dependtions easier to stop than other programs if workemployment areas, con front low-wage projects. ingon type of program. some other Government ers highly skilled; lower struction trades. programs, but large-scaleif aimed at less skilled projects may take long workers, to complete. Public service employment. Relatively high if wages Potentially fast if existing Relatively flexible if job Low if aimed at unskilled Low if emphasis is solely Can be directed at most are low. programs expanded. tenure limited. workers and if wages on job impact; if comneedy individuals. are lower than private brned with training can sector alternatives. produce useful skills. Antirecession aid to Stale Less than PSE if skill levels Potentially fast; no new Potentially easy to termi* Moderate, depending on State and local government Can be directed at Governand local Governments. high; more than other programs, only transfer nate. skill level of employees. services. ments hit by recession. Government purchases, of funds, public works. Source: U.S. Congress, Congressional Budget Office, 'Temporary Measures to Stimulate Employment: An Evaluation of Some Alternatives," Sept. 2, 1975, p. VIII. *<! 00 74 Programs to combat structural unemployment include steps to increase the demand for labor in depressed pockets of the labor market and programs to increase the mobility of individuals out of these pockets through encouragement of geographic mobility, training or retraining, and removal of discriminatory barriers, to name a few. Programs of these kinds might be more effective in reducing structural unemployment than across-the-board increases in demand that might have much of their impact on other sectors of the labor market. Frictional unemployment refers to short spells of unemployment accompany ing job turnover or initial entry into the labor force. To some extent, frictional unemployment represents a normal period of job search for new job seekers or for persons who have left a job to seek a better one.3 However, some groups of people change jobs frequently, resulting in disproportionately high unem ployment rates. Unskilled and disadvantaged individuals—among whom blacks and young people are disproportionately represented—experience more frequent spells of frictional unemployment than other groups. These persons tend to hold jobs at the bottom of the labor market hierarchy and they become un employed frequently because they are fired, because they quit, and because they leave and reenter the labor force more frequently than other wTorkers. Job attachment is weak. There is little incentive for employer or employee to maintain a long-term work relationship since there is little if any on-the-job training and hence no payoff to seniority. Job satisfaction is low, and this also weakens job ties. Increasing job attachment by providing jobs with some training and chances for upward mobility would certainly be a desirable component of a program designed to reduce the relatively high unemployment rates of the unskilled and disadvantaged. In fact, failure to do so might result in continued high rates of unemployment for these groups, making a 3 percent adult unemploy ment goal difficult or even impossible to achieve. Further, a case could be made that paying structural program participants a higher wage than the private economy pays them would increase job attachment and reduce the frequent spells of unemployment that characterize their job market experience. A structural program of this kind could well be more costly on a per-job basis than countercyclical programs. Further, if the program is more attractive than private sector alternatives, workers will be drawn from the private sector, increasing the size of the public jobs program and driving up wages in the private sector. Over the longer run, however, this displacement could also result in improved working conditions in the private sector. Since so many programs and specific program provisions are possible within the framework of S. 50, a single cost estimate for the bill would not really be meaningful. In some hypothetical average year in the 1980s, the unemploy ment goal in the bill might require some 2 million more jobs than the economy as it performed in 1960-1975 would be able to generate. The public cost of pro viding these jobs could easily vary from as little as $8,000 per job to as much as $30,000 per job. Furthermore, actual years would usually not be average years—they would instead include years of strong private demands when little or no economic stimulus was needed and years of weak private demands when it would take economic stimulus well above the average to meet the unemplovment goals of the bill. THE INFLATION PROBLEM A serious problem of pursuing a goal of 3 percent unemployment is the risk that inflation will begin to accelerate as the economy approaches the goal. Tnfortunately, economists* understanding of inflation is too limited to war rant confidence in precise estimates of the inflationary risk. The historical record since 1961 is shown in every summary form in Chart 1. The measure of unemployment in the chart is the overall unemployment rate, while the measure of inflation is the rate of change in consumer prices omitting food and energy, whose prices have not been closely related to the unemplovment situation. T nemployment and inflation (omitting food and fuel prices) have generally, V2LlI.nti!l1W?TS' mored °PIx>s*te directions during this period. The 19611969 dec me in unemplovment was accompanied by worsening inflation through ^se in unemployment, by falling inflation. In late 19<1 and 1972, price controls under the Economic Stabilization Act held ■ V i n o tM bUlty for adYancemeJ? th at frictional iin«*mnioyni^nt to h lg b tr in *” * ******* U n ft M States* expectat,0M of the P08*1’ 75 inflation down; but eventually, the 1971-1973 fall in unemployment was fol lowed by greatly worsening inflation. The 1974-1975 rise in unemployment was accompanied at first by rising prices, partly due to the indirect effect of higher fuel prices and partly due to the end of price controls; but later the 1974-1975 recession saw a reduction in the inflation rate. The early 1976 improvement in unemployment has been accompanied by some acceleration in consumer prices other than food and energy, although falling food and fuel prices have kept down the overall price indexes. I believe no one studying this chart should remain complacent about the possibility of accelerating inflation as the econ omy nears 3 percent unemployment. Furthermore, the danger is greater the more comprehensive the definition of “adult” under the bill. Chart 1 Unemployment and I n fla tio n , 1961-76 Notes: Unemployment is measured by the unemploy ment rate fo r a l l workers 16 and over, seasonally adjuisted. In fla tio n is mea sured by 2-quarter changes, expressed at an annual ra te , in the consumer p rice index le s s i t s food and energy components* Source: U.S. Department o f Labor 73-96S 0 - 7 6 - 8 76 According to one set of simulations we have prepared, the added inflation associated with achieving a 3.5 percent overall unemployment rather than the long-term average of 5.0 percent is around 1.25 percentage points in the Con sumer Price Index in the year the target is achieved and around 2 percentage points two years after achieving the target. In other words, if inflation^ were 5 percent per year in a 5 percent unemployment economy, it would be 7 per cent per year two years after reaching a 3.5 percent unemployment economy. Furthermore, if unemployment were to be held at the 3.5 percent rate in definitely, the simulations show a growing inflationary impact. As I noted, these or any other estimates are based on too many uncertain assumptions to warrant any confidence in the precise numbers. Perhaps, though, they give some indication of the general order of magnitude of the problem. It is possible that the careful coordination of employment programs pro posed in S. 50 could reduce the inflationary risk. Well-designed programs tar geted at particular groups could combat pockets of unemployment instead of spreading their effects over all sectors of the labor market. Training pro grams, if they were successful, could shift workers from situations of labor surplus to those of labor shortage. On the other hand, the wage rate requirements proposed in S. 50 could worsen the inflation threat, tinder S. 50, wages under “employer-of-last-resort” jobs must meet certain standards; they must, for example, be at least equal to prevailing wages paid by a local government if the local government is the employer, and they must meet Davis-Bacon Act standards in the case of con struction jobs. These provisions could force private employers, many of whom do not now pay these wage rates, to raise their wages and prices in order to compete with publicly financed jobs. The anti-inflation section of S. 50 points to some general approaches to the reduction of inflationary pressures due to tight labor markets. These include actions to ensure adequate supplies of scare commodities, particularly food and energy, recommendations to strengthen and enforce antitrust lawTs, meas ures to increase productivity in the private sector, and recommendations for administrative and legislative actions to promote reasonable price stability (presumably some form of price and wage controls or guidelines) if serious inflationary pressures arise. However, there is much less focus in the bill on these anti-inflation suggestions than on the unemployment goal; there is no target set for inflation as there is for unemployment. It is. I believe, in further analysis and pursuit of anti-inflation steps that the greatest hope lies for achieving the unemployment goals of the bill. With out these steps there is a risk—not easily quantifiable, but quite possibly sub stantial—that the worsening price situation as the economy nears the unem ployment goal will cause a retreat from the 3 percent goal. The more we learn about dealing with inflation, the greater the likelihood that we can achieve the unemployment goals which we all share. The Ottatoman. Well, thank you very, very much. That has been verv helpful. Mr. Shiskin told us at a meeting of the Joint Economic Commit tee on unemployment, I asked him about the Humphrey-Hawkins mil, and he said it constitutes no less than an effort to repeal the business cycle and it seems to me that that should surest quite hallenge to competent economists like you. You have lived with tn^ business cvcV for a lon<r, lon.qr time. It’s been a nrettv vicious tnin<r in most respects, but it also has had some favorable effects. It’s shaken out some of the less efficient businesses, for example, and perhaps it s shaken some of the distortions out of the economy that we otherwise wouldn’t have shaken out. Obviously, if this work**, if this bill should achieve its aim and be P at close to 3 percent, it would do that. 11v ? nce we would have to pay other than inflatl0Ii: T .at’ although I’ve got some further questions °pay n rfor^that! f ° ther pnces’ lf any’ do you think we would have to 77 Ms. R i v l i n . Of course, one has to recognize that we have already come quite far in the direction of mitigating the business cycle, despite the fact that we are now pulling out of a very severe reces sion. We now define “severe” as much less than the unemployment rates that obtained in the 1930’s and we have greatly improved safeguards. The C h a i r m a n . That’s right, and few people go back beyond the 1930’s. It was true throughout the 19th century and early 20th cen tury. We had depressions then, not recessions, in which unemploy ment was far more severe. Ms. R i v l i n . That’s right, and we built into our economy some stabilizing mechanisms—in the Federal budget as well as a much more active monetary policy—which have partially offset this. The question is how much further can we go? I think S. 50 can be read as an attempt to push the average unemployment rate down below where it has been. It would clearly not repeal all fluctuations. That’s too extreme a view of what could possibly be accomplished. What it would cost to move to an average level of, say, 3 percent adult from our average level that has been around 5.2 percent overall de pends, of course, on how one did it. If one did this by creating public service jobs, one would need to creately roughly 2 million jobs. We have made a rough estimate of what that would cost to do it that way. It would cost $16 to $44 billion gross, but one would have some net flow back into the Federal Treasury through increased taxes and lowered-----The C h a i r m a n . What were those figures, $16 to what? Ms. R i v l i n . $ 1 6 to $ 4 4 billion. That’s a very, very rough estimate of what it would cost after running a program a couple years to create 2 million jobs. The C h a i r m a n . Create 2 million jobs? Ms. R i v l i n . Right. The C h a i r m a n . H o w did you assume it would be 2 million jobs? We now have 7 million people out of work. Ms. R i v l i n . I ’m not operating from where we are. The C h a i r m a n . I f we do that, that would be 4 million jobs almost. Ms. R i v l i n . That’s right. I think it depends on how you view S. 50. I f you view S. 50 as a way to get out of the current recession, then one has to think about what would be the cost of going from 7.5 to 3 percent adult unemployment, but I think it may be more useful to view S. 50 as a more longrun procedure for trying to lower the average unemployment rate from what it’s been, down toward 3 percent adult. In that case the cost of getting out of the current recession shouldn’t be chargable to S. 50. The C h a i r m a n . You seem to be more relaxed about the goal than Mr. Greenspan was. You seem to feel that even though we set the goal at 3 percent to be achieved by 1980 that that would be the aim but we would get down there gradually, but if we encountered infla tion along the way we might settle at least temporarily for a lesser goal, or do you think this does provide the kind of rigidity that Mr. Greenspan feared? ■* Ms. R i v l i n . Clearly, the amount of rigidity would be in the hands of the Congress. What the bill does is provide a mechanism for 78 preparing the plan—having the President formulate a plan for moving toward this goal and a procedure for having Congress review it and okav it. As T read it, it doesn’t obligate the Congress to take any particular legislative action, and time will tell how rigidly the goal will be interpreted. The C h a t r m a x . Congress and the Federal Reserve. Ms. R i v i j n . And the President The C h a ir m a n . And the President. Well, now, how about the great fear expressed by Senator Tower and Senator Garn—and I think they speak for many millions of people who are concerned about this bill—that it would involve an enormous amount of plan ning, an enormous amount of interference in the private sector, bigger government, greater tax burden—perhaps you have answered part of the tax burden with your $16 to $44 billion, but at least they feel—and I think, as I say, they speak for many people—that this would be a terrible interference, almost a socializing of our economy. How would you answer that ? Ms. R i v i j n . Again, I don’t read S. 50 as specifying an exact set of programs that would move toward the goal. Certainly, some packages of programs would involve larger government If one did it through public service employment, that’s definitely true. But there would certainly be other mechanisms that the Congress could consider— monetary policy, tax cuts. S. 50 doesn’t preclude using those tools. The C h a ir m a n . What offsetting benefits do vou see in the way of lower welfare co«ts or greater revenues and whatever? Ms. R tvlin. If we could attain a full employment economy, and it doesn’t really matter exactly how you define it, we would be better off in many, many ways. The Federal deficit is largely----The C h a t r m a n . I’m talking about the specific fiscal effect. You talk about the $16 to $44 billion gross cost. What would be some of the offsetting fiscal benefits? Ms* R t v l i n . Some of them would be more taxes collected, less un employment compensation paid, probably some lower welfare costs. The net cost of that rou^h size program would be in the range of $7 to $18 billion if the offsets are taken into account. The Chairman. N o w you talked about the remedies for structural unemployment as being so difficult and you said when we have un employment of 5 percent that for a white male between the ages of ~ and 64 it’s below 3 percent. Isn’t it true that we have quite an experience—I think this is the reason for the Employment Act, as a matter of fact—with World War II when we found that all of a sudden we^ could train people and employ people very well who were field hands with very little experience and no skill. They were taken into the big plants in Detroit and Chicago and New York and IjOs Angeles and unemployment went down to about 2 percent and we eliminated structural unemployment verv quickly when we found WPr» l ° r ? d,1CP *9 of what we hnd for the war effort. T T 1 th.at p*Penence tell us somethinjr about how just a massive nnr w an(i our structural ^problems pretty well?re^l,ce unemployment can solve Ms. Rivlin. Yes, but I think it tell9 us two things: 79 First, if you run a very tight labor market, some of what seemed to be structural problems go away; it will be to the advantage of employers to train people that they wouldn’t have thought of hiring before; and clearly, that’s an advantage to the whole economy. Second, it tells us that, when you run a very tight labor market, you either have inflation or you have price controls or you have both. In World War II we did have a very strict price control system which was reasonably well observed, presumably in part because it was wartime. It is questionable whether it would be possible to run that tight a labor market now and have a strict price control system that would work, without the moral or emotional force of being in a war. In any case, a price control system never works forever without distorting the economy. So the real question is what are the substitutes that one might devise for running such a tight labor market? Can we by public means do some of the training that might reduce the structural unemployment problems and alleviate the inflationary danger? The C h a i r m a n . It seems to me this bill is very weak on specific issues to combat inflation. It’s strong on rhetoric. It says we ought to do everything we can to stop it. It doesn’t say what it ought to be very well. At least that’s the way I read it and I read the bill as carefully as I could. What means would you suggest that we might use. The Bill says nothing about incomes policies, nothing about wage-price controls. What means should the committee consider? I realize it’s unrealistic to expect us to adopt wage-price controls in view of our recent ex perience. Are there other means that you can suggest that we might consider to combat inflation, since you put so much emphasis on the inflation problem? Ms. Rivlin. Yes. I think there is a whole list that ought to be considered and that some kind of an incomes policy must be on the list if one is thinking about such drastic lowering of the unemploy ment rate as is contemplated in the bill The C h a i r m a n . What kind of incomes policy do you have in mind? Wage-price guidelines, the kind we had in the early sixties? Ms. R i v l i n . At least that, yes. I think so. I don’t think we can tell-----The C h a i r m a n . Standby wage-price controls or the capability of the Congress to hold up price increases if they are considered to be massive and have a potential inflationary impact? Ms. R tvlin. Something like that. I don’t think we can tell in ad vance, given past history, when inflation is likely to reescalate. But certainly if one is planning for lowering the unemployment rate, one has to think not only of how we eliminate and reduce the known inflationary biases in the economy, but what do we do if things get out of hand The C h a i r m a n . Has your calculation of the cost of this recognized the effect this could have on the size of the labor force? We have had, as you know far better than I do, an enormous increase in the labor force not only for demographic reasons but also because people who otherwise wouldn’t consider working are doing it. Back 25 years ago, I understand that one women in four with a school-aged child be 80 tween the age o f 6 and 16 was at work. Today, more than half double the proportion are in the labor force and working or seeking work. It seems to me that if we do provide a system of getting un- employment down to 3 percent we’re going to have far more labor force entries. There’s going to be an expansion greater than we might otherwise think. We can’t keep everything the same because we will have a labor force that will be quite a problem. I f for example, in the last year the labor force had remained sta tionary, we would have IV2 million less unemployed because we have had 3 million more jobs, but only about IV2 million less employed. Ms. R i v l i n . That’s right, and the answer is, yes, we have con sidered that. The C h a ir m a n -. What assumptions do you make as to the effect of this kind of bill on expanding the labor force ? What would it do ? Ms. R i v l i n . I th in k we considered th a t, w hen y o u ’ re m o v in g d o w n the u n em ploym en t rate, y o u h a v e to create 10 n ew jo b s fo r ev ery 6 u n em ployed peop le to tak e care o f th e increase in the la b o r fo rce. The Chairm an. D o vou think this s:oal set here of 3 percent adult unemployment is feasible; is it worthwhile? Ms. R i v l i n . I th in k it d e p en d s on w h a t y ou m ean b y fe a sib le . The C hairm an Well, the two previous witnesses challenged that as being: something that was so low as to almost guarantee, in their view, that you would have a serious inflationary problem, probably a double*digit inflation situation, with the other provisions in the bill that are weak on combating inflation Ms. R i v l i n . In all honesty, I think we, as economists, have to plead igmorance about how far the unemployment can be pushed down without escalating inflation. Probably the onlv solution is to try it and see. But there have been times in our history when we had a 4 percent unemployment rate without rapidly rising prices. There have been other times when we didn’t, when the price level did seem to escalate around 4 percent. So I don’t think there’s assurance to that. The C h a ir m a n . Isn’t a lot of thpt dependent on how you handle this public service employment? If it is substantial, that is, if people are getting a rate of pay which still provides an incentive for going to the private sector, it would seem to me that could have an amelior ating effect on that aspect of the inflation question. Ms. R t v l i n I think it could, very definitely, and it’s likely that using public service employment at a reasonably low wage as part of the tools for moviner the unemployment rate down is considerably less inflationary per job created than using general fiscal policv. But I think the uncertainty comes in not knowing how much inflationary expectations are now built into our economy and there is a good deal of argument about this. We have had recent and terribly se vere experience with inflation and you really can’t tell whether, if we were pushing the unemployment rate down around, say, 4 per°xnVan Prices to go up a little bit, this would accelerate out of sheer expectation that it would. Those are some of the kinds of uncertainties that arc certainly around. 81 The C h a i r m a n . D o you think we ought to have an anti-inflation goal as well as an unemployment goal? Ms. R i v l i n . Yes, I do. I think that the bill should be more bal anced. It should recognize that there are these two goals. Whether they should be absolutely numerically spelled out or couched in some other terms, I ’m not sure. The C h a i r m a x . Well, we spell out one numerically. Ms. R i v l i x . Then we certainly have to spell out tlie other. The C h a i r m a x . D o you have any feeling as to what kind of anti inflation goal wTould be realistic—2 percent, 3 percent? Ms. R i v l i x . Well, that’s pretty ambitious and I think-----The C h a i r m a x . By 1 9 8 0 , what would you say would be realistic ? Ms. R i v l i x . I d o n ’t k n o w th a t I h a v e a n u m e r ic a l a nsw er to th a t, b u t w e w o u ld be v e r y lu c k y i f w e g o t d o w n to 2 o r 3 p ercen t in fla tio n . The C h a i r m a x . We would be lucky i f we got down to 3 percent unemployment, too. Ms. R i v l i x . Yes, but I don’t think that means we shouldn’t try to do both. It does seem likely, that having such goals is useful. The C h a i r m a x . Finally, you speak with considerable assurance of the tradeoff between unemployment and inflation. In view of our recent experience, I wonder how valid that really is. Here we have had a colossal inflation in 1 9 7 4 and early 1 9 7 5 rolling along about 12 percent inflation rate with very high unemployment. We have had a drop in both unemployment and price level at the same time. I think when you get down to these low levels you can speak perhaps with more assurance, but I just wonder, in view of the many other elements that enter into the price level—energy, food and so forth— I ’m curious as to whether or not you really feel that the Phillips curve is still as valid a concept as we all thought it was a year and a half ago. Ms. R i v l i x . I don’t think economists speak with assurance about anything these days, Mr. Chairman, but I think that the experience of the last 2 years has been sufficiently special that we shouldn’t quickly assume that the general relationship between accelerating inflation and tight labor markets has suddenly gone away. I don’t see any reason to assume that. As you referred to earlier, to the initial causes of this double-digit inflation we’re outside the realm of ordinary supply and demand considerations. It certainly is true that we have had for awhile both rising inflation and rising un employment and we have had both falling recently, but I think there arc ways of explaining that which are reasonably logical before we throw away everything we thought we knew. The C h a i r m a x . It’s been suggested that chart 1 on page 1 4 of your statement has been the kind of evidence to suggest that infla tion helps to cause unemployment. Does it not show, on the con trary, that our attempts to combat inflation have reduced unemploy ment? Ms, R i v l i x . I think there’s some of each. There are times when inflation has caused unemployment. The oil embargo inflation was 82 a good example of that. That certainly was an inflation which acted rather like an excise tax on the economy. People had to buy oil and they did and they spent less on other things and that was certainly a contributing factor to the recession that followed. The C h a ir m a n . It seems that the whole energy nightmare that we went through had a great deal of that. We were priced out of the market on many things that we’d like to buy because of the energy inflation. Ms. R ivlin. Right. But it is also true that we have at times run such a tight fiscal policy in an attempt to combat inflation that we added to recession. The C h a ir m a n * Dr. Rivlin, thank you very, very much. You have been most helpful—excellent testimony. The committee will stand in recess until tomorrow when we hear from four distinguished economists: Professor Galbraith, Professor Ulmer, Professor Levitan and Professor Allen. [Whereupon, at 12:10 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] FULL EMPLOYMENT AND BALANCED GROWTH ACT OF 1976 F R ID A Y , M A Y 21, 1976 U.S. C o m m it t e e on B a n k in g , H o u s in g a n d U S enate, A f f a ir s , rban Washington, D.C. The committee met at 10:05 a.m., pursuant to notice, in room 5302, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Senator William Proxmire (chairman of the committee) presiding. Present: Senators Proxmire, Stevenson, and Garn. The C h a i r m a n . The committee will come to order. This morning we continue our hearings on S. 50, the HumphreyHawkins bill that would provide for a goal of 3 percent adult un employment in 4 years. We are very fortunate to have four very dis tinguished economists who are testifying on this landmark legisla tion. Yesterday we were warned about the legislation by Mr. Green span, the Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers, who was very critical of the legislation; and also by Governor Partee of the Federal Reserve Board. They were particularly concerned about the inflationary effect and about the additional involvement of the Federal Government in our economy. I would like to just make a brief statement at the beginning today to say that it seems to me that this legislation may have been ex aggerated in its impact by its supporters and excessively criticized by those who oppose it. Frankly, I doubt if this legislation, if it’s enacted in its present form, would do very much. I say that because I was the author of the housing goals that we put into the Housing Act of 1968 and that was also precatory, that entreating legislation hoping that we would establish goals of 26 million housing starts in the decade beginning in 1968 or 2.6 mil lion a year. It was broken down to 600,000 Government assisted housing starts per year and the rest conventional. What happened is rather pitiful. Last year we had only about 1,100,000 housing starts in snite of the fact we had the goal firmly established in the law. We not only had that unfortunate experience but we had some thing like 54,000 Government assisted housing starts instead of the 600,000 that we pledged in 1968. Now this was completely within the control of the Government, but it was something that was not sup ported by the President of the United States. It was supported too weakly by the Congress and the result was we didn’t achieve it. We had it in the law but we didn’t achieve it. (83) 84 When we pass social security legislation and say a person is entitled to a social security check and that is going to be the law, or an un employment compensation and provide that somebody is going to get this check, it seems to work. The pledge is kept and the legislation has profound influence. But in view of our experience with housing legislation, I doubt very much if this legislation is likely to achieve the aim that its authors hope for unless we are able to strengthen it or its critics have claimed unless we find ways of buttressing the legislation with the election to office of people who will champion it. I have no doubt in my mind if we elected John Kenneth Galbraith as President of the United States and 535 most faithful loyal stu dents as Members of Congress that this would be achieved, but that’s not going to be the case. That would be achieved, I might say, if they didn’t have to subject themselves to reelection over the next 4 years. At any rate, we are delighted to have you gentlemen and we will start off with the distinguished Professor John Kenneth Galbraith, a former president of the American Economic Association, a man who’s just been awarded a recognition, I understand, by a Harvard group as the funniest professor who has served there in 100 years. We are delighted to have you. STATEMENT OF PROF. JOHN KENNETH GALBRAITH, EMERITUS, HARVARD UNIVERSITY Mr. G a l b r a i t h . Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I don’t know how to respond to that introduction. It’s evenhanded as to my becoming President, I can hardly regret your pleasant reference to that in this year when all Democrats at least have been running for the post, but I would have to remind you that would take a con stitutional amendment because I was born a British subject of the particular group the Constitution was designed to prevent from be coming President. I endorse the bill before you today, Mr. Chairman. I’m going to urge some important improvements, but these do not prevent my applauding the strongly progressive and affirmative mood which S. 50 reflects. Discussion and passage could not come at a better time. It will affirm, despite much current rhetoric to the contrary, that the Government of the United States can be, as it has been, a force for compassion and good in the Republic. It does not solve the unemployment problem by asking the unemployed to accommo date themselves to the new era of lowered expectations. It accepts that those who ask for a reduced role of government are usually the rich who ask for a reduced level of taxes or the predatory who wish a lessened volume of regulation. Their voices being loud, thev are regularly mistaken for those of the masses. In dismissing, as I trust they will, the opposition of the President’s conservative ad visers, the sponsors show their understanding of one of the great constants of economic and political behavior. It is that those who speak most passionately about defending capitalism oppose most y * measilJes which its injustices are diminished, its performance improved and its future improved or secured. 85 I would point out, after having read the testimony of my friend Alan Greenspan yesterday, that I hope various members of the com* mittee asked him if he would have supported the legislation passed 30 years ago by which he is now employed. My deep conviction is that Mr. Greenspan would have opposed the original Employment Act setting up the Council of Economic Advisers of which he is the Chairman. The bill is especially to be commended for the planning features it incorporates from the companion legislation of Senators Hum phrey and Javits. The modern economic system, as recent experi ence with petroleum products, fertilizer, electrical energy, numerous raw materials and food demonstrates, contains no mechanism for adjusting supply to demand without shortages or disruptive move ments in prices. This is increasingly the case as market prices gave way to those administered by the larger corporate enterprises or, as in the case of petroleum products, by international cartels. A deter mined effort to anticipate and forestall such dislocation is thus an essential adaptation to the facts of modem life. You will doubtless be told that a firm commitment to free enterprise and the American system precludes any effort to foresee problems and prevent their occurrence, that it excludes any exercise of anticipatory intelligence by government. This foolishness can safely be ignored. Theology we have always with us. I was impelled to write those words by reading the testimony and comments of Mr. Walter Wriston of the First National City Bank, which I hope all connoisseurs of business procedures will note and cherish. He said the Humphrey-Javits legislation was the first step toward an economic police state. Mr. Chairman, that’s a difficult but alarming concept. And he went on to say that it would destroy “both our personal liberty and our productive power.” I think both Sena tors Javits and Humphrey would be pleased to know that their legislative power was that great. The bill before you places emphasis on affirmative job creation either by the Federal Government or as an alternative to layoffs, reduced services and resulting unemployment by the States and cities. This I much applaud. In recent years we have been using the regressive and discreditable device of reducing Federal taxes when there is need to expand employment. One group of otherwise distinguished economists recommends such action for all economic malperformance and on occasion also for chronic nose drip. It is a policy that returns money to corporations and those in the upper quartiles of the personal income tax brackets—those who least need it. It is inefficient as a form of stimulation for, not being urgently needed, the tax savings is not as reliably spent—it is by no means as reliably spent as money for jobs. It cannot be directed—targeted— as can jobs to the areas of greatest unemployment. And, coming as it does at a time of recession, unemployment and associated strin gency in State and local finance, its effect is offset by increases in State and local taxes and cuts in local services. Last autumn, as a continuing cut in Federal income taxes was being voted in Congress, numerous States and localities, New York State and City being the extreme cases, were increasing local sales, business, property, 86 and other taxes and reducing police, fire, school, and other employ ment. Such policies make no economic sense whatever. Commenting on the negative reactions of numerous economists to this bill, Senator Humphrey offered the opinion that in the recent “ climate of neg ativism” they had “ lost their nerve and sense of creativity.” They have also, T fear, remained too comfortably, too Ions: with policies that once seemed innovative but which, in the full light of experience, have become very conservative. There will be much learned debate over whether the 3 percent unemployment goal set in the bill is too low. This brings me to a major—I should say my major—point. There is no answer. It de pends entirely on the companion action to prevent inflation. At a 3 percent unemployment rate, there is no question, the Ameri can economy can be disastrously inflationary. Western European countries, notably Germany, Switzerland, and some others, can come much closer to full employment than we do. That is because they have an implicit incomes policy, which I will mention a moment later, but also because they rely heavily on foreign labor. This they send or keep at home when it is not needed. Thus their unemploy ment remains uncounted in unemployment back home in Yugoslavia, Turkey, Italy, Spain, or Portugal. Our unemployment figures in contrast are relatively honest. In the United States in recent years with unemployment varying at from 7 up to 10 percent, industrial prices have gone steadily upward. Such stabilization as has been achieved has been at the expense of farm prices and some other commodity prices. Industrial prices have only slightly tempered their upward movement and it’s by these current facts, Mr. Chair man, that we must be warned. I must specifically and deliberately warn my liberal friends not to engage in the wishful economics that causes them to hope that there is some still undiscovered fiscal or monetary magic which will combine low unemployment with a low level of inflation. That expec tation is in conflict with the purposes of this bill. Both fiscal and monetary policy achieve price stability by creating idle plant and unemployment and using these to bring moderating or downward pressure on prices and wages. Let all who advocate this legislation be mature. Let us not imagine that God is a liberal gentleman who will work miracles for liberals merely because He loves His own. We cannot combine full employment with policies that use un employment to stabilize prices. There is no substance to the wishful thought, hinted at in this bill, that the higher output that goes with full employment will lower unit costs or otherwise stabilize prices. In step with the higher output goes higher income to buy the prod uct. Markets are not less strong with the greater supply. And as capacity is approached, the ability of corporations to raise prices increases. And the pressure of higher living costs causes unions to ask for hisrh wa^e settlements when they have the bargaining power to get them. As full employment is approached, inflation will become more severe. There is also no future in the belief that inflation should be ac cepted as the Ie«ser evil. Voters will alwavs react to the evil that they are experiencing, will not measure it against the evil they 87 avoided. I hope that we will never have a political debate in which liberals accept inflation, conservatives accept unemployment. Since fiscal and monetary policy operate against inflation by creating unemployment—this, not an act of nature, is the cause of the present recession and unemployment—the only remaining al ternative is direct intervention in wage bargaining and adminis tered prices. (I think, if I may say so, that I have had perhaps more experience with this problem than any other man still alive. I have said many times, Mr. Chairman, that when I finished my tour of duty as price fixer in World War II, President Roosevelt of fered me a job in South Africa and his thought was that that was the farthest away he could have me from Washington.) I would be as anxious to avoid this course as anyone, were there any alter native. Unfortunately, there is not. I ’m aware of some wording in the bill which allows of this action if all else fails. Section 107(7) asks that the Economic Report make ‘‘recommendations for administrative and legislative actions to pro mote price stability.” That form of words is not an adequate or even a very brave response to what all must agree is, perhaps, the major question raised by this bill. I ’m also aware of the reason for wanting to sweep this issue under the rug. The required actions are a bold departure from past prac tice ; there is fear of losing the support, not only of the corporations, but also of the unions. However, this might have been better than losing the support of those who fear inflation. And George Meany has said many times that labor will accept an incomes policy if it applies to all incomes, does not single out the union man for special attention. No one can object to that position; no trade union leader could or should ask for less. The bill should be amended to allow prompt executive action as full employment is approached. The authorization should include provision for restraints on prices of corporations where there is sub stantial market power—I have reference here to large corporations, perhaps those employing 1,000 workers or more—and provision for tripartite negotiation of limits on wage and salary increases, a re quirement of equitable restraints on other incomes, and provision for serious impartial administration of the policy. If, as some may still hope, the danger of inflation is not real, these provisions will not be invoked, will do no harm. I f they are needed, they are there. This is a matter, it should be added, on which events around the world are in the saddle. Nearly all European countries now have an implicit incomes policy based on calculations of the effect of wage increases on both domestic inflation and the competitive position of the country’s industries in foreign markets, matters that are con sidered when collective bargaining arrangements are entered into. There are implicit price ceilings from the same source. Britain and Canada have gone on to establish and enforce formal wage and price restraints. The recent British limitation on wage increases of 4.5 percent for the next year has gone into effect with the acquiescence of the unions and both Government and opposition political parties. Numerous American economists still resist these thoughts. No one should imagine that my professional colleagues are disinterested. 88 They have a deeply vested interest in both the textbooks and th6 personal knowledge which this policy would make obsolete. Thus I come here to urge a strong stand against unemployment and an equally unequivocal stand against inflation too. When the original Employment Act was passed, after the long experience of depression, peacetime inflation was not perceived to be a problem. We have much experience since to show that it is. Our stand for full employment will be stronger if we end or neutralize the legiti mate anxieties of those who fear inflation just as we will be in a better position to deal with inflation if our remedy does not, as now, require that there be unemployment and recession. In concentrating on major issues, it would be wrong to neglect the lesser, smaller provisions for reporting and discussion that the bill contains. The Employment Act of 1946 made the management of the American economy a matter of specific yearly discussion and decision and, in the best democratic manner, greatly widened the participation in that discussion. This legislation extends and gives more specific point to that earlier legislation. It also, though marginally, brings monetary policy into the com* plex of active economic policy. It was earlier excluded on the curious grounds that anything having to do with banking was too sacred and delicate for the ordinary processes of economic decision. Thus the independence, so-called, of the Federal Reserve—an independence in theory even of the President, although it has been my observation that no Federal Reserve Chairman long resists when told plainly by a President what he should do. There was never any basis for this aristocratic idea except the prestige arising from the association with money. Were it my choice, I would make the Federal Reserve explicitly subject to the economic policy and planning herein pro vided. However, I recognize the desire of the authors of the bill to avoid battles over large totemic issues. I urge the strengthening of S. 50 along the lines that I have indi cated. And I urge its passage. [Complete statement follows:] T e s t im o n y by Jo h n K enneth G a l b r a it h , on the B a la n c e d G e o w t h A ct of F ull E m ploym ent and 1976 patm an, Members of the Committee: I endorse the Bill before you today. I will urge some important improvements; these do not prevent my applauding the strongly progressive and affirmative mood which S50 reflects. Uiscussion and passage could not come at a better time. It will affirm, despite much current rhetoric to the contrary, that the government of the United states can be, as it has been, a force for compassion and good in the Republic. - L r * 8 U°; fcl?e une®Ployment problem by asking the unemployed to themselIves to the new era of lowered expectations. It accepts that ?0r ? recced role of government are usually the rich who ask of. taXtSsor the who wish a lessened volume of ^ing loud, they are regularly mistaken for those d«S trU8t they wm* the °PP°sition the Presiot the ertat rnnttui im i ^ ^ t sponsors show their understanding of one mwwV economic and political behavior. It is that those who Y0C ?* all measureJhv vreO&tory ot <anK caPltalism oppose most predictably * » •""■Ml** «• I M X . ' I W M I The Bill from is especially to be commended for the DlannlnE ftuhim i it in corporate, the companion 89 The modern economic system, as recent experience with petroleum products, fertilizer, electrical energy, numerous raw materials and food demonstrates, contains no mechanism for adjusting supply to demand without shortages or disruptive movements in prices. This is increasingly the case as market prices give way to those administered by the larger corporate enterprises, or as in the case of petroleum products, by international cartels. A determined effort to anticipate and forestall such dislocation is thus an essential adaptation to the facts of modern life. You will doubtless be told that a firm commitment to free enterprise and the American system precludes any effort to foresee prob lems and prevent their occurrence, that it excludes any exercise of anti cipatory intelligence by government. This foolishness can safely be ignored. Theology we have always with us.1 The Bill before you places emphasis on affirmative job creation either by the Federal government or as an alternative to layoffs, reduced services and resulting unemployment by the states and cities.* This I much applaud. In recent years we have been using the regressive and discreditable device of re ducing Federal taxes when there is need to expand employment. One group of otherwise distinguished economists recommends such action for all economic malperformance and on occasion also for chronic nose-drip. It is a policy that returns money to corporations and those in the upper quartiles of the personal income tax brackets—those who least need it. It is inefficient as a form of stimulation for, not being urgently needed, the tax saving is not as reliably spent—it is by no means as reliably spent as money for jobs. It cannot be directed—targeted—as can jobs to the areas of greatest unemployment. And, coming as it does at a time of recession, unemployment and associated strin gency in state and local finance, its effect is offset by increases in state and local taxes and cuts in local services. Last autumn, as a continuing cut in Federal income taxes was being voted in Congress, numerous states and locali ties, New York state and city being the extreme cases, were increasing local sales, business, property and other taxes and reducing police, fire, school and other employment. Such policies make no economic sense whatever. Comment ing on the negative reaction of numerous economists to this Bill, Senator Humphrey offered the opinion that in the recent “climate of negativism” they had “lost their nerve and sense of creativity.” 3 They have also, I fear, re mained too comfortably, too long with policies that once seemed innovative but which, in the full light of experience, have become very conservative. There will be much learned debate over whether the four percent unemploy ment goal set in the Bill is too low. This brings me to a major—I should say my major—point. There is no answer. It depends entirely on the companion action to prevent inflation. At a four percent unemployment rate, there is no question, the American economy can be disastrously inflationary. Western European countries, notably Germany, Switzerland and some others, can come much closer to full employ ment than we do. That is because they have an implicit incomes policy, which I will mention in a moment, but also because they rely heavily on foreign labor. This they send or keep at home when it is not needed. Thus their unemploy ment remains uncounted in unemployment back home in Yugoslavia, Turkey, Italy, Spain or Portugal. Our unemployment figures in contrast are relatively honest. In the United States in recent years with unemployment varying from seven up to ten percent, industrial prices have gone steadily upward. Such stabilization as has been achieved has been at the expense of farm prices and some other commodity prices. By these facts we must be warned. I must specifically and deliberately warn my liberal friends not to engage in the wishful economics that causes them to hope that there is some still undiscovered fiscal or monetary magic which will combine low unemployment with a low level of inflation. That expectation is in conflict with the purposes of this Bill. Both fiscal and monetary policy achieve price stability by creating 1 Students of the higher corporate argument, both in and out of Congress, will wish t» reflect on the judicious reaction of Mr. Walter Wriston of Citicorp and therewith of tho First National City Bank. Such exercise of intelligence, h e . has concluded, would be the first step toward an “ economic police state,” a difficult but alarming concept and “ would destroy both our personal liberty and our productive power.” * More thought needs to be given to the means for giving countercyclical support to states and localities. * Challenge magazine, May/June 1976 90 idle plant and unemployment and using these to bring moderating or down ward pressure on prices and wages. Let all who advocate this legislation be mature. Let us not imagine that God is a liberal gentleman who will work miracles for liberals merely because He loves His own. We cannot combine full employment with policies that use unemployment to stabilize prices. There is no substance to the wishful thought, hinted at in this Bill, that the higher output that goes with full employment will lower unit costs or otherwise stabilize prices. In step with the higher output goes higher income to buy the product. Markets are not less strong with the greater supply. And as capacity is approached, the ability of corporations to raise prices increases. And the pressure of higher living costs causes unions to ask for high wage settlements when they have the bargaining power to get them. As full employment is approached, inflation will become more severe. There is also no future in the belief that inflation should be accepted as the lesser evil. Voters will always react to the evil that they are experiencing, will not measure it against the evil they avoided. I hope that we will never have a political debate in which liberals accept inflation, conservatives accept unemployment. Since fiscal and monetary policy operate against inflation by creating un employment—this, not an act of nature, is the cause of the present recession and unemployment—the only remaining alternative is direct intervention in wage bargaining and administered prices. I would be as anxious to avoid this course as anyone—were there an alternative. Unfortunately there is none. I'm aware of some wording in the Bill which allows of this action if all else fails. Section 107 (7) asks that the Economic Report make “recommendations for administrative and legislative actions to promote price stability.” That form of words is not an adequate or even a very brave response to what all must agree is, perhaps, the major question raised by this Bill. I’m also aware of the reason for wanting to sweep this issues under the rug. The required actions are a bold departure from past practice; there is fear of losing the support, not only of the corporations, but also of the unions. However this might have been better than losing the support of those who fear inflation. And Mr. George Meany has said many times that labor will accept an incomes policy if it applies to all incomes, does not single out the union man for special attention. No one can object to that position; no trade union leaders could or should ask for less. The Bill should be amended to allow of prompt executive action as full employment is approached. The authorization should include provision for restraints on prices of corporations where there is substantial market power, provision for tripartite negotiation of limits on wage and salary increases, a requirement of equitable restraints on other incomes, and provision for serious, impartial administration of the policy. If, as some may still hope, the danger of inflation is not real, these provisions will not be invoked, will do no harm. If they are needed, they are there. This is a matter, it should be added, on which events are in the saddle. Nearly all European countries now have an implicit incomes policy based on calculations of the effect of wage increases on both domestic inflation and the competitive position of the country’s industries in foreign markets. There are implicit price ceilings from the same source. Britain and Canada have gone on to establish and enforce formal wage and price restraints. The recent British limitation on wage increases of 4.5 percent for the next year has gone into effect with the acquiescence of the unions and both Government and opposition. Numerous American economists still resist these thoughts. No one should imagine that my professional colleagues are disinterested. They have a deeply vested interest in both the textbooks and the personal knowledge which this policy would make obsolete. Thus I come here to urge a strong stand against unemployment and an ennaHy unequivocal stand against inflation too. When the original Employment Act was passed, after the lone experience of depression, peacetime inflation was not perceived to be a problem. We have much experience since to show i *!aTl<11?11*011 eTTmloyment will be stronger if we end or neutral- Lhose who fear infl*tion i«8t as we will be in a ^ 7 inflation if our remedy does not, as now, require that there be unemployment and recession. In concentrating on major issues, it would be wrong to neglect the lesser, smaller provisions for reporting and discussion tliat the Bill contains. The Employment Act of 1946 made the management of the American economy a matter of specific yearly discussion and decision and, in the best democratic manner, greatly widened the participation in that discussion. This legislation extends and gives more specific point to that earlier legislation. It also, though marginally, brings monetary policy into the complex of active economic policy. It was earlier excluded on the curious grounds that anything having to do with banking was too sacred and delicate for the ordinary proc esses of economic decision. Thus the independence, so-called, of the Federal Reserve—an independence in theory even of the President, although it has been my observation that no Federal Reserve chairman long resists when told plainly by a President what he should do. There was never any basis for this aristocratic idea except the prestige arising from the association with money. Were it my choice I would make the Federal Reserve explicity subject to the economic policy and planning herein provided. However I recognize the desire of the authors of the Bill to avoid battles over largely totemic issues. I urge the strengthening of S50 along the lines that I have indicated. And I urge its passage. The C h a i r m a n . Thank you very much, Dr. Galbraith. Professor Ulmer. STATEMENT OF PROF. MELVILLE J. ULMER, UNIVERSITY OF MARYLAND Mr. U lm er. Thank you. I endorse this bill, Mr. Chairman, but onjy if it’s significantly revised with several important amendments. The great merit of the Humphrey-Hawkins bill is that it starts with one of the important truths of our time—one that I, personally, have been trying to shout from the rooftops for nearly 10 years: that is, to quote, that “ aggregate monetary and fiscal policies are inade quate by themselves to achieve full employment and to restrain in flation.” It seemed like an excerpt, taken verbatim, from one of my own articles, a circumstance that could easily lead a modest man to anticipate reading one of the great legislative landmarks of Amer ican history. I f I had such anticipations, they quickly deteriorated as I went on. For despite the obviously noble motivations of its au thors, I found that the Humphrey-Hawkins bill contains the seeds of its own frustration. It fails ever to confront the central economic problem that it had presumably set out to solve. That central problem, proved time and again by experience, is the fundamental conflict between the goals of full employment and price stability. It is reflected in the three-phase pattern of what I have called the roller coaster economy. And that pattern has been imprinted in our economic history ever since Keynesian stabiliza tion techniques were adopted in this country, though informally at first, shortly after World War II. In the first phase of the pattern there is an economic recovery typically supported by a tax reduc tion as is the present upswing. During this phase prices and wages rise, though usually not so briskly. Second comes a period of pros perity, though never actually yielding full employment. During this phase the rate of inflation intensifies, and before long becomes truly alarming. We are not so far from that kind of inflation right now. In the next, or third, phase of the cycle there is a recession, delib erately induced to fight inflation* The “ inducements” generally are 92 higher taxes and/or interest rates. This sequence of events is so familiar that even the general public knows it. And it senses also, with suitable concern, that the swings of the roller coaster have grown progressively wider and less controllable. But unfortunately, The authors of Humphrey-Hawkins give no evidence that they share that common knowledge. The proposal of this bill, in effect, would simply generate a great economic expansion by huge expenditures on public employment, instead of tax reductions. I would favor that, were it coupled with specific, responsible safeguards against inflation. But without those safeguards, the effort is destined for failure—in fact, so blatant a failure that the promise of a true stabilization effort could be set back 10 years. I think that if the Humphrey-Hawkins bill were enacted as it stands, and put into practice, it would stimulate a more spec tacular inflation than that of World War II. In the end it would not only fail to help the presently unemployed, but would add new re cruits to the army of the poor. I refer to those worthy men and women of advanced years, who had worked hard all their lives to provide savings and pensions for a comfortable retirement* only to find that their incomes were not even enough, in purchasing power, to keep them properly fed. And there is nothing now in the bill that offers the slightest hope of avoiding that eventuality. Indeed, the bill seems married to a traditional and clearly out dated misconception of why prices rise. For example, it promises to restrain "inflation when total demand threatens to exceed the Na tion’s capabilities at full employment.” That unrealistically simpli fied objective provides its own oversimplified, textbook solution: Just stop demand from exceeding the full employment level. But the central problem of our times, as I earlier described, is that se vere inflation sets in long before we get to full employment, that it becomes so intense every time the economy expands that we never do get to full employment. The questions this bill should confront, but does not, is why does premature inflation develop? What can be done to stop it? I want to say, before closing, a few words about these questions, and the amendments to this bill that I think the answers would suggest. There are two related reasons why premature inflation always develops, so that corrective recessions—six in the last 27 years have been a periodic, practical necessity. The first relates to the quasi-monopohstic power of oligopolistic industry and labor unions. I am not suggesting that either business or unions are anti social In the economic setting, we have provided for them, thev have simply followed their own interests, rationally. In a presidential address before the American Economic Association last year, Robert A. Gordan remarked that: “We economists pay too little attention that conditions economic Italicized th« word changing. The critical change in the postwar economic history of the United States was the svstem- i0^ ^ lyneSmn tw'hn1i<iaes for economic stabilization. It meant, at least, so far as people have been able to see. that declines in b n n > « .Btmty would „ ever X w S t o p r o t ^ ve ” h r or Iwt ™ y long. T lat conviction « btemd t o i n f C e K behavior of business and labor, as it indisputably has. 93 In a word, oligopolistic industry and organized labor have both learned, as Wall Street puts it, to “ look across the valley.” When business activity declines temporarily, there is virtually no inducement to lower prices and wages in order to maintain volume. Instead business and labor are preoccupied throughout with the immediate preparations that should be made for the next up turn. There is an eagerness, an alertness on the part of oligopolists to preserve industry discipline (which means not lowering: prices) and to maintain and increase the industry’s share in the GNP (which means increasing prices)—especially since, as I have shown else where, demand usually becomes inelastic in recessions. For its part, each union is determined to maintain and improve the purchasing power of its members in recession, and with prices still rising, and given the equal determination of all other unions, this means raising wages as much and as often as opportunity offers. I have described this process in considerably more detail, including the inflationary psychology it inculcates, in another paper I am submitting to this committee. However, the common phenomenon of business firms and unions raising wages and prices even when output is falling, is familiar to all. Their intensified aggressiveness, as soon as conditions improve* is equally familiar. There is only one conceivable, effective response to this situation. The Federal Government must have the standby power, and the will, to impose mandatory controls on prices and wages whenever the behavior of an industry or a union clearly contravenes the pub lic interest. I am convinced that this can be done flexibly, without thwarting the allocative functions of supply and demand,* and with out placing our economy in a straightjacket. And I would be de lighted to offer this committee whatever help I can give in preparing an amendment to this bill incorporating such ideas. The Chairm an. Will you do that? I wish you would submit an amendment. Mr. U lm er. Thank you. The second reason for premature inflation lies in a structural im balance in the supply and demand for labor. It arises from a critical split in the labor force, and I refer not to females versus males, and certainly not blacks versus whites, since 75 or 80 percent of the un employed are normally white. The split in question has to do with the level of skills. A very large part of the labor force remains virtu ally unaffected by recessions. You can verify this by examining BLS data on unemployment rates by occupation.* The jobless rates remain at 1, 2, or 2V5 percent in recessions for nearly all skilled workers, professionals, administrators, technicians, and of course government employees. You can tell this also by simply noting stories in the Wall Street Journal, reporting severe shortages of what is always considered a surprising variety of skills, even during our worst re cessions. Meanwhile, of course, among the unskilled and the semi skilled unemployment rates during downturns are anywhere be tween 2 awl, 4 times the national average. Now, when we use the famed -Keynesian techniques for expanding demand and employ ment^ we create what can only be called overfull efliplby*nent in markets for the more skilled workers, the technicians, professionals, and other favored personnel—an inflationary situation in which jobs 94 are chasing men and women. At the same time, the unskilled and the .semiskilled arc helped only modestly. Hence, one essential step to ward providing full employment without inflation is the one pro posed by Humphrev-Hawkins—that is, to give the unemployed un skilled and semiskilled jobs in the public sector. They never are, and under present circumstances never can be employed in the private sector except under the most inflationary conditions. lint public employment is expensive, even after allowing for off setting savings in unemployment insurance and the like. It would unleash a flood of spending in private business markets with an in flationary impact that could not possibly be contained by manda tory price-wage controls acting alone. Therefore, instead of vagjue sentiments, there must be a definite directive in Humphrey-Hawkins about tax policy. Taxes should be adjusted to a level sufficient to maintain program guaranteeing opportunities to work, that tax objective is entirely feasible as well as essential. In practice, in the present situation, it would probably mean financing the entire net cost of public employment by a tax increase. That would admittedly be a bitter pill for the public, not to men tion those running for office in an election year, but medicine of that kind lias been accepted before when the public had faith in its effi cacy and purpose. In the present case, I think acceptance of a suffi cient tax increase would require much greater assurance than this bill now provides that public employment will be truly productive, and carefully directed at those high priority needs that still remain tragically unfulfilled in the public sector. The major proposal to which these comments lead is this. Along with its promise that adult unemployment will be reduced to 3 per cent within 4 years, the Humphrey-Hawkins bill should contain a second guarantee—that the annual increase in the consumer price index will be reduced to a maximum of 2 percent within 4 years. To satisfy that objective it will have to provide for mandatory, selec tive wage-price controls plus the appropriate tax policy just defined. A program of that kind, I think, would offer the only promise there can be of getting what we have never had—full employment without inflation. r J [Complete statement follows:] F u l l E m p l o y m e n t W it h o u t I n f l a t i o n ? 11 r o w r a i w m N o The F dctot preat merit o f th e o r E c o n o m ic s , U n iv e r s it y op M a r y l a n d , RePUBLIC" S ™ N a t io n a l Humphrey-Hawkins bill is that it starts with one to s h l t ' & V ^ftop°s C n w e n 6 s. “• "“- 1 “ w " - n s?sss» 5 95 That central problem, proved time and again by experience, is the funda mental conflict between the goals of full employment and price stability* It is reflected in the three phase pattern of what I have called the roller coaster economy. And that pattern has been imprinted in our economic history ever since Keynesian stabilization techniques were adopted in this country, though informally at first, shortly after World War II. In the first phase of the pattern there is an economic recovery, typically sui>ported by a tax reduction as is the present upswing. During this phase prices and wagse rise, though usually not so briskly. Second comes a period of prosperity, though never actually yielding full employment. During this phase the rate of inflation intensifies, and before long becomes truly alarming. We are not so far from that kind of inflation right now. In the next, or third, phase of the cycle there is a recession, deliberately induced to fight inflation. The "inducements** gen erally are higher taxes and/or interest rates. This sequence of events is su familiar that even the general public knows it. And it senses also, with suit able concern, that the swings of the roller coaster have growTn progressively wider and less controllable. But unfortunately, the authors of HumphreyHawTkins give no evidence that they share that common knowledge. The proposal of this bill, in effect, would simply generate a great economic expansion by huge expenditures on public employment, instead of tax reduc tions. I would favor that, wTere it coupled with specific, responsible safeguards against inflation. But without those safeguards, the effort is destined for fail ure—in fact so blatant a failure that the promise of a true stabilization effort could be set back ten years. I think that if the Humphrey-Hawkins bill were enacted as it stands, and put into practice, it would stimulate a more spec tacular inflation than that of World War II. In the end it would not only fail to help the presently unemployed, but would add new recruits to the army of the poor. I refer to those worthy men and women of advanced years, who had worked hard all their lives to provide savings and pensions for a comfortable retirement, only to fijid that their incomes w^ere not even enough, in purchasing power, to keep them properly fed. And there is nothing now in the bill that offers the slightest hope of avoiding that eventuality. Indeed the bill seems married to a traditional and clearly outdated miscon ception of why prices rise. For example, it promises to restrain “inflation when total demand threatens to exceed the nation’s capabilities at full employment." That unrealistically simplified objective provides its own over-simplified, text book solution: Just stop demand from exceeding the full employment level. But the central problem of our times, as I earlier described, is that severe inflation sets in long before we get to full employment, that it becomes so intense every time the economy expands that w’e never do get to full employ ment. The questions this bill should confront, but does not, is why does premature inflation develop? What can be done to stop it? I want to say, before closing, a few words about those questions, and the amendments to this bill that I think the answers would suggest. There are two related reasons why premature inflation always develops, so that correc tive recessions—six in the last twenty-seven years—have been a periodic, prac tical necessity. The first relates to the quasi-monopolistic power of oligopolistic industry and labor unions. I am not suggesting that either business or unions are anti-social. In the economic setting we have provided for them, they have simply followed their own interests, rationally. In a presidential address before the American Economic Association last year, Robert A. Gordan re marked that “we economists pay too little attention to the changing institu tional environment that conditions economic behavior” He italicized the word changing. The critical change in the postwar economic history of the Fnited States was the systematic adoption of Keynesian techniques for economic stabilization. It means, at least so far as people have been able to see thus far, that declines in business activity would never again be allowed to progress very far or last very long. That conviction was bound to influence the behavior of business and labor, as it indisputably has. In a word, oligopolistic industry and organized labor have both learned, as Wall Street puts it. to “look across the valley.” When business activity de clines temporarily, there is virtually no inducement to lower prices and wages in order to maintain volume. Instead business and labor are preoccupied throughout with the immediate preparations that should be made for the next 96 upturn. There is an eagerness, an alertness on the part of oligopolists to pre serve industry discipline (which means not lowering prices) and to maintain and increase the industry’s share in the GNP (which means increasing prices) —especially since, as I have shown elsewhere, demand usually becomes inelas tic in recessions. For its part, each union is determined to maintain and improve the purchasing power of its members in recession, and with prices still rising, and given the equal determination of all other unions, this means raising wages as much and as often as opportunity offers. I have described this process in considerably more detail, including the inflationary psychology it inculates, in another paper I am submitting to this committee. However, the common phenomenon of business firms and unions raising wages and prices even when output is falling, is familiar to all. Their intensified aggressiveness, as soon as conditions improve, is equally familiar. There is only one conceivable, effective response to this situation. The fed eral government must have the standby power, and the will, to impose manda tory controls on prices and wages whenever the behavior of an industry or a union clearly contravenes the public interest I am convinced that this can be done flexibly, without thwarting the allocative functions of supply and de mand, and without placing our economy in a straitjacket. And I would be delighted to offer this committee whatever help I can give in preparing an amendment to this bill incorporating such ideas. The second reason for premature inflation lies in a structural imbalance in the supply and demand for labor. It arises from a critical split in the labor force, and I refer not to females versus males, and certainly not blacks versus whites, since 75 or 80 percent of the unemployed are normally white. The split in question has to do with the level of skills. A very large part of the labor force remains virtually unaffected by recessions. You can verify this by examining BLS data on unemployment rates by occupation. The jobless rates remain at 1, 2, or 2% percent in recessions for nearly all skilled workers, pro fessionals, administrators, technicians, and of course government employees. You can tell this also by simply noting stories in the Wall Street Journal, re]K>rting severe shortages of what is always considered a surprising variety of skills, even during our worst recessions. Meanwhile, of course, among the unskilled and the semi-skilled, unemployment rates during downtourns are anywhere between 2 and 4 times the national average. Now, when we use the famed Keynesian techniques for expanding demand and employment, we create what can only be called overfull employment in markets for the more skilled workers, the technicians, professionals, and other favored personnel—an infla tionary situation in which jobs are chasing men and women. At the same time, the unskilled and the semi-skilled are helped only modestly. Hence, one essen tial step toward providing full employment without inflation is the one pro posed by Humphrey-Hawkins—that is, to give the unemployed unskilled and semi-skilled jobs in the public sector. They never are, and under present cir cumstances never can be employed in the private sector except under the most inflationary conditions. But public employment is expensive, even after allowing for offsetting sav ings in unemployment insurance and the like. It would unleash a flood of spending in private business markets with an inflationary impact that could not possibly be contained by mandatory price-wage controls acting alone. Therefore, instead of vague sentiments, there must be a definite directive in IIumphrey-Hawkins about tax policy. Taxes should be adjusted to a level suffi cient to maintain price stability. In the presence of a public employment program guaranteeing opportunities to w’ork, that tax objective is entirely feasible as well as essential. In practice, in the present situation, it would probably mean financing the entire net cost of public employment by a tax increase. That wduld admittedly be a bitter pill for the public, but medicine of that kind has been accepted bethe public had faith in its efficacy and purpose. In the present case, think acceptance of a sufficient tax increase would require much greater assurance than this bill now provides that public employment will be truly £ and at, those hi*h Priority needs that still re main tragically unfulfilled in the public sector. The major proposal to which these comments lead is this. Along with its promise that adult unemployment will be reduced to 3 percent within 4 years, r 97 the Humphrey-Hawkins bill should contain a second guarantee—that the an nual increase in the consumer price index will be reduced to a maximum of 2 percent within 4 years. To satisfy that objective it will have to provide for mandatory, selective wage-price controls plus the appropriate tax policy just defined. A program of that kind, I think, would offer the only promise there can be of getting what we have never had—full employment without inflation. The Chairman. Thank you very much, Professor Ulmer. Professor Levitan. STATEMENT OF PROP. SAR A. LEVITAN, GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY Mr. L evitan. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. With your permission, I would like to include my prepared statement in the record and sum marize it. The C hairman. Fine. We would be happy to do that and if you could summarize we would appreciate it. Mr. L evitan. Mr. Galbraith endorses the bill for its rhetoric-----Mr. Gaujraith. I didn’t endorse it for its rhetoric. I endorsed it for its content. Mr. L evitan. I thought you said you endorsed the rhetoric. Mr. Galbraith. I didn’t say anything about the rhetoric in the bill. Mr. L evitan. I f you will check the record, you did endorse the rhetoric of the bill. Mr. G amraith. Would you check the record on that, please? Could we have my reference in the record? The Chairman. Well, it’s going to take quite a while to do that. Supposing you go ahead with your statement and then we have two experts here transcribing and perhaps they could be able to do that in the course of Dr. Levitan’s presentation. Mr. L evitan. Well, whether or not he endorsed it for its mood, I oppose it for its rhetoric. As noble as the goals are, I agree with the chairman that there’s no use in passing additional legislation as Congress did in housing, without anticipating that the promises will be carried out. I think we are still trying today, Mr. Chairman, more than 12 years after the Great Society programs were enacted, to fulfill the excessive prom ises of those programs. It’s not that the programs have not worked. They have worked very well and they have improved the quality of life in the United States, but we are still judging those programs on the basis of the promises that we made and not on the basis of realistic anticipation. The S. 50 amendments before you are in the same line, making ex cessive promises with little hope of delivery. To carry out the 3 per cent of adult unemployment, whatever the term means—it’s not de fined in the bill—would require the creation of roughly 3 million jobs every year during the next 4 years. I give the arithmetic in my prepared statement. The numbers are very simple, but compelling. The 3 million, and possibly more, jobs that we would have to cre ate would more than double the number of jobs we have generated annually in the last decade. I don’t think we can accomplish that without excessive inflation, particularly if we want to do it in a short 98 period of 4 Years. Furthermore—as the chairman has also suggested— even if this bill passed tomorrow, I would not expect much action until 1977, if then. Under those circumstances we have even less than 4 years to realize the goal of 3 percent adult unemployment. Now as was suggested before here, we obviously could have re duced unemployment much quickly than we have been doing in the last 2 years. However, I think that to reduce unemployment to 4 or 4Vi percent on a sustained basis but that would require a considerable number of structural changes. 1 . I don’t want to misquote Mr. Galbraith again, so I would just say it’s been suggested by others besides myself that important struc tural changes are necessary. One, for example, that used to be in the jurisdiction of your committee, aid to depressed areas. Dis crimination in employment and housing will have to be obliterated. A more efficient public service employment system should be de veloped. Programs to counteract job iosses due to foreign compe tition will have to be implemented. Monetary policv will have to be coordinated with an overall economic strategy consistent with tight labor market policies. Legislation in some of the areas has already been passed, but none lias been adequately implemented. But the fact is, even if you passed the necessarv legislation today, it would take years and years to see its effects. For that reason, the realization of a high employment, tight labor market on a sustained basis will take a great many years even if we succeed in taking correction action now. There are, of course, inflationary potentials in the bill. The estab lishment of the Government as employer of last resort under the conditions that are spelled out under the bill present serious problems. Another very serious weakness in the bill is that it still deals with the same concepts of employment and unemployment that were ad dressed when the original Employment Act was passed in 1946, 30 years ago. There’s been a vast change in the structure of the economy and in the way people get an income so that employment and un employment alone is not enough to measure labor market difficulties or to identify labor market pathologies. What is required is a look at the transformation in labor market behavior as a result of $190 billion in transfer payment that we have in the economy and the millions of persons who denend not upon earnings for income but upon transfer payments. That creates a new ballgame and I think that we need some new rules and new measurements. Congress has on previous occasions tried to get executive agencies to generate new statistics^ that would combine employment and earn ings or employment and income into some type of index. Section 312 of the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act enacted by the Congress in 1973 requires that the Labor Department come out with more definitive labor market measurements and it required that the JjarK)rI^nartoent report on those new indicators to Congress bv the end o f 1974. They have not done that and it’s now a year and a half overdue according to that bill. For some reason or other—I could guess whv but it s not important—the Labor Department has simply ignored the mandate from Congress. ‘ 99 It is necessary to provide for additional measurements in order to actually measure the problems that people are facing in the labor market. There are other technical problems in this bill—it is rather cum bersome in many ways. It establishes an advisory committee to the Council of Economic Advisers which is already an advisory body and although some of my best friends may be appointed to that com mittee, I really don’t think we need it. Having said all these negative things about the bill, Mr. Chairman, I would like to use the balance of my time to comment on the posi tive contributions of the bill. I think that we do need new tools for setting economic policy and S. 50 offers the framework. By emphasizing the limits of monetary and fiscal policies in achiev ing tight labor markets without excessive inflation, S. 50 focuses on the need to strengthen structural programs as integral parts of econimic policy. Some of the necessary structural changes are listed in the bill and others can be added. In particular, the emphasis on employment as an alternative to wasted human resources and ex panded Government transfers is commendable. S. 50 calls attention to the isolation of monetary policy from over all economic policy. The remedy the amendments propose may not be adequate, but the bill emphasizes the fact that the independence of the Federal Reserve Board is not sacrosanct. Sound governmental administration suggests that the Federal Reserve Board be made an integral part in shaping the Nation’s economic policy. Finally, S. 50 points to the need of setting annual economic goals and improving the Nation’s economic intelligence. While this pro vision may raise the specter of central planning, as a taxpayer, I would hope that any Congress which votes a $413-billion budget— or even $394 billion—would do some planning before it embarks on such enoromus taxing and spending ventures. The Federal Govern ment must also be concerned about the impact of its taxing and spending upon State and local government operations, and it cer tainly cannot ignore how the total Government tax bite and spending affects us all. In summary, S. 50 points to pressing needs on the Nation’s eco nomic agenda. Its faults are that it promises more than can be reasonably delivered. Stripped of its overzealous goals, S. 50 can become an important tool for building a sounder economic system if it is properly amended, but it will require very serious surgery before it can do that. [Complete statement follows:] T e s t im o n y by Sab A. L e v it a n , C e n t e r fob So c ia l W a s h in g t o n U n iv e r s it y S t u d ie s , G eorge It is clear that the overhauling of the Employment Act which is now SO years old is long overdue, and the recent experience with the highest unem ployment since the Great Depression is again a reminder for the pressing need for a new employment policy. The sponsors of S. 50 have performed, therefore, an immense service to the strengthening of the Nation’s economic policy by focusing on the need to amend the Employment Act. It is necessary not only to reaffirm our faith that better times are ahead but also to plan for them. As an increasing number of ecenomists, including some in high places, are setting for 5 percent or more unemployment as a goal, we are indebted to the 100 sponsors of S. 50 for rejecting such forebodings. These amendments wisely look beyond the immediate economic problems, serious as they are, to provide for an economic climate where the Nation’s growth can be shared by increasing numbers of its workers. , ^ ^ While I applaud the goals of S. 50, regrettably its provisions toll short of the mark. It establishes an unemployment target which is not likely to be realiased; it ignores the changes that have occurred in the American economy since the passage of the Employment Act; it establishes a cumbersome ma chinery: and by failing to define terms, it confuses more than it clarifies. 1. The goal of achieving 3 percent adult unemployment within four years is likely to become another unfulfilled promise. Granted that the currently fashionable .pronouncements suggesting that less than 5 percent unemployment (or even higher levels) can be achieved only at the cost of high inflation reflecting the biases of the analysts and their ideologies, it does not follow that we can realistically hope to achieve sustained 3 percent unemployment without rekindling inflationary pressures. To fulfill the promise of 3 percent unemployment within four years would require an annual economic growth in GNP of 7.5 percent. The Nation has never achieved such a sustained high growth and there is nothing in this bill that would justify optimism that the goal can be achieved by 1980. Moreover, if we are to take at face value the provision of the bill that “establishes the right of all adult Americans able, willing, and seeking work to opportunities for useful paid employment at fair rates of compensation” (Section 2(b) ), then growth would have to accelerate at an even greater speed to achieve the goal of S. 50. In order to reach 3 percent adult unemployment, the Ameri can economy would have to generate over three million additional jobs per year—double the number of jobs added annually during the past decade. The arithmetic is quite simple, but compelling: 1.8 million jobs will take care of the “normal” increase in the labor force: 0.2 million jobs to provide full-time jobs to workers employed part time for economic reasons: 0.2 million jobs to absorb discouraged workers: 0.8 million jobs to absorb ‘‘excess” unemployment; 0.3.million jobs needed to provide for the expansion in work force in a “full employment” economy. We are still paying today for unrealizable and excessive promises made by the architects of the Great Society. The programs worked well, indeed, but the accomplishments are being ignored and the efforts are being condemned today because they did not live up to the rhetoric of advocates. I do not believe that responsible social policy will be served by making another promise which is not likelv to be achieved. 2. Before a 3 percent unemployment economy can be achieved without pro hibitive inflation, it will be necessary to overcome a great many structural impediments: 1. Discrimination in employment, housing and other fronts will have to be obliterated; 2. Better mechanisms than exist today will have to be designed to help persons stranded in labor surplus areas: 3. A more efficient public service employment system will have to be de veloped : 4. Programs to counteract job losses due to foreign competition will have to be implemented: and 5. Monetary policy will have to be coordinated with an overall economic strntepv consistent with tight labor market policies. These are minimal conditions for achieving sustained tteht labor markets without renewed inflation. The Humphrey-Hawkins amendments recognizes some of these problems. But the impediments to full employment are not goinsr to hp wished away, and passing legislation is not going to correct existing dpfifiences. The need to include a laundry list of vague social policies dealinsr with the structure of the public employment office, policies to combat vouth unemplovment. and measures to stimulate chronic labor surplus areas is not apparent. To the extent that provisions in existing laws are not being carried out effectively, the appropriate legislation shnuld be addressed and amended or superceded, not ignored and duplicated. Moreover, experience during the 101 past 15 years with federal aid to depressed areas, 14 years witli trade ad justment assistance, and a dozen years of proscribing civil rights discrimina tion indicates that the necessary corrective measures are difficult to achieve, and, at best, they are time consuming. 3. The bill suffers from a Rip Van Winkle effect. Reviving the too long dormant aspirations of the 1945 Full Employment Bill* S. 50 is based on labor market concepts of that era and ignores the experience and progress made during the past three decades. The proposed amendments embodied in S. 50 persist with the dichotomy of employment and unemployment as the only al ternatives available in the labor market, and fail to recognize that about one of every four Americans depend at least partially on transfer payments which carry an annual price tag of $190 billion and account for 14 percent of the total personal income of the American peox>le. In 1946, when Congress passed the Employment Act, transfer payments amounted to $11 billion and accounted for 6 percent of personal income. Except for a passing reference (Section 207) to the interrelationship of work and income, the bill ignores the problems of the working poor and those of millions of Americans for whom work and welfare go together as a way of life. In an economy in which one-seventh of the total personal income is pro vided in transfer payments, this separation of work from welfare is no longer realistic. Indeed, Congress has already recognized on several occasions these interrelationships, and in the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act of 1973 it instructed the Labor Department to design indices which would consider not only forced idleness as a measurement of problems that workers face in the labor market but also low income. The deadline set by Congress for the Labor Department to report on the new measurements was December 31, 1974, but the Bureau of Labor Statistics has failed to comply with the provisions of the law. Its findings would have been most relevant to the design of a national employment policy. A full employment policy should not ignore the vast income transfers that are now part of the economy. A goal of reducing adult unemployment to 3 percent is commendable but it will do very little for the working poor, some of whom may be working full time, year-round and still exist below the poverty threshold. The overhauling of our employment policy in 1976 should not depend exclusively on labor market data that were developed nearly four decades ago and that reflected economic conditions of that date. The need today is to formulate policy that would consider employment and earnings inadequacy and not job deficits alone. 4. The amendments indulge too much in rhetoric and stop short of concrete measures. For example, Section 202 (c) (3) suggests the desirability of pro viding for an automatic job creation trigger mechanism but fails to specify when the proposal would become operative. Recent experience suggests that the mechanism envisioned by the bill could indeed be implemented. Why not provide for the release of funds to soak up a definite proportion of whatever Congress considers “excess” unemployment? Assuming that 4 percent unem ployment is within the tolerable range, the trigger mechanism would release funds for job creation programs listed in Section 202 (b) (2) when forced idleness rises above 5 percent* Since the federally-subsidized jobs are not in tended to guarantee jobs, the released funds niight be adequate to hire 25 per cent of the unemployed above the predetermined tolerable unemployment level. If more vigorous action is desired, the mechanism could b triggered to hire a larger proportion of the “excess” unemployed and to start at a lower level of unemployment. Such a provision would go a long way toward establishing sustained high employment. 5. The amendments would establish unnecessarily cumbersome machinery of questionable value. I don’t Relieve that the cause of full employment will be served by creating another advisory committee (Section 109). The present Council of Economic Advisors is an advisory committee. Do these advisors need nnother set of advisors? Nor will the cause be helped much by the job creation project of establishing a full employment division in the Congressional Budget Office (Section 305). Nor will the requirements to file additional reports ameliorate deep seated institutional difficulties. The need to coordinate monetary policv with overall economic policy that ie consistent with tight labor market policies is generally 102 recognized. I don't believe, however, that the filing of a report by the Federal Reserve Board is going to achieve the desired goal. & As a H||i tiTMimo and having in the past attempted to draft bills, detect that the amendments suffer from, the heavy fingers of an excessive number of cooks. It is quite obvious that in drawing up the bill a number of ° had to be satisfied. To obtain unanimity the amendments deal therefore, with generalizations and avoid definition of terms. What is meant b V ^ b i c e d growth” or “adult” unemployment? The failure to define terms has already resalted in confusion. For example, one Concessional committee has assumed that currently accepted definitions will prevail while a presidential candidate who endorsed the bill expressed the view that 4.5 percent unemploy ment is consistent with the goals of the Humphrey-Hawkins bill. Never harms carried a preciact, I suspect that the vagueness may be an effective political ploy, but E9 ft past draftsman I know that it is bad legislation* The resulting confusion is certainly not going to create jobs for the unemployed. 7. Having emphasised the shortcomings of S. 50, we should not lose sight of its very positive contribution that hopefully would survive in a bill that is reported out by this committee. As I suggested at the outset, we are badly in need of new tools for setting economic policy and S. 50 offers the frame work. 1. By emphasizing the limits of monetary and fiscal policies in achieving tight labor markets without excessive inflation, S. 50 focuses on the ne®d to strengthen structural programs as integray parts of economic policy. Some of the necessary structural changes are listed in the bill and others can be added. In particular the emphasis on employment as an alternative to wasted human resources and expanded government transfers is commendable. 2. S. 50 calls attention to the isolation of monetary policy from overall eco nomic policy. The remedy the amendments propose may not be adequate, but the bill emphasizes the fact that the independence of the Federal Beserve Board is not sacrosanct. Sound governmental administration suggests that the Federal Reserve Board be made an integral part in shaping the Nation’s economic policy. . 3. Finally, S. 50 points to the need of setting annual economic goals and improving the Nation's economic intelligence. While this provision may raise the specter of central planning, as a taxpayer I would hope that any Congress which votes a $413 billion budget (or even $394 billion) would do some plan ning before it embarks on such enormous taxing and spending. The Federal Government must also be concerned about the impact of its taxing and spend ing upon State and local government operations. And it certainly cannot ignore how the total government tax bite and spending affects us all. S. in summary, S. 50 points to pressing needs on the Nation’s economic agenda. Its faults are that it promises more than can be reasonably delivered. But stripped of its overzealous goals, S. 50 can become an important tool for building a sounder economic system. The Chairm an. Thank you, Mr. Levitan. Our final witness is Professor Allen. STATEMENT OF PROF. WILLIAM R. ALLEN, DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELES, AND PRESIDENT, INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR ECONOMIC RESEARCH Mr. A lle n . Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The Chairm an. Professor Allen, we don’t have a statement from you. I f you could confine your remarks, if possible to about 10 minutes we would appreciate it. Mr. A lle n . Well, Mr. Chairman, there will be very little rhetoric from me in those 10 minutes if for no other reason—though there may be additional reasons—because there 5s no prepared statement. T was given to understand that there would be none. It is a privilege, of course, to be here, nonetheless, and I should 103 like to be of some use even though, for once because of today’s seating arrangement, I find myself to the left of Professor Gal braith. I think Professor Galbraith may have given me a wink, at least that’s what I felt, when he made a reference to vested interest of textbook authors who, because of their interest, may be reluctant to deviate from the supposed conventional wisdom. As a best selling author himself, Professor Galbraith may have his own interests, I would suppose. Certainly his books sell better than mine. I oppose the bill, not because of any rhetoric in it or on behalf of it, though there has indeed been some, but because it incorporates bad economics, bad history, bad phychology, and I suspect even bad politics. The Balanced Growth and Economic Planning Act of 1975 was introduced by Senator Humphrey, you will note, on May 21 of last year. He should not have done it, but a civilized regard for history calls for noting the anniversary. And now we are blessed with the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976. I ’m comforted by the anticipation of the committee chairman that the bill, if it does become law, will not achieve at least the mechan isms intended by its supporters. I find it ironic and discouraging that advocates of individual responsibility, maximal range of individual choicemaking, and minimal control and intervention by Government are obliged to continue to fight severe rearguard actions in this double bicentennial year, double because 1776, of course, was the year of not only the splendid statement of political liberty by the American statesmen but a statement of economic liberty, if you please, by a Scottish scholar. The proposals or current proposal, I suggest, would take us still further along a path and deeper into a territory which is not only imperfectly surveyed but which is uncongenial—uncongenial at least to those of us who, on grounds of both fundamental philosophic orientation and criteria of efficiency, value individual responsibility and liberty to choose and who value also the enormous effectiveness of the maximal free economy and the free society which largely emanates from a free economy. I believe I’m correct in saying that by and large those people who can be designated as fme-tuners of the economy are complain ing about short-run, ad hoc, uncoordinated Government action, and so one of the objectives is to increase the coordination ; and we nonfine-tuners are such very largely because we realize that we simply do not know enough to pursue effective coordinated discretionary policy. Planning requires forecasting of where we are and are going and how to follow the map. Updating a rolling, ongoing plan requires assessment of where we have been, why we have traced that path, and in which direction and by how much we alter which policy variables in order either to stay on or return to the golden path. I f I interpret them correctly, Professor Galbraith and Professor XJlmer put considerable weight on what is known in the trade as the Phillips curve. This is one illustration—it wasn’t mentioned, and you won’t find it in the record-----Mr. G albraith. I don’t want to make an answer on that because I deny it politically. I make that denial on behalf of Ulmer, too. 104 Mr. Allen. Well, that makes iiwJoherent much of what I hearc but I’m glad to hear the denial. We heard, along with these trade offs, of how we cannot reasonably expect to have full employmen without inflation or, to turn it around, how we can hope to contro inflation without heavy unemployment, which is the guts of th Phillips curve conception; we have heard also about monopoliei and structural problems and various other considerations. Astoundingly enough, in the discussion on inflation and relatec matters, we have heard little, if anything—perhaps there has been i mention in papers which I have not had the chance to read—oj money, its rate of growth, and changes in the rate of growth. Now I do not rejoice in failures of intervention in Government — the stumblings, the fumblings, the lurching, the staggerings — which here and abroad and through history have done, I suggest, more harm than good. It would be a great comfort were the evidence and the prospects more encouraging, yielding justified confidence that those who are so anxious to do good for downtrodden man kind would surely succeed in alleviating the pains and costs in this vale of tears. But there is no such basis for such confidence. Both history and theory tell us just the opposite. We have a great deal to be modest about, and yet, in partial re~ sponse to Professor Ulmer, I submit that we Have hardly tried appropriate monetary and fiscal policies to achieve full employment with stable prices. Can a planning board or boards foresee better and then direct better than private specialists in the market? Are they more likely to do so? Does it not concentrate the mind wonderfully to know that one will bear consequences, bad as well as good, of his decisions ? Circumstances, both objective and subjective, both domestic and international, both economic and noneconomic, constantly change. There will be surprises. Some will gain sometimes and some will lose sometimes from these surprises, because of both relative compe tence and varying chance. It is important that the community be in a position to evaluate performances. The basis of both freedom and efficiency is alterna tives. But with alternatives, that is, competition, a mere Govern ment prediction will not be self-fulfilling. What will be required is not prediction but goal, with the goal to be reached, not by happy coincidence in the midst of conventional fumbling, but by direction and decree. The selection of the goal will be political, and its attain ment will be by methods which are political. Increasingly, both relatively and absolutely, the weight of and focus on political decisions and political decisionmaking will shift attention and resources to political activity from economic activity, and the operational criteria will be those of political strategy and political survival rather than freedom and efficiency. So much for the land of the free. tio?sbofhn0nwprUTf° ci.rcumscr^? as well as to minimize concentra tions of power. The circumscribing along with the minimizing is a complex and subtle problem. For once discretionary authority is given, it can be directed to ends of the administrator which Sere not initially intended or foreseen. ere 105 As an example from my own world, university administrators, in conducting chores of admissions, financial aid, course programs, de gree requirements, recruitment, and reward of faculty and staff, can allocate enormous resources in largely unaccountable fashion for purposes of personal objectives. Private economic power, too, is suspect, a point on which Prof. Adam Smith and I wholeheartedly agree. But who is the more ac countable: the private manager or the governmental bureaucrat? Which kind of poor forecaster and inept implementer, private or governmental, is most likely to be diminished or relieved of his assignment? And where is the sophistication in meeting the chal lenge of inefficiency—and, of course, nefariousness—of monopoly by contributing to cartelization through government? The C h a i r m a n . Well, thank you, and thank all you gentlemen for very stimulating and thoughtful, excellent statements. Dr. Galbraith, let me start with you, and others may comment if they’d like to. We have been told that this measure is nothing short of an effort to repeal the business cycle. We have tried to do that, if not repeal it, to soften its impact, and to provide a greater degree of economic justice in the following ways that have been very far-reaching and expensive and some of them very effective: unemployment compensa tion, large Federal budgets that tend to larger deficits in the reces sions, 34 million Americans receiving social security checks, minimum wages and maximum hours, depressed areas legislation, food stamp legislation, Federal support of welfare, and an immense national housing program, farm income support, Medicare, comprehensive employment training, a series of massive public works programs and very large antirecession tax cuts. Those are specific definite programs that we can understand and some, as I say, have done a great deal. Yet we still have the business cycle. What should make us feel that by simply passing legislation saying our goal is going to be the elimination of the business cycle, no higher unemployment than 3 percent—why should that achieve what the specific extremely expensive measures have not done so? Mr. G a l b r a i t h . Well, Mr. Chairman, I think we obviously agree most of our efforts over the last 50 years have been devoted in eco nomic policy to repealing the business cycle and I can’t doubt that we have made great progress in that direction. Difficult as these last years have been, they have been by no means so difficult as the catastrophic slump that we had in the 1930’s. And we should con tinue this effort, I have no doubt whatever. The Employment Act of 1946 was specifically directed to that. This is an amendment that reinforces that effort, particularly in the area of direct employment providing employment as an alternative to the use of unemployment as a stabilizing factor against inflation. I might point out as one final reference, we have a kind of semi repeal that has become official with the present Administration, an asymetrical repeal. A reading of the last report of the President’s Council of Economic Advisers reveals the interesting fact that the recession which we have recently been experiencing is indeed an act 106 of nature or possibly an act of God for which the Administration and its economists hare no responsibility. The report goes on to say, however, that the recovery from the recession is entirely the work of the economists of the Administration. So even die Ford admin istration not the most progressive that we have had m history, has come half-way to agreeing that we should repeal the business cycle, so far at least as the recovery phase of it is concerned. I would suppose that this bill takes the additional step of repeal ing it as far as the depression phase is concerned, inasmuch as we would no longer be relying on unemployment as the stabilizing factor in the economy. The C h a i r m a n . Let me ask you, Mr. Ulmer, as the other supporter of the bill on the panel, what specifically is there in this bill that would enable us to achieve this goal ? As I pointed out, we have had a housing goal of 2.6 million housing starts for the last 8 years and we have come nowhere near it and we are farther below it last year than we have been at any time. It was the worst housing year in our history, with the housing goal, and as far as the Government as sisted housing starts which are completely within the control of the Government, we said 600,000 by law and we had 54,000 last year, about 10 percent. Why will this bill, which is far more comprehensive, far more difficult to achieve—what is in here that would get unemployment down to 3 percent or even get it down much lower than it would be without this legislation? Mr. Ulmer. Well, I will agree certainly with you that you have named the situation in which the Government failed to achieve a goal that itself had established, but I wouldn’t want to generalize therefore that every goal that the Government sets won’t be achieved. Now I would hope that this one would, because it’s even more important I think than the housing goal you suggested. The C h a i r m a n . I hope so, too. All of us do. But what is here that would enable us to—I agree it’s much more important and if it could be achieved I’d be all for it and I’m not against establishing a goal. I think we should establish goals. It’s the only way we can measure performance. We have goals in corporations. We have goals in uni versities. We have goals for anybody who has any ambition and anv aim and the more specific it is the better. But what I’m saying, the goal is all right. I don’t oppose that. But what I say is what is there to make us think we’re going to achieve this particular one? Mr. U l m e r . I think we are being compelled by circumstances to establish this goal and meet it and I think so because the fluctuations we have been having, as I indicated in my paper, are notably getting more severe. We had an unemployment rate of 8.5 percent in the last recession. That’s not so far removed from a level that I think we could designate as depression, not recession any more, and it was greater than any we had before. So was the accompanying inflation. And so, to get back to Mr. Allen’s, Phillips curve, it’s true that is not a stable relationship. It has in fact alarmingly been moving toward the northeast section of the quadrant. In other words, the tradeoff between inflation and unemployment has been getting worse 107 and worse, so bad you see that I don’t think we can tolerate any more the expansionary inflations and then the so-called correctivc recessions that we have been experiencing in the past. Hence, I think there’s a real social compulsion behind this bill. Furthermore, I think that the goals are achievable provided that the bill is amended as both Professor Galbraith and I suggest, to provide valid safeguards against inflation. The C h a i r m a n . Now let me interrupt at that point because I couldn’t agree with you more. I think we have to do that. We have to amend this bill, if I’m going to support it at least, to provide an inflation goal. I think Professor Galbraith is dead-right that if you don’t do that you’re certainly not going to get an effective operation, because the people are going to be sensitive to the per ceived difficulty they are in which will be an inflationary problem. You get unemployment down, then they’re going to be concerned about inflation and everything else is going to be scuttled. So you have to have that goal and I think that’s a very constructive sugges tion that both you gentlemen have indicated. Do I take it, Mr. Levitan, and Mr. Allen, while you oppose the legislation, you agree that we should have, if we are going to pass this legislation in its present form, some kind of a more specific and effective anti-inflation provision either an incomes policy, a wageprice control, or something of the kind; otherwise, you have an un balanced bill that is likely to lead to serious inflation? Do you agree with that? Mr. L e v i t a n . May I say first, there’s something in the bill to answer the question you posed to Mr. Ulmer and Mr. Galbraith that is very important and that is not in the 1946 legislation; that is a recognition of the limits of monetary and fiscal policies and the need for structural changes in the economy. Using monetary and fiscal policies alone we are caught between a rock and a hard place, forced to make our tradeoffs between either inflation or unemploy ment. By introducing the possibility of structural changes, however, S. 50 gives us a mechanism for reducing unemployment and con trolling inflation. The bill itself points out a few structural changes. In my brief statement I listed other structural changes that are necessary. I agree with Mr. Galbraith that we shouldn’t give up on smoothing the business cycle, even if we cannot obliterate it. The best way to achieve this end is by a series of structural changes in the economy. The C h a i r m a n . But let me get back to my question. Do you agree that we should have more specific and effective anti-inflation pro visions such as wage-price controls or an incomes policy or something of the kind? Mr. L e v it a n . N o, I wouldn’t do that. I would rather list the nec essary structural changes. The C h a i r m a n . Well, if we’re going to have a goal of 3 percent unemployment, why shouldn’t we have 2 percent or something like that, as Mr. Ulmer suggests, for inflation? Mr. L e v it a n . I w ould not establish 3 percent goal because as I suggested again , i f y o u ’re g o in g to have a $190 billion -------- The Chairman. I understand that and perhaps my question is unfair. If you don’t want to answer it it would be understandable. 73-365— 76------ 8 108 My th is — ------- SasrSSSS? s ff < ^ r°r < ? it. It ’s going to pass. I f we have a 3 percent goal for unemployment, do vou feel we should have a corresponding goal for inflation? Mr. L evitan . I would say then it’s a matter for a theologian, not for an economist. . The C h a ir m a k . A ll right, sir. Mr. Allen? ^ Mr. A l l e n . Well, if I may, Mr. Chairman, let me have perhaps a couple minutes to try to tie together two or three things, and I think that would make whatever I have to say of maximum use, however small absolutely We are talking here explicitly in terms of goals and objectives of what constitutes an efficient economy, even trying to tie it down to numerical criteria. The real question, of course, is who does what to whom and how, and what are the gains and costs, and who bears them, and what are the consequences of the bearing? O f course, most people and institutions have goals, for instance, betting on only winning horses at the racetrack. But I suggest that rationality and prudence and foresightedness and hedging are not synonyms for just any ofl-the-street planning and the blank verse in which it may be couched. _ , Now, in this connection, reference has been made to business cycles and the repeal thereof. I suggest that the business cycle, like the Phillips curve, has never existed. It ’s not a matter of repealing either one. It ’s a matter of recognizing that they are optical illu sions. Indeed, it is the very lack of that regularity which one asso ciates with the word “cycle’’ which yields much of the policy problem. If, in fact, there were a mechanism which generated quite uniform, well-ordered ups and downs, we would have a much better notion of what to do and what not to do and when to do it and by how much. But we do not know these things, and it behooves us to be modest about what we don’t know. But, contrary to Professor Galbraith, I ’m suggesting that un employment is not the only longrun alternative to inflation. There are in fact monetary policies, in particular, but closely associated with fiscal policies, which in principle— and I would like to see it tried sometime because I would be relatively optimistic over the long pull, and the long pull is what we’re speaking of— will indeed generate this “high level and quite stable level of employment with a low and quite stable level of price increase.” To respond in part to Professor Ulmer, why have inflation and unemployment grown worse in recent years? I think most people would agree as to the severity of the problem. But is it because we have had in the last few years more monopoly, more nefariousness, growing impurity of heart? I suggest that the reasons which are usually given to "support the bill we are discussing today are not pertinent in trying to resolve that kind of issue. An incomesJpolicy, Mr. Chairman, let me respectfully suggest, is not an anti-inflation policy in any interesting sense. It is a cosmetic policy. One can keep the published price indices as low as you want 109 them by sufficiently vigorous decree but, of course, the real phe nomenon is still there. And once again, I point out that I believe I ’m the only one to put emphasis on the money stock, its rate of growth and changes in the rate of growth. To answer, finally, in this whole context, your question: Should we have a numerical goal for maximum inflation as well as for maximum unemployment ? I would say no. Let’s not delude our selves and the community-at-large by such goals. We do the best we can, given our ignorance, given the various constraints upon us, some of the constraints being institutional, some being a matter of custom and mores, and so forth. One adopts the best policies one can generate, and I ’m quite well persuaded that at this stage of the development of the economic arts that the best we can do— and I wish we could do better— is to adopt a stable sort of policy, which is not fine-tuning but quite the opposite, and you stick to that policy, and you hope for the best. And there is reason for great hope. Let’s give that a try, and if the rate of unemployment is ZV2 or 41,4 per cent and if the rate of inflation is 3Vi or 4V& percent, we may be able to modify things to bring those numbers down. We may not. But by and large, you do what you do best, and let the consequences come. The C h a i r m a n . M y time is up. Senator Garn. Senator G a r n . W ith all due respect, Professor Galbraith to your national and international reputation, I have some very distinct dis agreements with your basic philosophy. Without getting into the details, in your defense, I would say that you did not say there is rhetoric in the bill. I have your statement before me and you were talking about current rhetoric. But I would say there’s a great deal of rhetoric in your first statement. A s a conservative, an acknowledged conservative, I get a little bit tired of the catchwords, the rhetorical “progressive, affirmative,”— anything that’s good— motherhood— we attach progressive to it and somehow that’s supposed to make us pass it and make it great and wonderful for dumb citizens who don’t have Ph. D.’s in economics. But to say this foolishness can safely be ignored concerning some of the conservative rhetoric, I would certainly wish that the foolish ness of this bill could be ignored. Unfortunately, it cannot, and if you think it passes the House committee 25 to 10 or its going to pass this Congress because of the economic sense of it, it isn’t. It ’s the political realities of “buying votes.” This type of philosophy al ways has. I don’t know whether my philosophy is correct or not— I really don’t— because it’s never been tried in my lifetime. I was bom in October of 1932, so I really don’t know. But I do know that the liberal philosophy has been tried all the years I have been alive and I credit that for most of the problems of the economy. We haven’t talked about the $75 billion budget deficit. We haven’t talked about bureaucracy. The chairman talked today about what we have tried to do and your answer was: Well, we obviously haven’t done enough. That’s the typical philosophy here; that if a program fails, we didn’t fund it enough. Put some more money in it; hire some more people. I ’m sorry. I just can’t buy that philosophy on the basis of hindsight. I only took Economics I, I I and I I I as a banking 110 and all the mm h in d s * * J ^ 1' S ^ S !‘ 0ofS? p^ & S r f S n m tive’ - i r ^ V o ^ t t o i who M k for reduced roles of Government are fiS v to S ^ y ™ really M e ™ that, tta t on ly the rich want Y ^ l T ’S ’t h a v e n u d e t h » t p o in t. S e n a to r, i f rS b S 'A d as I say, I think also that, generally speaking, fhe S d S S S Efficiently Articulate so that their voices comes to be <™fuse<JI with ^ m a sse s. ^ to the rich who a s k f o ^ r S ic ^ i level oi texfs or the predatory who w isha lean ed J t wmilation Well, let me tell you something. People not t o r H i ^ T S ^ e n h im the Unireisity of C t a h - I go to my State and I have had to campaign I was mayor, and now I have moie ™™r?,?nities to talk to people— and you talk about the masses but ? Z C t o “ lk aboutSJSituents an/citizens. I don’t lit , the tern, ■ t t l S t rings of some other philosophy; But I really get a different picture from talking to the masses. I f you think it s onl> the rich I would suggest maybe you come out and spend a week with me in Utah and walk down Main Street and listen to what the truck drivers or the cab drivers tell me, not nch people, but hard1,„ts. working people without vast education, without big money iobs not in the technical skills— they’re so fed up with this ConC a s and this Government tampering, tinkering and government interference in their lives, from O S H A to E P A , and big deficits I would surest that’s from practical experience. I ha,ve traveled around tlie rountrv giving speeches too, and I ’d like to tell you what I hear fVom ordinary peopk not just in Utah. We’re not the “masses” of this country want. They are not in tune with all this “nrfM'bage”— pardon me for saying that. You go on to say that “theology we have alwavs with us. I m sure that’s true. I would hope this committee and this Congress, because of your distinguished reputation, would not assume that yon have spoken the word of God in, your testimony today and we are supposed to fall flat because of your reputation ana follow it. W-i n_. lii_a-,, i-i*/iAnaAitvafiira DOv, w e r e w iu jij* . wts lc*vnnv rnr a. fe w V ,-T . 47 9 j • J agree it’s a political police State with the other things we re doing in this committee— going to credit allocation, more and more inter ference over and over again— we’re heading for an economic police state in this countrv and I would further submit that England, the country of your birth, is a perfect example of what socialism can do and government interference, and even the Labor Party over there is now finally starting to decide maybe they goofed a little bit. M r . G a i b r a i t i i . I should make a minor correction. I ’m Canadian by birth. We were British subjects when I was born. ‘ Senator G a r x . Well, I wish you would examine the philosophy of England and see what has "happened to them. I don't know I ll wliy we can’t learn from hindsight. I’m sorry. I don’t mean to chas tise you so much, but I’m so frustrated back here at the constant political responses to economic problems, the unwillingness to try anything but what gets us reelected, and the “masses” of the American people being ignored because it isn’t just the rich that want less government; it isn’t just the businesses. We pass legislation—the chairman can tell you about the Real Estate Settlement Procedures Act. I’ve got a file that didn’t come from the big bad businessmen and the savings and loans and bankers. It came fro m p eop le who were so tired of government telling people what to do. ^ Do you have any estimate of the budget cost of this proposal at all? Mr. G a lb r a ith . Mr. Chairman, I don’t think that I can respond in detail to my friend, the Senator from Utah. I made a statement. He made a statement. I think we have had approximately equal time Senator G a r n . I’m only asking a question that I think this com mittee is entitled to know. Mr. G a lb r a ith . I’m committed to the democratic process. I would not challenge the Senator’s right to his rather lengthy and I think not given up my rights to the first amendment of the Constitution, sure you would agree that the cost will depend entirely on the extent of the unemployment that needs to be dealt with by the bill. Without the knowledge of what the contemporary context will be—the number of unemployed—one cannot offer an estimate of what the cost will be. Senator G a r n . I’m glad that you agree that as a Senator I have not given up mv rights to the first amendment of the Constitution. Let me put it this way. I happen to feel the unemployment rate now isn’t over 3 or 3Vi percent. Let me give you some examples. You could come out with me to one of the ski resorts during the winter and see “masses” of young people who love to ski in the winter so they work in the summer and then they go on unemployment so they can live in dorms and ski all winter. They are included as part of the unemployment. There are wives who like to work occasionally but they really don’t need the income to support their family. I think the unemployment statistics are vastly overrated and at least half of the unemployment is certainly not someone who is the bread winner who is not hardcore unemployed. I hate to admit it, but I have an uncle who is a carpenter and he doesn’t like to work in Utah in the winter so he manages to get canned in the winter and he gets unemployment. How do we deal with that? I think we’re already about 3 percent in the really unemployed. Mr. G a lb r a ith . Well, Senator, I would just have to disagree with you. If anything, the unemployment statistics underestimate the ex tent of the unemployment and on this I’m sure that I would have the support of my colleagues here. Senator G a r x . Y o u disagree with me that there are students who do that? Mr. G a lb r a ith . Certainly there are, and I must say, Senator, I was distressed to hear from you about the decline of the work ethic in Utah. 112 Senator Garn. These are mostly California kids who come to Utah Galbraith. Utah and California then. Although I must tell Senator, and you can use this when you’re campaigning: As a skier I understand how much they are attracted to that good powder snow. But the truth of the matter is that after a Jong period of unemployment a very large number of people—-women, the minori ties—become discouraged and withdraw from the labor force, lhere is, thus, a very strong tendency for the unemployment figures to mini mize, to understate the unemployment. , _ , Senator Gar**. Well, I would disagree. On the matter of the bill saying adult, how would you define adult? There’s controversy over whether it should be 16 or 18 or 20. Do we inflate the unemployment figures with young people like my own son who maybe can’t get a job but certainly with a. U.S. Senator for a father with an income of $4”).000 a year he isn’t really hurting. X can take care of him. Do we inflate it bv including those younger age groups? Where would you define adult? Mr. G a ib r a tth . I confess I don't know the answer to that. What is the definition in the bill ? The C h a irm a n . There’s a difference of opinion between the two authors of the bill. Mr, Hawkins has 18 years and Mr. Humphrey has 20 years; 18 years would provide an overall unemployment of 8V4 percent and 20 years would be 4. I’ve heard that the candidate for the Presidency from Georgia, Mr. Carter, assumes it’s 24 years. That would make it W i. So there is ambiguity about it. Senator G a r n . The House bill was 16, Mr. Chairman. The C h a irm a n . Well, all right. Then it doesn’t say adult. Senator G a r n . It defines adult employment as age 16. The C h a irm a n . That’s Hawkins’ approach; you say 16 instead of 18. All right. Then it’s 3 percent. Senator G a r n . I have no other questions at this time The C h a irm a n . Senator Stevenson. Senator S te v e n so n . Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I confess I read this bill for the first time last night and was dis appointed. I thought of a plaint of Woodrow Wilson who said, as I recall, never has nothing been done so systematically as nothing is being done now. This bill does nothing. It proposes that the Presi dent propose something for the Congress to do, and you might want to read it too. Senator Garn. After reading it you might consider becoming a cosponsor. Senator Garn. I don't think the millennium is readv to happen, Mr. Senator. " 1 Senator S te v e n so n . It has only one quantitative goal in it and that’s the 3 percent unemployment. I couldn’t, in reading the bill last night, figure out what tliat one quantitative goal means. What does 3 percent unemployment mean? Are we assuming a BLS defini tion of unemployment which is basically the definition of persons seeking work and if the objective is to supply work for those seeking work, isn’t there a contradiction in this one quantative goal? What is the goal in this bill, which does nothing except to establish that one goal? you, 113 Mr. U lm e r . Were you asking what is meant b y 3 percent ? Senator S te v e n s o n . I’m sorry, but you have been targeted as a supporter of the bill, so you would be the place for me to start. Mr. U lm e r . Well, Im sorry. I don’t quite understand your prob lem. It seems to me the bill states pretty flatly that it aims at achiev ing through public employment an unemployment rate of 3 percent for adults. Now I agree that the definition of adult should have been clarified. I understood it to mean 20 and over simply because BLS keeps its statistics that way. So it would not include teenagers. Senator S te v e n so n . That’s not the question. It’s not just the ques tion of adults- It’s the definition of unemployed adults. Who do we mean? Persons seeking work? M r . U l m e r . Yes. People seeking work who haven’t found it. Senator S te v e n so n . Nobody understands this question except me. I don’t,want it to become a technical question. I’m not sure I under stand it. But if the objective is to supply work to people seeking work and the definition of unemployed is persons seeking work and the objective is 3 percent and you fulfill the objective of supplying people seeking work with work, the objective becomes zero, doesn’t it? You cut on people at some point at which you reach 3 percent of whoever it is, do you cut them off from work under whatever the programs are that I’m told are at some point down the road? Mr. U lm e r . It is assumed that there’s some basic minimum unem ployment level below which we cannot get, called frictional unem ployment, people in between jobs, for example. We can’t avoid that in the dynamic economy, and while the bill doesn’t say so, I would imagine it would require that people would not be eligible for em ployment in these public projects unless they were unemployed for some minimum period of time. Senator S te v e n so n . We’re going to figure out who the frictionally unemployed are and make them ineligible for these public service jobs? Mr. U lm e r . Well, I think this bill would do in a more generous way what our economy does at all times. It takes the people who are either, best, equipped or handier for particular jobs and hire them and it stops at some point, and we have to stop at some point. Now the authors of this bill thought that 3 percent for adults would be the stopping place. I personally think it ought to be 2 percent, but I’m very glad to stop at 3 percent for the time being. Senator S te v e n so n . Well, it’s an abstract goal. Why don’t we make it full employment? Why exclude the frictionally unemployed? Mr. U lu e r . For administrative purposes we need some kind of objective measure, and in the sense this bill gives us one. Senator S te v e n so n . And for administrative purposes you have come up with an unworkable goal for administrative purposes. The C h a irm a n . Dr. Galbraith I think wanted to comment on this. Mr. G a lb r a ith . I must say I am a little puzzled by this inter change, Senator Stevenson. There’s some history back of this. The full Employment Act of 1946 was originally called the FuU Em ployment Act. After very lengthy debate, this was changed to the Employment Act to avoid the notion of a particular goal. It was also felt that it was an unnecessary, radical step at that time and it 114 nrovoked a ereat deal of objection from Senator Taftand others. \nd as a compromise the attention of the admmi^rafaon Tras direeted to the problem of employment rather than to full employment. T d ort t u K h S t h e * w j . 4 - any doubt that th * a . «a ™ ». °^T he^Siinphrev-H aw kiiis bill attempts to correct that fa u lt b y specifying a figure which reflects, broadly speaking, the mfflamum to which one can at any time expect the imemployn^t to fall, granted, as Professor Ulmer says, that some people w i l l J * changing jobs, that there will be seasonal unemployment and all the rest. Three percent is obviously somewhat arbitrary, but I think it s not. an unreasonable figure. Both Ulmer and myself would have added—and indeed this morning did urge—that there be a com panion goal, although I would avoid a specific numerical figure, as to the amount of inflation that would be considered tolerable m the Senator S t e v e x s o x . Professor Galbraith, you haven’t answered that narrow question either—3 percent of what? Mr. G a l b r a i t h . Three percent of the labor force. Senator Stevexsox. Of the entire labor force? Mr. G a l b r a i t h . Three percent of the entire labor force, yes; the entire adult labor force. . Senator S t e v e k s o x . The unemployed seeking employment; those who have dropped out----Mr. G a l b r a i t h . That’s right, sir. Senator S t e v e n s o n . I’m sorry I interrupted you, but 1 wanted to get that straight. That’s not clear in the bill. . . . Mr. G a l b r a i t h . X o w as to the operative aspect of it, it is of course clear that there would be additional supporting legislation and of course also additional appropriations, but it seems to me the mechanies of the bill are not seriously open to criticism, that when unemployment is substantially above that level it becomes the de clared policy of the administration in power to initiate the public employment directly by the Federal Government or the support to State and local employment or the other fiscal action somewhat less specifically spelled out which would seek to get the unemployment down to the target level, i # ^ , Senator S t e v e x s o x . N o w on that point, on this question of meth odology, do you support the wage levels that have been contem plated* for the public service sector jobs, Davis-Bacon prevailing waires, and I can’t recall what else is in there? Mr. G a l b r a i t h , There’s also a specification as to the minimum wage. I think I generally would, yes. I have never been as aroused about the Davis-Bacon Act as my conservative colleagues are. Senator S t e v e n s o x . Let me ask the others then. Is there a concern on the part of others that the wage levels, whatever they are con templated to be in this program, would draw persons out of the private sector into the public sector with both inflationary and re cessionary consequences? Mr. Levitax. Certainly, if vou take seriously the provision to guarantee a job at the prevailing wage, and the average wage in public employment is higher than in the private sector. If you are 115 going to guarantee a minimum wage of let us say, $4 or $5 an hour, certainly not an unusual rate in the public sector, I would guess that at least 10 million people would give up private sector jobs to get on the public payroll. I think 10 million is not an exaggeration because there are more than 10 million people in the United States that are getting less than $4 an hour. Dr, Schultz in his testimony before the Labor and Public Welfare Committee, pointed it out very clearly. He didn’t quantify it, but I would say that you could expect 10 million people to be looking for jobs in the public sector rather than in the private sector. Senator S t e v e n so n . Then it would have consequences to the pri vate sector. Mr. L e v it a n . Obviously, and that’s why a guarantee is not a realistic approach. Senator S t e v e x s o x . Well, is it a guarantee of a certain price or wage level ? Mr. L e v it a n . Well, obviously, if you’re going to do it the way Dr. Burns suggested, by guaranteeing jobs below minimum wages, there wouldn’t be many takers and there wouldn’t be any problem. But if you guarantee wages at the going rate in the public sector, you would have millions of people transferring to the public sector. That would obviously be completely inflationary and would make the total costs prohibitive. Mr. U l m e r . I think Mr. Levitan has raised questions of fact and given his own interpretation of them. The bill says it will pay a minimum wage or a prevailing wage. The minimum wage obviously for the menial workers that Mr. Levitan was talking about, the minimum wage isn’t $4 an hour anywhere, so I don’t know how he arrived at the figure that there would be 10 million transferers from the private to the public sector. Mr. L e v it a n . Section 402(C) of the bill provides that prevailing rates will be paid and section 402(D) provides that they will be paid the applicable Davis-Bacon rates. Mr. U l m e r . Are you changing the word “prevailing” to “going?” It says prevailing. Mr. L e v it a n . Prevailing means that. Senator S t e v e n so n . “Prevailing” is a word of art and the pre vailing rate of compensation is frequently higher than the prevail ing wage. The prevailing rate for subcontractors of Federal pro grams is frequently higher than the prevailing wages for private sector workers in similar occupations. Mr. U l m e r . If one wants to direct attention to the Davis-Bacon— and I think adding this to the bill was superfluous and wrong—I don’t think it should be there. I think to state the minimum wage or the prevailing wage is a good and workable thing and I don’t think there will be any particular transferers except in Mr. Levitan’s minrl. Mr. L e v it a n . No. The fact is, and again I don’t have the bill in front of me, it talks about three types of wage rates. One is the minimxan wage; another one is a prevailing rate, the one we have been paying the last few years under the Emergency Employment Act and title I I and V I of the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act; and the third type is under Davis-Bacon. These arc 116 three different rates and presumably if you’re going to hire a per son as a clerk in the city of Washington, then you would have to pay $8,000 a year or $4 an hour. So what we’re talking about then is millions of people who are getting less than the prevailing rate in State and local government who would then obviously opt for the guaranteed job at the State and local government. Now the way Dr. Burns would resolve the problem and still have the Government act as an employer of last resort is to pay less than the minimum wage. But I’m not buying that. Under that approach we can achieve full employment presumably if, as Senator Stevenson suggests, anybody who does not accept the"job would not be counted as unemployed. On the other hand, since the bill includes the usual liberal provisions of prevailing rates and Davis-Bacon rates, then the cost of this bill is prohibitive. Senator S tev e n so n . My time has expired. As drafted, the bill requires the rate which is the highest, which I gather at least you, Professor Galbraith, would not. Mr. U l m e r . First of all, as I have said, I think Davis-Bacon should not be in there, but I also think Mr. Levitan has given his own unrealistic, in fact almost damning interpretation of what the prevailing rate would be interpreted as. This would be something that the administrators of this bill would be interpret and I can see no reason why they have to do it in a way that would absolutely murder the objectives of the bill. If people in civil service in state and local governments are getting a certain wage, I would say that’s the prevailing wage. It wouldn’t attract them into the Federal proj ects and why should anybody do this just because Mr. Levitan would like them to do so? Mr. L e v it a n . I think the w ords have clear m eaning. Senator G a r n . Mr. Levitan, if I might interrupt, I don’t think you re understanding Mr. Ulmer. It says the higher. It mandates Davis-Bacon. Mr. U lm e r . I say Davis-Bacon should be out. ^ Senator G a r n . But Mr. Levitan was saying with Davis-Bacon in. So I agree with you, it ought to be out. Mr. L e v it a n . I’m not advocating it, but it is in the bill. I’ve heard Mr. Biemiller testify in favor of this bill, and he certainly was not testifying in favor of a bill that does not provide for prevailing Mr. U l m er . I don’t know . Is that a question? The C h a i r m a n . May I point out that if you look at page 49 of the bill, lines 8, you see it is the highest of the minimum wage or the prevailing wage in a number of categories—public employment, nonprofit organizations or institutions, as well as in construction. Isow, of course, in construction you’d have Davis-Bacon. In these others you don’t have Davis-Bacon. In these others you don’t have Davis-Bacon. However, there is a problem here because if you pav the highest of the minimum wage or the prevailing wage for people working for hospitals, working on roadbeds and so forth, you’re go ing to pay a wage which is much higher than manv people get and I think Mr. Levitan is probably about right, at least 10 million people are able to earn now doing work which may be less dignified or less 117 attractive and certainly is less remunerative. Therefore, you’re going to have an automatic inflation, a wage price inflation in many indus tries. It may be necessary. It may be ethical. We ought to go into this tiling with our eyes open. This is what this is going to do. If we do get 3 percent unemployment combined with this kind of in terpretation for those who work in the public sector, you have a tough problem. Now one suggestion I made yesterday that I think might help to solve this—we do it in the CETA legislation—is to make this in stead of the prevailing wage the entry wage. That would reduce the amount. Most of these people would be entering this for the first time. They have been able to work that in the CETA legisla tion and it would mean that instead of having an automatic over night very large increase in wages, which would result in higher prices, you would moderate that very considerably. How would you consider that, Mr. Levitan? Mr. L e v it a n . Well, it would correct the situation some, but fol lowing the record of public employment that we have had since 1971 under the Emergency Employment Act and since 1973 under CETA, you would still have an average wage of about $8,000 per year. But in some cases, if you would just limit the guarantee to entry level jobs, you would obviously cut down on the total costs. The C h a i r m a n . We looked at the entry jobs. Of course, the mini mum wage is about $4,000 a year, a little over $2 and hour, to maybe $4,600 a year. The prevailing wage we found wasn’t much higher than the minimum wage, the prevailing entry wage. Mr. L e v it a n . That, Senator, would depend on the area that you’re talking about. The C h a i r m a n . It varies, but in many industries it’s $2.40, $2.50, $2.60, so it wouldn’t result in $8,000 annual wage. Mr. L e v it a n . It depends on the occupations and the areas. The C h a i r m a n . I think this gets us to the crux of a very serious roblem as far as I’m concerned, and I think Dr. Bums, although is proposal was I’m sure put forward with tongue in cheek, he pro posed a government should be an employer of last resort but that people should be paid less than the minimum wage and it should be made a constitutional amendment so that Congress couldn’t easily increase it, and he would cut people off unemployment compensation and require them to go to work at this low pay. It would have a devastating effect on the economy. Somebody getting $8 or $9 thou sand on unemployment compensation would be reduced to getting $4,000 or less and, of course, it would mean they would lose their home and car and we’d have a depression. So it would seem to me what we could do is provide something of this kind that I’m sug gesting here, an entry criteria, which would provide some incentive reward for work, something higher than the minimum wage, higher hopefully than the unemployment compensation, but lower than the pay in the private sector. Mr. L e v it a n . Then you would not achieve a 3 percent unemploy ment with that kind of proposal. The C h a i r m a n . W hy n o t ? K 118 Mr. L e v it a n . For the simple reason that you have now roughly W 2 million people collecting unemployment insurance. The average unemployment insurance is----The C h a ir m a n . You’re cutting off unemployment compensation if they don’t take it. Mr. L e v it a n . Then you’re going to have to change radically the whole system. The C h a i r m a n . Sure. M r. L e v it a n . If you do th at, then I suppose it could be done. The C h a i r m a n . We have a system now where we’re spending a lot of money getting nothing except idleness. Mr. L e v it a n . Senator, you know very well that that kind of legis lation is not going to be" enacted. Liberals are not going to be in favor of it. The C h a i r m a n . I’m not saying that you reduce the income of people on unemployment compensation. You provide a reward, but you compromise this. Mr. L e v it a n . H o w much of an incentive would you offer above the unemployment insurance? The C h a i r m a n . There’s plenty of room. The difference between unemployment compensation and the private wage by and large of unemployment compensation is about 50 percent. In some cases it’s higher. The UAW happens to be a little higher. There’s plenty of room to provide a difference, maybe a 20 percent or 30 percent pre mium above unemployment compensation that would still be well below the private wage which by and large is 100 percent above the unemployment compensation payment. Mr. G a l b r a it h . There's always been a principle, not well enforced, that if a job is available in the category in which the man is qualified, he doesn‘t get the compensation. So this would not be introducing a new principle in this regard. Mr. U l m e r . Absolutely. The C h a i r m a n . You wouldn’t object then. Dr. Ulmer? Mr. TTl m e r . That would be a fine addition. The C h a i r m a n . Mr. A lle n , you wanted to com m ent? Mr. A l l e n . Mr. Chairman, let me suggest that the discussion over -eJas^ or.15 minutes, while not without interest and certainly not without significance, illustrates some of the difficulties of trying to resolve matters of economic policy without the aid of any economic analysis We had to go, I think, to the third commentator in response to Senator Stevenson’s original question before anything was said about price, the price of the commodity in question.* There w as talk about the size o f the labor force. There w as talk about the size o f unem ploym ent and how vou g o about m easuring it. N othing was said about price, ju st as earlier, nothing h ad been said about money. And economic discussion on the issues we have taken up th is m orning which exclude both m oney and relative prices is bound to be, at best, som ew hat superficial. -TJ16 C h a ir m .a n . May I interrupt a minute. I think the cornerstone of Professor Galbraith s and Professor Ulmer’s presentation was that you have to recognize price. They come in loud and clear and emflation ° n 6 nee<*s a mechanism to prevent in - 119 M r. A llen . N o , sir. The C h a i r m a n . They proposed one. Mr. A l l e n . I’m talking about relative prices, not the price index. And when you’re talking about unemployment, presumably you’re talking in some sense, some reletvant, pertinent sense about overall surplus, where the quantity of the item, in this case labor services, being supplied is greater than the quantity being demanded. But one always has to add “at a specified price.” If the price is higher, then the shortage becomes even greater. If the price is made lower, the shortage becomes less, until finally you clear the market. N o w the supporters and indeed the drafters of this bill have, I take it, quite conspicuously avoided saving very much about the details of relative prices, of wage rates, if you please. Now, we have to recognize that in the labor market, as in other marekts, both the quantity demanded and the quantity supplied are functions of price. There is not simply a labor force in any society this side of the totalitarian society—you cannot simply go around counting noses. What you do is to ask, in effect, at such*and such a price, at such and such a wage, how many people are willing to supply their services; and if that price, I repeat, is high enough there are going to be more who want jobs at that high price than there will be people who want to hire them, and that surely is the elemental and elementary crux of the matter. The C h a i r m a n . Mr. Galbraith? Mr. G a l b r a it h . I must say that there are various things in Profes sor Allen’s responses that puzzle me I’m a little bit puzzled, as I am sure Professor Ulmer is, as to why Professor Allen tests all economics by whether it conforms to a conservative position, or would be deemed acceptable to Adam Smith. This is a test which is not pe culiar to Professor Allen. It’s a common one with conservative econ omists, but I don’t think it’s for that reason more valid. I’m puzzled also as to his reference to the neglect of money. Pro fessor Ulmer and I would agree on the importance of an eclectic policy which uses monetary policy and fiscal policy and in the areas of great market power goes on to supplement that with direct intervention in the wage-price bargain. We are not excluding fiscal policy and we are not excluding monetary policy. I think I’m citing Professor Ulmer correctly when I say most of us would think that this bill was workable or possible if aggregate demand ex ceeded the supplv of goods at the 3-percent unemployment level. If I interpret ^Professor Allen correctly—and there is a depth of ambiguity in his responses which makes this difficult—he is saying monetary policy is something separate and distinct and that there are undiscovered marvels, undiscovered wonders of gadgetry here. Of if they are discovered, they are known only to himself and Milton Friedman. Could I ask him a question? If there is this marvelous possibility by which some genius can take monetary policy and administers it out of the Federal Reserve and thereby reconciles full employment with stable prices, how in the name of Heaven does it happen that it has never been tried or it hasn’t succeeded vet? M r. A l l e n . W ell, I ’m personally impressed by the dispassionate analysis o f m y colleague on m y righ t who determines truth and 120 error on the basis of his labeling of conservative economists, though I’m pleased to be put in the company of both Adam Smith and Milton Friedman. T h e fact is, Professor Galbraith, in 1952 and 1956 and—in contrast to come—in 1960, I was a Stevensonian, Senator----Mr. G a l b r a i t h . But one can be politically intelligent and eco nomically conservative. Mr. A x l e n . Yes. People come in strange combinations, including just the opposite. I will tell you an anecdote, I think a sense of delicacy which does not always prevail among economists should prevent my naming the person’s name. I hope you will take my word for the assertion that he is at the very highest levels of monetary management in this country. He told me in conversation in December 1970 that athe monetarists have been all over me.” I believe that’s a verbatim remark. But he went on to say, “We have tried their prescription, and it has not worked.” Well, I was delicate then as I am here, and I did not ask him pointblank to point to the historical record and show me over what prolonged period—because the prescription calls for an indefinitely prolonged period—have we followed the monetarist prescription. The inflation that we have had is very easily predictable from the miserable record of the Federal Reserve—and not just in the last half dozen years but for the last half century—that people like me are very modest about what economists and so-called economists can do/1 wish we could do better, but apparently the pressures of the office in the Fed are such that even when you have very dis tinguished people with splendid track records, of advanced age so that thev have no later career ahead of them, who have already garnered all of the honors, even such people, who you might sup pose would be willing if need be to spit into the eye of the Devil, cannot in fact maintain the kind of clearheadedness and hardnosed analytic, dispassionate, and fearlessly administered policy which they would have advocated as professors of economics. Mr. G a l b r a it h . Doesn’t that give you any doubts as to the quality of the instrument ? Mr. A l l e n . If by instrument you mean the Federal Eeserve, I would like to shoot it at dawn. Mr. G a l b r a it h . I’m referring to monetary management. Mr. A l l e n . Management, yes. where management means—and this refers back to an earlier allusion of mine—tne fine tuning of pulling those levers and twisting those knobs. We don’t know enough for that. We don’t know enough partly because of statistical data, and I cer tainly am with the sponsors of this bill when they try to improve the quality and coverage of data. It stems partly" from various lags, which even with the purest of heart and the greatest of courage and firmest dedication of duty, will create probably insurmountable diffi culties. I think we simply cannot do that kind of stabilization job. and therefore people like me say, don’t try it. You’re apt to exacer bate the current problem, make things much worse; rather, you should minimize discretionary ad hoc policy. All of the advice of establish ing miracle goals, I think this discussion has suggested, adds not one bit to the analytics of the situation and is apt to be simplv an embar rassment to those who try to administer it. And the community can ' 121 get along very well without having any more governmental embar rassments. The C h a i r m a n . My time is up. Could I have Mr. Galbraith and Mr. Ulmer respond? Mr. G a l b r a i t h . I just have one further question for Professor Allen. I agree with his desire expressed at the very start of his state ment —and I’m sure this will bring an appreciative response from Senator Garn—to maximize liberty of choice. But I wonder why he excludes from that objective the liberty of choice of the unemployed man who has no means of livelihood beyond his unemployment com pensation and whose life is desperately constricted for that reason. Why does liberty of choice include liberty of choice only for the rela tively small number who are employers and relatively affluent and exclude the very large number of people who are unemployed and whose liberty is for that reason so much narrowed? Mr. A l l e x . I would give Professor Galbraith the courtesy of as cribing that to his renowned wit. He surely cannot be taken seriously. Mr. G a l b r a i t h . If you see humor in that, your sense of humor is much deeper than mine, as well advertised as mine is. I would really very much like to have your answer to the question or I shall assume that you have no answer. Mr. A l l e x . By humor, I meant unamusingly ludicrous. Neither I nor anyone else that I know of, anyone I would associate with, re joices in the difficulties of people who are suffering. While there’s no way to measure this sort of thing, as there’s 110 way to measure a great many things we have been throwing around today, including the rate of unemployment with wholly unsatisfying results. I suspect that I could draw up a catalog as long and as impressive of the frail ties of people and their misfortunes as the next person. The question before us is not who is pure in heart and who re sponds in most sensitive fashion to the sufferings of mankind. The question is what are the options before us? What can we do? What do we know? And we would do very well indeed to be careful that in trying to do good we do not in fact make the situation much worse. That’s the crux of the matter. I recognize the possibility that in my caution, in my misgivings, in my doubts, in my reading of the record and in my analytics, I might be quite wrong. But I think I am right. The C h a i r m a x . Mr. Ulmer. Mr. U l m e r . I was impressed very early in Mr. Allen’s first talk here by his suggestion that he didn’t know enough about economic man agement to have any opinions about it. I really wish he would have stopped there. Mr. A l l e x . I have opinions. My opinion is th a t none o f us know enough. Mr. U l m e r . I see. But you can certainly speak more authoritatively for yourself and have. However, he did sort of change his mind as he went through his initial talk halfway and suggested he did have a secret that no one else!had—that is, no one else other than David Ricardo who wrote in the early part of the 19tli century and all the orthodox economists vho followed him right tip through 1929—they all kne>y,as Mk.Alfen does, that if we only control the quantity of money we can control society and, of course, over this period we had giant recessions, giant depressions occurring approximately every 12 122 years culminating in the greatest of all, the 1929 depression. I think; this is the product of monetary policy, or I should say, exclusive re liance on monetary policy because, as Professor Galbraith said earlier, neither he nor I would want to cast monetary policy out the window. The Chairman. Senator Garn. Senator Garn, May I sav in defense of Professor Allen, that to get “theological'5 again.‘I will go home and pray every night that we have more economists like him who have a little common sense to go along with the theory. I suppose I resent and get irritated by the constant implications by liberals that those of us who have a different economic philosophy somehow don’t care about the poor. I ’m not a rich man, Professor. I live on my Senate income. I did not come from a rich family. You might check my background. I ’m a little tired of the insinuations that it’s only the rich and it’s only the big people who don’t like Government and we somehow are heartless, and I re sent that frankly, and I suggest maybe you and the other liberal economists start living in the real world, get out of Harvard, get out of the ivory tower, get out with the people and listen to them and face an election and find out about what’s really going on. Let me give you an example— food stamps. Boy, I ’d like to cut food stamps in half. W hy? Because I want people to go hungry? Hell, no. Because we don’t do a good enough job for the truly needy, the elderly people living on fixed incomes who can’t help it, for the physically handicapped, because of all the damned bums who could work who get the food stamps— the students, the strikers. A friend of mine, an orthopedic surgeon, found his kids on food stamps at the University of Washington. Maybe if we started eliminating the professional poor, those who decided to make their living by being poor, then you and I could agree on really helping the truly needy who can’t help themselves and do a great deal more for them than we do. We don’t do enough. Let stop the rhetoric about accusing those of us who are conservative that we are not compassionate. I ’ll match my compassion any day of the week with anybody’s. On this comment about whether we can really do this 3 percent, I sat here----The Chairman. Could Mr. Galbraith have a chance to respond? Mr. Galbraith. Could I answer your question? I was going to make two points to the Senator. While he expressed personal distaste for liberals, I don’t want to reciprocate. I have the highest----Senator Garn. For liberal philosophy, sir, not liberal individuals. Mr. Galbraith. I have the highest affection for conservatives and I would hope the species would be preserved. Senator Garn. W hy don’t you give us the chance to find out wheth er we’re right or wrong? We have been able to prove over 40 years that the liberal philosophy is wrong. Mr. Galbraith. That s a problem of the voters rather than me, and the fact that the voters so uniformly reject you might not be an error of the voter. ^Senator G a r n . They hardly rejected m e , sir. I won in the year of n atergate as a Republican, with only two new Republicans elected in the United States Senate. 123 Mr. Galbraith. Perhaps there are eccentricities in your electorate as----Senator Garn. I wouldn’t say that. They also elected a liberal. Mr. Galbraith. I ’m only responding to your comment that you’re one of two in the whole country. Senator Garn. W hy? Because it’s easy to promise, to buy votes, to take easy approaches, not to get into the technicalities, details and not trying to explain the hard positions. No. Votes are always bought. H arry Hopkins used to say, “tax, tax, tax; spend, spend? spend; elect, elect, elect”; and that’s the philosophy we’re dealing with. It ’s great to be a liberal. You can buy votes. I ’d like to ask Professor Allen two questions. Mr. Galbraith. I shall yield to Mr. Allen. Senator Garn. I sat here for iy 2 .years and have notably been im pressed by both liberal and conservation economists and those in be tween for their total failure, particularly in 1975, to predict what has happened. So in light of that, do we really have the forecasting ability and policy skill to achieve a strict numerical goal of 3 per cent ? Is it possible? You have alluded to that yourself. I would agree with you. Most economists think they know more than they do, and if they would only look in hindsight at their track records and see how miserably wrong— cab drivers flipping coins are just about as good, without Ph. D.’s. Mr. A llen. I don’t believe we do in any substantive, interesting sense. You can make the unemployment rate pretty much what you want by appropriate definition and measurement technique. One of the points I was trying to make a moment ago is that quite unhappi ly— because the life of the analyst would be much easier if these things could be measured well— the very notion, the concept of unem ployment is a very subtle one. I don’t think anyone listening to the proceedings today would have gained any flavor of the nature of the subtlety and the sophistication involved and appropriate considera tion of it. And indeed, that, in turn, illustrates one of my main con cerns in this whole area of discussion of policy. Perhaps for convenience, since our time is limited, perhaps because of the diverse nature of the audience, for other reasons in addition, things have to be made simple to the point of simplistic. I assert that the notion of unemployment is a difficult one to grab hold of, and for that reason alone, although there are certainly others which can be added, the answer to your question is, no, we cannot get 3 percent and hold it except by manipulation of definition and techniques of mea surement. Senator G a r n . We have a vote, but I would like to ask one more question of Professor Ulmer. The adult unemployment rate is im proving, not as fast as we would like, but at least improving. Assum ing we were able to correct that fairly well within the next year or two, rather than taking this approach, you talked about the critical nature of unemployment among the groups that were not so well edu cated and well trained, wouldn’t we be better off to concentrate our efforts on structural unemployment and targeting rather than setting 3 percent? We can still do that and not correct the problems of un employment of teenagers and blacks and others in those categories. 73-365— 761 ■ — 9 124 Mr. Ulmbk. Well, I think that bill that we have before us provides for exactly the things that you’re speaking about. After all, most of the. unemployed are the unskilled and the semiskilled and they are— of course, we have a disproportionate amount of blacks, but they are only about 20 percent of the unemployed. Similarly, we have a dis proportionate amount of youth, but they are about 8 percent of the unemployed. So we are still dealing with largely adults and they are, however, largely unskilled and semiskilled. And when we put them in public jobs, and they are the ones who will be getting most of them, we are dealing with this on a structural basis. That’s exactly what it is. The bill incidentally suggests geographical structures, too. Senator Garn. One last comment about the 1974 elections. I would s»iggest the results of the 1974 elections were hardly due to economic theory or political philosophy. I would suggest that the reason the Republican Party did so badly was because of the dishonesty of a President named “Tricky Dick” and I would suggest some of my liberal colleagues who were elected in the class ot 1974 should love Mr. Nixon. They should think he was the greatest thing that ever happened, because in their States they wouldn’t otherwise have been elected on a liberal political philosophy. They were elected because of the sins— and I deplore them as much as any Democrat— of Richard Xixon. I ’m sorry the man was there. It did great harm to our party. That was the real reason the Republican Party was defeated. It had nothing to do with conservative economic policy. Mr. Galbraith. I must say that I can, with all good will, concede that point to the Senator from Utah. I would like to concede another )oint to him. I said in my comments that the people who resisted egislation of this sort, conservatives, tended to be the privileged and the affluent. I will certainly modify that and say they have very effective middle income allies and acolytes like tne Senator from Utah. Senator Garn. I appreciate that. Thank you. The Chairman. Senator Stevenson. Senator Stevenson. Well, Mr. Chairman, there’s very little time. There’s a vote we all have to get to. What I would like to do is put a proposition to our witnesses and see what happens even after I have to go vote. Speaking of our late and lamented President, shouldn’t we have realized when Mr. Nixon finally climbed on the Keynesian bandwagon that something was wrong with Keynes? Senator Garn. That’s when we should have assumed that some thing was wrong with Nixon. Senator Stevenson. This is an amalgam of old economics and old politics and it is of limited utility in a new era; we are moving out of times when aggregate demand policies were appropriate, and into another time when we are going to have to rely to a far greater ex tent than we have realized on sectoral supply policies, structural changes, none of which are addressed in this proposal. I think it was one of my father’s supporters— I thank you for the tribute to his olitical acumen— who said something about structure. We ought to p identifying the structural priorities, the structural changes that are necessary. I heard Walter Wriston articulate that basie approach, particularly to the supply management aspect. 1 E 125 The proposition is, are we moving into such an era; and if so, in addition to such goals as are identified in this proposal, shouldn’t we really be trying to identify the structural goals and to identify the structural changes, not just the structural employment, that has to be done here, instead of legislating bills to ask the President to ask us to do something some time? I invite all the members, Mr. Chair man to respond to that. The Chairman. Mr. Galbraith. Mr. Galbraith. M ay I respond very briefly. On Senator Steven son’s first half-serious observation, I would point out that Mr. Nixon came abreast of Keynes 30 years after the publication of his G eneral T h eo ry at the point where it was becoming partly obsolete. So it was hardly a reckless step on the part of a Republican. This morning, if I may say so, sir, I think both Mr. Ulmer and I have accepted that much of the old economics is indeed obsolete. The Humphrey-Hawkins bill does retain such of it as remains relevant; namely, the role of the Government as supplementing aggregate de mand and in addressing unemployment to the areas of greatest need for the purpose of minimizing the consequences of unemployment. It does go beyond the old system of what we have come to call New Deal economics in one important respect in introducing a planning apparatus. We have gone from a Humphrey-Javits bill to take care of sectoral distortions of precisely the sort you mentioned, or at least identify them. The resulting action remains, of course, for other parts of the Government. Both Ulmer and I this morning, in as strong language as either of us could devise, have urged the importance 01 going on to deal with the problem that Keynes did not touch upon. That is the danger of the wage-price spiral as you approach full employment. It is what keeps us from using the full resources of the Government in the economy to avoid labor waste at the present time. The Chairman. I hesitate to interrupt. Unfortunately, we have 5 minutes before the end of the rollcall, so I ’m going to have to go and I think Senator Stevenson wants to make the rollcall, too. So let me just say that I want to commend all four of you----Senator Stevenson. I ’m going to have to run, too, but would it be possible to get the comments on the record? The Chairman. That’s an excellent idea. You could continue to respond to that proposition. This has been an outstanding panel and I think the difference of opinion has been most helpful with very vigorously expressed viewpoints and we have learned a lot more about it. The committee will stand in recess until Thursday when we hear from Senator Humphrey and Hawkins. Senator Stevenson. Mr. Chairman, may I ask for a response off the record which might be added to the record, if you have something to say in response to that proposition ? It can go in the record right now if you’re w illing to state them. Mr. Ulmer. Well, the only thing I think I could add to what Profefssor Galbraith said was that this bill is a response to our ‘realiza tion that simple Keynesian aggregate policies will not do the job of achieving full employment without inflation. Hence, amount must be taken of certain structural imbalances in the economy juad the ionee 126 I addressed myself to was that within the labor force itself, as be tween skilled and other workers, providing Government jobs for the unskilled who cannot otherwise get jobs in the private sector is an explicit recognition of the structural imbalance in our labor force. Mr. A l l e n . Just a word to our departed Senators to wind up things for me. at least. When President Nixon adopted, if that’s quite the word, Keynes, I think he thereby illustrated something of interest; namely, tliat there are great pressures on the part of the decisionmak ers, those responsible for the promoting and administering policy, to do something. You have a problem, and the New York Times writes editorials berating you, so you do something. We do such things as the disaster of August 15, 1971, But doing something, just almost anything to be active, is even older than Keynes. People with author* ity have been doing things to other people in all recorded history. What they do to these other people is usually better left undone. But Keynes himself, to his great credit, for he was a remarkably intelli gent and able man, said that, to use his own expression, once we have largely resolved the problem of unemployment, then “the classical medicine” must be allowed to do its work, the classical medicine being the operation of a decently free pricing mechanism. Mr. L e v it a n , I agree with the thrust of Senator Stevenson’s final comment and item number four in my prepared statement deal’s spe cifically with that point. [Whereupon, at 12:30 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] FULL EMPLOYMENT AND BALANCED GROWTH ACT OF 1976 TUESDAY, M AY 25, 1976 U.S. Senate, Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs, Washington, D.C. The committee met at 10 a.m., pursuant to notice, in room 5302, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Senator William Proxmire (chair man of the committee), presiding. Present: Senators Proxmire, Stevenson, Tower, Helms, and Garn. Also present: Senator Hubert H. Humphrey and Congressman Au gustus F. Hawkins. The Chairman. The Committee will come to order. This morning we are honored to have two authors of the Hum phrey-Hawkins bill. As I said when we opened these hearings a few days ago, this is perhaps the most controversial and important and significant bill that the Congress will have before it this year, certainly the most controversial bill this committee will have before it. I would like to say something about this bill this morning when the two authors are present. I want very much to support this bill if I can and I am hesitant to do so for reasons I will state. I am for this bill to the extent that I am for it beacuse it takes the idle off welfare, unemployment compensation, food stamps and puts them to work. Now I would think that conservatives would be as much or more for the bill for that reason as the liberals would be. In doing so it prevents the misery, the loss of self-respect of unem ployment and reduces crime and social disintegration, and if we would do nothing else except prevent the economic basis for the shameful sale of arms abroad I would favor it and I think it would help do that. By helping cities to reduce their welfare burden and increasing their tax revenues it’s worth four times as much as revenue sharing to State and cities. In other words, it would make a favorable difference to the budgets of cities and States more than four times the $6 billion annual dollar revenue sharing provides. It solves problems of New York City which have plagued this committee and the Congress and Philadelphia without any question in my mind. My difficulty with this bill—the reasons I can’t support it in its present form are two. In the first place, it’s inflationary and perhaps, double digit inflationary. Every economist among those who have testified before us, those opposing the bill like Professor Levitan (127) 128 and Professor Allen, those favoring the bill like Professors (M braith and Ulmer, those who take a neutral position like Dr. Alice Rivlin, agree that the bill in its present form is inflationary and perhaps hiehlv inflationary. . . . T?he Budget Office has an estimate which is the most conservative as to its effect Others think it would be far more inflationary than that. Economists like Ackley and Samuelson who have been very liberal economists by and large feel in its present form it would be an inflationary bill. ,, ... _ Now economists may be wrong, but consider this: I he bill at it s presently drafted is one-sided. It has & clear-cut specific numerical objective for unemployment of 3 percent adult unemployment, but no clear-cut numerical objective for inflation. It simply says the Presi dent and the Congress will watch inflation closely and do what they have to do. Furthermore, and this is the element that seems to me makes it most decisively inflationary by providing prevailing wages, it greatly increases the negotiating strength of workers seeking em ployment by providing an employment option at equal pay. It would sharply reduce the ability of private firms to hire low-pay employees and there’s an appealing element of social justice here, but there’s also a blockbuster inflationary effect. The result is higher pay for pizza hustlers, check-out counter girls and perhaps 10 or 15 million other low paid jobs and, of course, there’s nothing wrong with that except higher prices. The second reason I’m reluctant about the bill in its present form is that it seems to guarantee a result that it probably can’t achieve. Setting a goal is one thing. Achieving that goal is a great deal harder. If this should pass in its present form, my guess is that the odds would be at least 5 to 1 that we would not achieve the goal for more than a very short time for many, many years to come. Our housing goals are an example of that. Our environmental goals are examples, too. In the housing area we set a goal in 1968 of 26 million housing starts. We’re nowhere near it, nowhere near it. Last year we were farther short of that ^oal than we were before we had goals established. So just establishmg goals doesn’t do the job. Nevertheless, I think it is desirable to have a goal. You can measure the performance of the Congress and the President on the basis of having goals and I’m for establishing goals. I might point out, though, Senator Humphrey and Congressman Hawkins, that back in January of 1973 this committee passed a bill which on the basis of my amendment established a 4 percent goal for unemployment. It also had a 2y2 percent goal for inflation. It passed this committee. It passed the Senate. It went to conference with the House. Unfortunately, Congressman Hawkins, your col leagues wouldn’t acept it and it was turned down in conference. But it had that basis, fundamental objective that you’re trying to achieve, and so I don’t think it’s something that is unrealistic in that sense. Anyway, congratulations on a noble effort. I hope you will work with us to modify this bill so it will not be as nearly inflationary 129 and it can achieve something like the goal you set. I think maybe we <can do that. Senator Tower I Senator Tower. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, last week this committee held 2 days of hearings on the Humphrey-Hawkins bill. One of the most troublesome aspects of the testimony heard during these hearings was as the chairman has so ably pointed out, the widespread agreement that this legisla tion would have a severe inflationary impact on the nation’s economy. During the first day of the hearings, for example, Federal Reserve Board Governor Partee said, “The bill is both too rigid and too inflationary and, on balance, would likely prove to be inconsistent with the long-term economic well being of the nation.” Testimony given the committee by a panel of well known economists on the second day supported Governor Partee’s conclusion. The fact that such testimony came from economists of different persuasions makes it all the more impressive. John Kenneth Galbraith, for example, noted that “as full employ ment is approached, inflation will become more severe.” Melvin Ulmer of the University of Maryland contributing editor to the New Republic, testified if the Humphrey-Hawkins bill were enacted as it stands and put into practice, it would stimulate more spectac ular inflation than that of World War II. Dr. Levitan, Director for Social Policy Studies at GWU and a widely recognized expert in manpower policies, testified that the goal of achieving 3 percent adult unemployment within 4 years is likely to become another unfulfilled promise and that “it does not follow that we can realistically hope to acliieve a sustained 3 per cent unemployment without rekindling inflationary pressures.” This opinion, of course, is not confined to testimony received before the committee. Michael Wachter, of the University of Penn sylvania, one of the economic advisers of Presidential candidate Governor Carter, was recently quoted in Business Week as saying: An attempt to get down to 3 percent unemployment by 1980 or so, chiefly with aggregate demand stimulus, could cause inflation of 15 percent or more. This body of opinion regarding the inflationary impact of the proposed bill should not and cannot be lightly brushed aside. It’s significant for at least two very important reasons. One is that the inflationary forces which would be unleashed by this bill would frustrate achievement of the very goal that its authors desire, namely, full employment. As Council of Economic Advisers Chairman Greenspan noted in his testimony before the commitee last week, inflation is probably potentially the greatest destroyer of jobs as any major factor in the economy. The second is that wage and price controls will need to to be imposed on the Nation’s economy if the bill’s unrealistic unem ployment goal is to be achieved ^without rampant inflation. The imposition of controls would be disastrous and would be certain to cause massive distortions anomalies and inequities in the economy as we have already experienced with our previous round of wage and price controls. 130! It would be unwise to harden the Nation with a self-defeating and unrealistic promise that cannot be fulfilled or with enormously disruptive controls that would severely harm the Nation’s economy. The Chathman. Thank you, Senator Tower. Senator Stevenson? Senator Stevenson. I have nothing now. The Chairman. Senator Humphrey. S T A T E M E N T O F H U B E R T H . H U M P H R E Y , U .S. S E N A T O R F R O M T H E S T A T E O F M IN N E S O T A Senator Humphrey. Mr. Chairman and my colleagues in the Sen ate, I greatly appreciate the candor with which you have expressed your view this morning about this proposed legislation. We all know that legislation is subject to refinements. I don’t come here with an inflexible position. I do not say that every word that’s in bill is the alpha and omega of economic policy or of legislative strategy. I simply say that we have tried to provide an answer to a problem that others are unwilling to attack, at least at the administrative level, and I have a great deal of respect for economists, but after they’re all through talking about the inflationary impact of this I want to know what they plan on doing about 7Vi to 8 million people unemployed. Now I want to commend the chairman on his resolution in this com mittee on an inflation rate of 2V£ percent and a goal of unemploy ment of 4 percent. We personally think, Congressman Hawkins and myself, that our bill is within that ballpark. We have 3 percent as a goal for adult unemployment. If you put in youth unemployment, that brings it up to ZVz or 3.6 percent or 3.7 percent, depending on the number of young people unemployed. So we’re not far off. I just thought I’d mention just a few things first before I get into my prepared testimony. Setting a goal, as you have indicated, is one thing; but achieving a goal is another. But as Senator Tower has indicated—I should say, foma man’ aS ^°U *nc^ca^ec^ a £°al siyes us some measure of pe'rToday, because we have no goal at the national level, whatsoever fault it may be all we do is recite statistics. What were the last sta tistics that we had ? Well, investment is a little better than it was. J^roduction is a little better than it was. Profits are appreciably better than they were. Income for people on the job is a little better than it was. After we get all through with it, they say, but we still have 7Vi percent unemployed, but then you’re supposed to feel good because there are more people employed than there were a month ago. Well JU®fc, more P^P16 in the United States than there were a ♦ifg0’ ^ are. “ ore People employed. But the simple fact is, ™ k # recitation of the facts, you come out just about where you re before, that 7A percent of the people are unemployed. But more significantly, there are 12 percent of the people unmployed in Rhode Island; there are 11 percent of the people unemplo^Fin Boston! 131 there are at least 12 to 14 percent—I forget the latest figure—in De troit, maybe up as high as 16 percent. And there’s another 10 percent of the people unemployed in Cleveland. Now these general statistics are not very—the IVi is a general sta tistic—is not very satisfactory when lives are involved and when in come is involved and when production is involved. My challenge to the critics—and I say this not to the members of this committee that have the responsibility to examine this legisla tion and to probe and indeed to ask us to come up with our rationale for what we have proposed here—that’s your job—but my challenge to the Federal Reserve Board and to the Council of Economic Ad visers is: What do you propose? Mr. Chairman, we sat in the Joint Economic Committee and lis tened to the Council of Economic Advisers telling us there was really nothing you could do about these unemployed. They say that in due time the private economy supposedly will absorb them. Well, if that’s the case, then what are they all worried about this bill then? If it’s going to be absorbed in due time without inflationary impact, then you’ve got the best of two worlds. But they say if you’ve got the bill and you get full employment you will have inflation, but if you don’t have the bill and you have full employment you won’t have in flation. Now what kind of garbage is that? That’s exactly what it boils down to. So I don’t say that the Humphrey-Hawkins bill is some thing out of the Old or the New Testament and it isn’ the rediscov ered Dead Sea scrolls and it didn’t come from on high, but it is an attempt to deal with a problem. Mr. Wachter, whoever he is, comes around here in this Business Week magazine and says 15 percent inflation. He didn’t back it up. We callea Business Week and said, “Where did you get that figure? What’s the backup?” They said, “Well, we don’t nave any backup on it.” That’s exactly like me standing here and telling you we can do all of this in 1 year and then get that printed. There’s a constant effort here to demean this proposal in the economic journalism and all I say to these economists and these editorial writers is, “What do you propose to do with the number of people in this country that are without work? On the one hand, you complain about the cost of government”—I’m speaking of them now. They complain about the Federal deficits which are due to the recession. They complain about the welfare mess, which is due to the people being out of work, at least in part. They complain about the fact that people are on unem ployment compensation instead of going to work. And when we come along and say there may be some way we can get something done about that, they say that won’t work either. The whole crowd ought to be fired. They simply have no answers. They simply want to bellyache, and if they will come to my drug store I’ll give them something to take care of their pain. We have something called Donnetal. It’s a little mixture of phenobarbitol along with a certain amount of medicinals that wiU take care of gas tric pain. I’ve got some up there. They last 8 hours. They are what are called Extend Tabs. That’s exactly what they need. 132 Now, having given my little soliloquy here, let me get down to what I have prepared for you. We are being told, Mr. Chairman, that the United States can no longer have full employment and price stability. We are being told that we must have a certain number of people unemployed, giving them welfare checks instead of useful jobs, because that’s what it boils down to. We’re being told in order to have price stability for those of us here that we should have increased institutions for a certain number of other people. In other words, we are being told what was once told, that the only way you could have a cotton economy was to have slav ery and the minute you started to pay people what they ought to be aid that somehow or another it would destroy the economy. We are eing told the very same thing that I remember when we started to put people in the hotel business, the workers in hotels, under the Fair Labor Standards: “Why, if you pay those people more than 90 cents an hour the hotel rate will go up.” Why should some of us that can afford to buy a hotel room have to get a cheaper room at somebody’s expense that’s a maid or somebody taking care of them. So we put them under the Fair Labor Standards and they maybe had to raise the price of the hotel a little bit or the price of a martini so before you went to the hotel room you didn’t realize what was happening to you. Now it’s my judgment, because our economic process has remained unchanged for decades, our institutions are no longer effective in cop ing with the problems of the modem economy and the modern world. The bill before you, the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976, takes a different point of view, seeking to change the way we formulate and implement national economic policy. It is based on the premise of, our ecenomy will improve only if we make an effort to reshape our economic policy machinery. The act says—and you know what it says—the ^President and Con gress, through lack of intelligent and coordinated policies, have al lowed the disaster of widespread unemployment and high inflation to overtake the lives of millions of our families with increasing fre quency and duration. To correct this, the act requires the President and the Congress, as a first and constant priority, to jointly develop and implement the policies and programs that will prevent a recur rence of these avoidable national tragedies. The bill itself provides a new mechanism and a broad range of policies and programs to serve as the means to meet this responsibility. Now that’s title I. There is, as you know, in this bill the title I, which is the policy making machinery for the goals that are set, and then title II, which has a number of other programs that are in volved, is sort of a backup. I think that these two would need to be looked at both together and separately. Although there is disagree ment over some of the specific provisions of the legislation before you, there is widespread agreement that a new mechanism similar to S. 50 is necessary for managing national economic policy and I com mend this committee for being able to say to the Congress of the United States that we ought to have as a goal 4 percent, not more than 4 percent of unemployment. That’s youth and all. And not E 133 more than 2Vi percent goal of inflation. That’s not far off from what’s in this bill. A fundamental provision of this act sets the goal of reducing un employment to 3 percent within 4 years. This is an ambitious goal. I know that. But there are several reasons why I believe we should strive to achieve it. We may not be able to achieve it, but I’m not going to settle for 6 percent or 7 percent. Why not set a figure and see if we can’t achieve it? That’s the way people do things. Mo hammed Ali said, “I’ll cold'cock Dunn in the fifth round,” and he did, and I’ll tell you this, that a number of other people set goals. The automobile industry sets goals. How many cars are they going to produce and sell? How do you think they sell those cars if they don’t have a goal? They get on the back of the dealers and say, “Hey, we’re going to sell V number of millions of cars and you get busy or you may lose your franchise.” They get it going. In Gov ernment, we say, “Just hang around, it will all work out fine.” I don’t believe that. I believe m goals and production and work and lots of it, old-fashioned work, hard work. Well, first of all, the term adult which I have defined in persons 18-years-of-age and over, which implies an overall unemployment rate of about 3Vi percent. This is only % percentage point below what was considered full employment in the Kennedy-Johnson years or in the 1960s. I might add that we went below 4 percent for 4 years during that period, while holding inflation to an average of 4 percent and we were actually—that’s in the worst of the war years, in the Vietnam years. Now secondly, we must have new economic policies to get at stub born pockets of unemployment if we are to achieve this long-term goal, and the bill provides for such policies. There is no iron law that decrees you can’t reduce adult unemployment to 3 percent. You and I know very well and I won’t burden you with it, that other countries have done it. What’s so different between this economy and Germany and Sweden and the United Kingdom and Japan and France? We are always talking about, we don’t want to be second best to the Russians. There isn’t a member of Congress that wouldn’t get up and give one speech a year about we don’t want those Russians to have more missiles than we have. Why doesn’t somebody get up and say we don’t want Japan to have a better rate of employment than we? Why don’t we have some priorities here? We’re all the time worrying about whether the Russians have a new bomber or a new weapon system, but we never seem to worry about the fact that in the 1962 to 1973 period, in the 11 or 12 years while the United States had an average unemployment rate of 5 percent, in the boom times, the countries of Japan and France, United Kingdom and Gexmany had an average unemployment rate of 1.8 percent. Are we going to be told that thejr are so much better? Why don’t we get first in the economy? Why don’t we get first in getting people to work instead of first in seeing whether we can get a digger missile? Finally, it should be remembered that a goal is an objective not an absolute requirement. I’m fully aware that there are those who argue that the full-employment goal cannot be achieved given the w imperfections in our economy, and I would say to^ them, whether they know it or not, they are expressing abandonment of faith in our democratic capitalistic system. These are the bunch of people that say capitalism will work and they are supposed to be the high priests of capitalism. You talk about defections within the faith. I happen to believe that we can do it, and the very people that are up here—the big bankers, the big editorial writers—all telling you that we can’t do this sort of thing, are the people that say, now vou must remember we’ve got to have the profit system, I believe in the profit system, but I’d like to have it shared around a little bit Let everybody get a little piece of it. Others are'saying to wait; things will somehow get better. I hose are the ones that can afford to wait. They would do nothing to an swer the need of more than 7 million workers who remain unem ployed today. They would ignore the fact that for the past 5 years our Nation "has had an average economic growth rate of only 1.8 percent and that this has resulted in the loss of $500 billioin in the production of goods and services. That staggering loss never would have occurred had we sustained the previous historical average growth rate of 4 percent, and if we follow their advice and continue to observe the inadequate policies now in force, it is estimated that the Xation will lose another $600 billion to $900 billion in goods and services by 1980; and that is if you have a goal of 4 percent unemployment. My argument, though, to those critics of this bill—and I am pre pared to take them on—I want them to come up here and justify this incredible loss of production. I want to know why this country can only have a 1.8 average growth rate. I want to know why these captains of industry and finance, these highfalutin economists think that’s all right. I don’t think it’s all right at all and I’m not saying that this bill is all that it ought to be, but it's a damned site better than just being critical of what we are trying to do. We at least have some goals here, and yet we have got people here that are saying well, it’s just fine. Why is it just fine? Because they are doing just fine, and a lot of other folks. Now we are not here in Congress to preside over a crippled econ omy or play the role of indifferent witnesses to the dissolution of families, increased sickness, death and crime that stem directly from the evaporation of jobs in a sick economy. We are here—and I want to emphasize this—to fulfill our responsibility to provide leadership to revitalize our economy. Xow that’s what S. 50 and H.R. 50 is all about. I’m certainly not ready to concede that the United States which actually made it possible for most countries of Europe to rebuild their economies following World War II, camiot equal their economic performance. Xow, Mr. Chairman, I’m asking that all of my testimony be in corporated in the record and I’m going to run along here because you want to ask some questions. What is this legislation? What is it not? This legislation is not a public service jobs proposal. The principal thrust of this act is to encourage the creation of job opportunities to private enterprise through tax credit and budget policies that will stimulate the private 135 sector in a balanced and sustainable way. What I do—I read the editorials. I read that we are talking about a centralist state, a state capitalism. I have an editorial on my desw from the St. Paul Pioneer Press Dispatch, a whole column, two columns wide, on the editorial page from the top to the bottom, and it ends up by saying this is statism, state capitalism and centralism of government. What this is is the bill for private enterprise. It’s to give private enterprise continuity of policy. What have we been having? Zigs and zags and phases and freezes and taxes and surtaxes and God only knows what. Any investor that had the fiduciary responsibility these last few years and invested other people’s money ought to be examined because as late as December 1974 the President of these United States, with a full-blown recession on his hands before his eyes, was talking about a 5 percent tax increase, and within 15 days he made a 180 degree turn. How can any businessman plan that way ? There is no forecasting, no planning. They just sit around here and just decide; well, we’ll let the market forces work their way until they see disaster before them, slapping on the surtax just like that without prenotice to anybody, putting on wage-price freeze after they had disavowed any possibility of a wage-price freeze, taking it off just about the time it began to work, and that’s exactly the his tory and if we had time here we could document the history of eco nomic confusion, economic mismanagement in this economy right down from 1972 to this very hour. Nobody even today knows what the Federal Reserve Board is going to do the next day. Now we’re hearing they’re tightening up the money. It looks like there might be a little prosperity. Nothing frightens them quite so much. Maybe I will get out our way. It might actually get as far as Minnesota, Mr. Chairman. That would be tough. Once it gets beyond the precincts of the eastern seaboard and starts moving our way they get a little worried about it. We’re not that worried out home. Just between us, we think we could use a little of it. So we have a bill here that I think makes some sense. I asked the Congressional Budget Office to make some estimates as to productiv ity and production and inflation under this bill. No one knows how significant these inflationary pressures could be but estimates can be made. At my request, the Congressional Budget Office has made such estimates in conjunction with the economic analysis of the Full Em ployment and Balanced Growth Act. These estimates show that ef~ forts to reach a 3% percent overall unemployment target by increas ing aggregate demand could increase inflation by roughly i percent age point by 1980, or 2 percentage points by 1982—in other wordsr an annual increase in inflation of approximately 0.6 percentage points. Now that’s low. I grant you that. But may I say that—let’s take your figure of 2 percent of inflation. This economy could endure that if you had full employment. It’s not the best of all worlds but what is the best of all worlds? The main thing is what are your choices? The CBO study indicates that even these statistics could overestimate the inflationary impact because they do not take into account the anti-inflation measures included in the legislation. 136 Now listen to *hi«- The bill requires the inflation situation be con stantly monitored and the President to annually submit a compre hensive set of anti-inflation policies that are relevant to changing conditions. Now we have been criticized in this bill, Con gressman Hawkins and I, because we didn’t spell out all of the antiinflation devices that may be used. Well, the reason is that we don’t want to set it in cement. We simply say to the President, you take a look each year, you and your Council of Economic Advisers, with the Federal Reserve Board, with the Office of Management and Budget, with vour Cabinet, and if you see that there are inflationary pres sures "building up, present us with your proposals. Now I personally happen to believe in the Wage-Price Council, as you know, the Price Stability Council. I believe in investigation. I believe even in delay in price and wage increases to check their possibility of inflationary impact, and I would be prepared in this legislation to see some more precise language if that’s necessary. But I resent the attack that’s been made upon this bill that it ignores the possibility of inflation. To the contrary, it calls upon the President to be fully aware and to constantly monitor any possibility of inflationary impact by the measures proposed in this bill and I think that’s important and we are not going to let the critics get by pretending that it isn’t a matter of our concern. Now would the wage standards cause a shift from private to pub lic employment? Some people have argued that the wage standards are so generous they would cause a shirt from private to public em ployment and aggregate inflation. I don’t believe this is true. I believe the wage standards are “neutral” between the private and public sectors because they simply reaffirm existing, fair wage standards. The key to understanding the wage standards is to carefully read section 402. That section states that people employed under the bill shall receive “equal wages for equal work.” It then prescribes a range of wage standards from the minimum wage to prevailing wages for similar employment in the specific labor markets. This means that someone doing a job that merits the minimum wage will be paid that wage, while a skilled worker doing a job of higher value will be paid commensurate wages. I believe this is a flexible and fair set of wage standards, but again, Mr. Chairman, this is subject to our careful analysis and review and the committee can work its will. How much will the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1076 cost? Now that’s the big one. The immediate costs of this act is limited, of course, to the expense of setting up the machinery for the act. There will be, of course, substantial indirect budget costs if all the legislative actions mandated by this bill are undertaken. It is impossible to estimate those costs precisely, because they de pend on such things as the strength of the private sector economic recovery, the rate of growth in the labor force, and the specific de sign of job creation programs mandated under the act. In the study mentioned earlier, the Congressional Budget Office took these factors into account and made some rough budget estimate costs. After 24 months of operation, a program to reduce unemploy ment to 2>\;2 percent by 1980 would have a net cost in the range of 137 $8 to $16 billion says the CBO. The gross cost would fall in the range of $23 to $44 billion, but these costs are drastically reduced when cutbacks in welfare and unemployment compensation payments, along with increased tax revenues, are taken into account. I’m going to simply say you’ve got a choice between costs. Do you want to be paying people to do nothing or do you want to pay some people to do something? And I’m of the opinion that when you pay people to do something that you get more out of it than you do when you pay people to do nothing. These budgetary costs are significant, but simply compare them with the high cost of unemployment; compare these costs with more than $600 billion in lost production of goods and services that will result if we continue to follow the present course and fail even to approach full employment; compare the cost with the $14 billion a year in lost Federal tax revenue for each one percentage point of unemployment; compare the cost of this bill with the more than $20 billion in extra welfare and unemployment expenditures due to the present high levels of unemployment; contrast the cost with the con tinued misery and lost hope of millions of our people who will be unemployed during this period. In my mind, a full employment policy is a bargain, no matter how you look at it. Well, Mr. Chairman, that’s more than I maybe should have said here today, but I just finished reading a couple editorials this morn ing. That’s why I was a little warmed up when I got here—editors that are well paid and have full employment and have got them selves a pension fund and health fund and fringe benefits and are doing just fine, and they sit around and say there’s nothing we can do; let the market force work its will. That’s what we’ve got here today. We’ve got this conflict in attitudes. Let the market forces work, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera. If the forces of the market work their will, an awful lot of people will be economic casualties. The purpose of Government is to establish justice, to assure domes tic tranquility, to provide for the common defense, and to promote the general welfare and to secure the blessings of liberty for ourselves and our posterity. There’s not a word in the Constitution about mar ket forces and there’s not one word in the Bible about market forces and there’s not one word, may I say, in the Emancipation Proclama tion about the market forces. But there are a lot of words about jus tice, fair play, compassion, decency. We’ve got somebody running around here trying to redefine our whole life. The whole purpose of the Declaration of Independence doesn’t talk about market forces and that’s what this year is all about—life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. You don’t pursue much happiness it you’re ground down in the dirt by so-called mar ket forces. It says governments are instituted to secure these rights. How do you pursue happiness in filth and degradation and slums and unemployment and misery and sickness? I have a strong view about this matter of Government policy and I’m fed up to the teeth with people wh oare only the critics and who say: Well, we can’t do this and we can’t do that. I challenge those tliat say uris bill is off the mark by saying what are you going to 138 do to put them to work or are we being told by high priests of finance, are we being told by spokesmen in the public, that it’s just jim dandy just to let people rot? What are we going to do about youth unemployment that’s directly related to youth crime except wring our hands and talk about getting tougher and mandatory sentences and what have you? The biggest public works program in this country today, Mr, Chairman, is building jails, and you and I know that’s a fact. It’s next to highways, building jails. And I don’t think that’s the way the United States ought to start its third century. That’s my little testimony this morning. The Chairman. Thank you very much, Senator Humphrey. [Complete statement follows:] Statem ent of S en ator H ubert H , H u m p h r e y , C h a ir m J o in t E c o n o m ic C o m m i t t e e a n of t h e M r. C h a irm a n , M e m b e rs o f th e C o m m itte e , o u r n a t io n h a s b e e n flo u n d e r in g in a n e n v ir o n m e n t o f e c o n o m ic a n d in t e lle c t u a l s t a g n a tio n . E v e r y d a y o u r le a d e r s a n d th e p re s s te ll o u r p e o p le w h a t w e c a n ’ t d o . T h e U n ite d S ta te s c a n n o lo n g e r h a v e f u ll e m p lo y m e n t a n d p r ic e s t a b ilit y , w e a r e to ld . W e m u s t k e e p a c e r ta in n u m b e r o f p e o p le u n e m p lo y e d , g iv in g th e m w e lfa r e c h e c k s in -, ste a d o f u s e fu l jo b s . I b e lie v e th in g s a r e n o t w o r k in g w e ll b e c a u s e w e a r e n o t p u t tin g o u r n a tio n a l e n e r g ie s in t o m a k in g th em w o r k . B e c a u s e o u r e c o n o m ic p o U cy p r o c e s s h a s re m a in e d u n c h a n g e d f o r d e ca d e s , o u r in s tit u t io n s a r e n o lo n g e r e f f e c t i v e in c o p in g w it h th e p ro b le m s o f th e m o d e r n w o r ld . T h e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t an d B a la n c e d G r o w t h A c t o f 1976 ta k e s a d iffe r e n t p o in t o f v ie w , se e k in g t o ch a n g e t h e w a y w e f o r m u la t e a n d im p le m e n t n a t io n a l e c o n o m ic p o lic y . I t is b a sed o n th e p r e m is e t h a t o u r e c o n o m ic p e r f o r m -, a n c e w ill im p r o v e o n ly i f w e m a k e a n e ff o r t t o r e s h a p e o u r e c o n o m ic DOlicv m a c h in e r y . T h e A c t sa y s th a t th e P re s id e n t a n d C o n g r e ss, t h r o u g h l a c k o f in t e llig e n t a n d c o o r d in a te d p o lic ie s , h a v e a llo w e d th e d is a s t e r o f w id e s p r e a d u n e m p lo y m e n t a n d h ig h in fla tio n to o v e r ta k e t h e liv e s o f m illio n s o f o u r f a m ilie s w it h in c r e a s in g fr e q u e n c y a n d d u r a tio n . T o c o r r e c t th is, t h e A c t r e q u ir e s th e P r e s id e n t a n d C o n g re ss, a s a fir st a n d c o n s t a n t p r io r it y , t o jo i n t ly d e v e lo p a n d im p le m e n t th e p o lic ie s an d p r o g r a m s t h a t w i l l p r e v e n t a r e c u r r e n c e o f th e se a v o id a b le n a tio n a l tra g e d ie s. T h e b ill i t s e l f p r o v id e s a n e w m e ch a n is m a n d a b r o a d r a n g e o f p o lic ie s a n d p r o r g a m s t o s e r v e a s t h e m e a n s t o m e e t th is r e s p o n s ib ility . i w 1Jh« u g h vtlle r e l s d is a sre e m e n t o v e r so m e o f t h e s p e c ific p r o v is io n s o f th e le g is la tio n b e fo r e y o u , th e re is a lr e a d y w id e s p r e a d a g r e e m e n t t h a t a n e w s im ila r t o S . 50 is n e c e s s a ry f o r m a n a g in g n a tio n a l e c o n o m ic p o lic y . I n r e ce n t te s tim o n y b e fo r e S e n a to r N e ls o n ’s S u b c o m m itte e o n E m p lo v ™ ’ ,a , M ig r a to r y L a b o r , a d iv e r s e p a n e l o f p r o m in e n t e c o n o m is ts in c lu d in g C h a rle s S c h u ltz e , A r th u r L a ffe r , R o b e r t N a th a n , L e o n Keyserling th a ^ tW s w a s th e < *se. I b a r e a t ta c h e d th e r e le ^ a n t p o r t io n o f t h e ir te stim o n y f o r th is C o m m it te e 's c o n s id e r a tio n . A fu n d a m e n ta l p r o v is io n o f th e A c t se ts th e g o a l o f r e d u c in g a d u lt n n e m p lo y m e n t t o th r e e p e r c e n t w it h in f o u r y e a r s fo ll o w i n g e n a c tm e n t o f t h e w h t ? r£ a S a “ b itio u s * o a l> c e r t a in ly , b u t t h e r e a r e s e v e r a l r e a s o n s w h y I b e lie v e w e s h o u ld s t r iv e t o a c h ie v e it . F irs t, I b e lie v e w e s h o u ld d efin e th e te rm " a d u l t ” a s p e rs o n s 18 v e a r . n t ■ u f m X ° ^ e r ’t ” ,5 ^ lm p lle s a n o v e r a ll u n e m p lo y m e n t r a t e o f a b o u t 3 .6 % . T h is is o n ly o n e h a lf o f a p e rc e n ta g e p o in t b e lo w w h a t w a s c o n s id e r e d “ f n l l e m pU jym ent” m th e K e n n e d y -J o h n s o n y e a r s . I m ig h t a d d t h a t w e w e n t b e fo ^ a v S fg e annualntF™’ v id e s f o r su ch p o lic ie s . T h e r e is n o ir o n l a w 196®’ WWle holdin« th a t d ecrees y o u ^ ^ t red u ce. 139 adult unemployment to 3%, because other industrialized countries have done it. Over the period of 1962-73, while the U.S. had an average unemployment rate of 5 percent, the countries of Japan, France, United Kingdom, Sweden, and Germany had an average unemployment rate of 1.8 percent. Finally, it should be remembered that a goal is an objective—not an abso lute requirement. The purpose of setting goals is so that we can do better, not achieve perfection for all times. This bill provides for annual review of the goal and, it should be emphasized, requires the President in the first year to review the full employment goal and timetable and “ report to Congress on any obstacles to its achievement, and if necessary, propose corrective economic measures to insure that the full employment goal and timetable are achieved.” I am fully aware that there are those who argue that the full employment goal of this bill cannot be achieved, given the imperfections in our economy. I would say to them that whether they know it or not they are expressing abandonment of faith in our democratic enterprise system. They are saying it is fatally flawed, that we cannot produce jobs for all who are willing and able to work without producing galloping inflation. They are saying they believe that a large number of American workers must be consigned to the waste and despair of unemployment for the sake of price stability. Other than saying, “ Wait, things will somehow get better,” they would do nothing to answer the need of the more than seven million workers who remain unemployed today. They would ignore the fact that for the past five years our nation has had an average economic growth rate of only 1.8 percent and that this has resulted in the loss of $500 billion in the production of goods and services. That staggering loss never would have occurred had we sustained the previous historical average growth rate of 4 percent. And if we follow their advice and continue to observe the inadequate policies now in force, the nation will lose another $600 billion to $900 billion in goods and services by 1980. We are not here in Congress to preside over a crippled economy or play the role of indifferent witnesses to the dissolution of families, increased sick ness, death and crime that stem directly from the evaporation of jobs in a sick economy. We are here— and I want to emphasize this— we are here to fulfill our responsibility to provide leadership to revitalize our economy and get people back to work at decent wage levels that are not rapidly eroded by serious inflation. That’s what S. 50 is all about. It provides a framework and the procedures for the leadership that we promised to furnish when we took our oath of office. I certainly am not ready to concede that the United States, which actually made it possible for most of the countries of Europe to rebuild their economies following World War II, cannot now equal their economic performance. As I have indicated, better economic performance will occur only if we establish a new mechanism and policies to achieve it. S. 50, the Full Employ ment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976, as amended, provides a new structure with the following elements: (1) A new cooperative process is created among the President, Congress and the Federal Reserve for the establishment of annual, numerical economic goals, which will encourage the development of a unified annual economic policy. (2) New requirements are placed on the Federal Reserve to make it a full partner in national economic decisions. (3) The President is required to determine the extent to which budget policy can be relied upon to achieve full employment so that government spending does not excessively inflate the economy. (4) A planning capability is provided for in the Executive Office of the President to give us a better idea of where the economy is headed over the long-run and how we can most efficiently achieve full use of our human and capital resources. (5) The Act also provides for economy in government measures. It requires that 20% of Federal spending be intensively reviewed and evaluated each year, thus every program would receive detailed scrutiny at least once every five years. (6) The Act requires that work be substituted for welfare, unemployment compensation, and income maintenance spending to the maximum practical extent. 73-365— 70------ 10 140 (7) Comprehensive anti-inflation policies are required in "}{* the annual policymaking process, with an emphasis on increasing productivity and the supplies of necessities such as food and fuel. (8) Provision is made for a range of employment programs that focus on structural problems of unemployment in depressed regions, stat^ , and among groups in the labor force who have special unemployment problems, such as youth. These provisions are designed to provide job opportunities primarily in ** (9) A comprehensive counter-cyclical employment program is required, with special emphasis on a grant program to stabilize State and local budgets during recessions and thereby prevent contradictory fiscal actions at different levels of government. (10) After the private sector has been fully utilized, and all other pro visions o f this Act have been employed, the Federal g o v e r n m e n t is responsible for ensuring that the remaining unemployed above 3 percent adult unemploy ment are provided jobs. . , , .__ . Let me now comment on some of the questions that have been raised about S. 50, including the extent to which it encourages public vs. private jobs, the requirement placed upon the Federal Reserve Board, the inflation impact, the wage provisions, and the costs of the bill. . . _ This legislation is not a public service jobs proposal. The principal thrust of the Act is to encourage the creation of job opportunities in private enter prise through tax, credit, and budget policies that will stimulate the private sector in a balanced and sustainable way. Many o f the auxiliary programs, such as the incentives program to revitalize depressed areas, and the skillstraining and job-placement grants and loans from the development financing i n s t i t u t i o n , are specifically designed to create jobs in private industry. More over, the programs for emergency public works and community development would provide jobs in private business by channeling funds to private con tractors. The increased income from these government activities will in turn stimulate additional private sector jobs. With respect to the Federal Reserve Board, I know there are some nervous Nellies who have canonized the FED and say that the Act’s requirements would destroy that Agency’s independence. I would advise them to read S. 50 to be assured that it does nothing of the kind. In point of fact, it simply requires the Federal Reserve Board to regularly indicate to Congress the objectives of its projected monetary policy and to assess how that policy supports the employment, growth and price stability recommendations ^made by the President to the Congress. Congress would then be in a position to weigh the Administration’s proposals, the Federal Reserve’s intended policies, determine the adequacy or inadequacy of these plans and take whatever action is necessary to coordinate monetary policies with other policies in order to meet our national economic goals. In my view, this is in keeping with the Congress’ constitutional responsibility to provide broad guidance to the Federal Reserve Board. Will a full employment policy seriously accelerate inflation? Those who argue that more production and employment cause inflation have got things turned upside down. The principal way to reduce prices is to increase pro duction, productivity, and the supply of goods and services like food and health care. I am not propounding a theory, but reporting the facts. During the early 1950’s, and again in the mid-1960’s, increased production and employment was accompanied by lower rates of inflation. Our recent experience with unemploy ment and inflation tells the same story. In 1975, when we reached an un employment rate of about 9%, we had an inflation rate that for many months exceeded 10%. Since then, as production was increased and unemployment re duced, the rate of inflation dropped by about one half. Although I believe production and productivity are the best weapons against inflation, I recognizing that as the economy approaches full utilization of its human and capital resources, bottlenecks and price pressures are likely to develop. No one knows how significant these inflationary pressures could be, but estimates can be made. At my request, the Congressional Budget Office has made such estimates in conjunction with an economic analysis of the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976. These estimates show that 141 efforts to reach a 3.5% overall unemployment target by increasing aggregate demand could increase inflation by roughly 1 percentage point by 1980, or 2 percentage points by 1982—in other words, an annual increase in inflation of approximately 0.6 percentage points. As the CBO study indicates, even these estimates could overstate the in flationary impact of S. 50 because they do not take account of the anti-inflation measures included in the legislation. The bill requires the inflation situation to be constantly monitored, and the President to annually submit a compre hensive set of anti-inflation policies that are relevant to changing economic conditions. There is full provision for these actions to be as thorough and tough as necessary “ to promote reasonable price stability if situations develop that seriously threaten national price stability.” Would the wage standards cause a shift from private to public employment? Some people have argued that the wage standards are so generous they would cause a shift from private to public employment and aggregate inflation. I don't believe this is true. I believe the wage standards are “ neutral” between the private and public sectors because they simply reaffirm existing, fair wage standards. The key to understanding the wage standards is to carefully read section 402. That section states that people employed under the bill shall receive “ equal wages for equal work/* It then prescribes a range of wage standards from the minimum wage to prevailing wages for similar employment in the specific labor markets. This means that someone doing a job that merits the minimum wage will be paid that wage, while a skilled worker doing a job of higher value will be paid commensurate wages. I believe this is a flexible and fair set of wage standards. How much will the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act o f 1976 cost? The immediate cost of the Act is limited to the expense o f: (1) expand ing the staff of the Council of Economic Advisers to carry out long and short range planning functions and assist the President in preparing recommended policies and programs to achieve the goals of the measure; (2) creating a Public Advisory Commission to provide input from State and local govern ments and the private sector; and (3) creating a reservoir of public employ ment jobs to be utilized when necessary to maintain a full employment econ omy. That direct budget cost is estimated at $50 million a year. There will be, of course, substantial indirect budget costs if all of the legis lative actions mandated by this bill are undertaken. It is impossible to esti mate these costs precisely because they depend on such things as the strength of the private sector economic recovery, the rate o f growth in the labor force, and the specific design of the job creation programs mandated under the A ct In the study I mentioned earlier, the Congressional Budget Office took these factors into account and made some rough budget cost estimates. After twentyfour months of operation, a program to reduce unemployment to 3.5 percent by 1980 would have a net cost in the range of $8-16 billion. The gross cost would fall in the range of $23-24 billion, but these costs are drastically re duced when cutbacks in welfare and unemployment compensation payments, along with increased tax revenues, are taken into account. These budgetary costs are significant, but simply compare them with the high cost of unemployment. Compare these costs with the more than $600 billion in lost production o f goods and services that will result if we continue to follow the present course and fail to even approach a full employment economy. Contrast the costs with the $14 billion a year in lost federal tax revenue for each one percentage point o f unemployment. Compare the costs with the more than $20 billion in “extra” welfare and unemployment expendi* tures due to the present high levels of unemployment. Contrast the costs with the continued misery and lost hope of the millions o f people who will be un employed during ail of this period. In my mind, a full employment policy is a bargain no matter how you look at it. One point I wish to emphasize in discussing the bill is the stress it places on substituting paid employment for welfare and unemployment insurance payments insofar as it is reasonably possible to do so. From the point of view o f morale and training purposes, it is far better for otherwise idle workers to be performing useful* productive tasks. Putting people to work is both humane and a practical idea. In fact, Mr. Chairman, much o f this bill is premised on 142 the conservative belief that we ought to put people to work instead of keeping them on the dole. Despite claims from alarmists and the timidity o f those who would maintain our painful status quo, there is nothing radical in the provisions of the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976. It says in effect that the President and Congress shall coordinate their efforts to plan and implement the policies and programs which are needed to reach out and hold prosperity. It says this nation can be the master of its own economic destiny if it will but marshal the resources and talent to do so. Mr. Chairman, in conjunction with my prepared testimony, I would like to submit for the record a recent Washington Post article on the bill, my testi mony before the House Subcommittee on Manpower, Compensation, and Health and Safety and the Senate Subcommittee on Employment, Poverty and Migra tory Labor, a letter from Dr. Eli Ginzburg, Chairman of the National Com mission on Manpower Policy, an editorial and interview from the May-June issue of Challenge magazine, and the Congressional Budget Office study of S. 50. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The Chairman. Congressman Hawkins, you have quite an act to follow, S T A T E M E N T O F A U G U S T U S F . H A W K IN S , R E P R E S E N T A T IV E IN CO N G R ESS FR O M T H E S T A T E O F C A L IF O R N IA Mr. Hawkins. Well, Fm not going to try to do that, Mr, Chair man. I think, along with Senator Humphrey, that this bill has been misunderstood and let me spend just a few minutes of my time and yours describing some of the misconceptions about the bill itself. I think some of the critics have not read the bill. During more than 2 years of testimony by the Subcommittee on Equal Opportuni ties in the House Education and Labor Committee, we quizzed some of these experts and I found that they had not even read the bill, let alone understand what the bill is all about. Fm going to deviate from my prepared statement and I hope that will be inserted in the record. The Chairman. Yes. Without objection, that will be inserted. Mr. Hawkins. I will merely confine myself to a limited amount of time to think there are others to be heard from and I think the public needs to be heard from on this bill and not just a few pro fessional economists. I started out in my prepared statement, however, by saving that this is one of the great moral issues of our time, that the moral tragedy of current policies is that they deliberately create and countenance high levels of unemployment. If you have not introduced in the record thus far two very excellent statements on the moral dimensions of unemployment, one by the Catholic bishops of the United States and the other a policy statement by the Board of Church and Society of the United Methodist Church, may I offer those documents for the record because I think they deal with the moral question of unemployment and I think that we listen too darn much to some economists at least who are talking about infla tion and the other problems who perhaps haven’t read the bill but who neglect to mention the physical, social, and psychological impact of the waste which is now being created by mistaken policies. 143 [Documents follow:] A P o l ic y S t a t e m e n t on U nem ploym ent (By the Board of Church and Society, The United Methodist Church) I Historically, The United Methodist Church has been concerned with the moral issues involved with the social problem of unemployment. Governmental policies have been called for that would insure full employment in order that workers may fully participate in society with dignity, so that families may be economically secure, and so that the nation may achieve coherent high priority goals. These statements have appeared in various versions of The Social Creed, in statements from boards and agencies of the church, and in resolutions from The General Conference. II This subject must be addressed once more. Americans are currently ex periencing the longest and deepest recession since the Great Depression of the 1930 s. The official unemployment rate for the first five months of 1975 was S.6%. The consumer price index rose 11% in 1974. From 1946 to 1974, the official unemployment rate averaged 4.7%. By Euro pean standards this is a high average and marks an upward drift. In the de cade of 1950-59, unemployment in the United States averaged 4.51%; in the decade of 1960-69, the average was 4.78%; in the first five years of the 1970's, unemployment averaged 5.4% and, the projected rates made in the President’s January 1975 Economic Report for the next five years of the 1970*s is 7.5%.x Each percentage point . currently represents approximately 900,000 workers who are jobless. There is a burdensome psychological, social, and economic cost to the nation for this high level of unemployment.2 These present and projected high levels of unemployment represent “an acute crisis superimposed on a long-term crisis that stems from the chronic failure of our econmy to generate an adequate supply of decent paying jobs.” * III Various studies have shown that the social costs of unemployment are both immediate and long term. The effects linger for decades. Between 1953 and 1974, the average American family forfeited a total income of $18,750 due to unemployment/ Income was lost that could have gone into housing, health, education, food, and recreation. A 1969 Labor Department study of young workers showed that “inability to get part-time work meant having to leave school, even below the college level.” * Levitan and Taggart concluded, “care ful studies have indicated a significant positive correlation between juvenile delinquency and unemployment.” * Frank Furstenberg examined the findings of 46 studies and concluded that ‘‘economic uncertainty brought on by un employment and marginal employment is a principal reason why family rela tions deteriorate.” 7 When Patrick V. Murphy, President of the Police Foun 1 B y inspection, The Economic Report of the President, 1975 (W a s h in g to n . D .C . : U .S . G o vern m en t P r in tin g Office, 1 9 7 5 ) , Table C - 2 6 , p. 2 7 9 . T h e projection s into the la s t h a lf o f th e 1970*8 are quoted in K eyserlin g, " T o P rocrastin ate or T o P la n ,” Vieicpoint, v o l. 5, no. 2, Second Q uarter, 1 9 7 5 , p. 3. 8 Leon K ey serlin g estim ates th a t betw een 1 9 5 3 through 1 9 7 4 . w e fo rfeited more than $ 2 .0 trillio n w orth o f gross na tion al product (1 9 7 4 d o llars) due to un em ploym en t and un d erp rod u ctio n . A b o u t $ 7 0 0 billion w orth o f lo ca l, state, an d federal revenues w ere th u s lo st. T h ese revenues could have been used fo r both a ru ral an d urban renaissance. See K ey serlin g . ibid.t p. 3. » H elen G in sburg. Unemployment* Subemploymentf and Public Policy (N e w Y o r k : N ew Y o r k U n iv ersity , School o f Social W o r k ; C enter fo r S tu dies in Incom e M ain ten an ce P o lic y , 1 9 7 5 ) . p. iii. 4 L eon H . K ey serlin g , Full Employment Without Inflation (W a s h in g to n , D .C . : C on feren ce on E con om ic I^ o g r e s s , 1 9 7 5 ) , p. 9. 6 V e ra C. P e rrella , “ Y o u n g W o rk ers an d T h e ir E a r n in g s ,” Monthly Labor Review ( U .S . G o vern m en t P r in tin g Office. 1 9 7 1 ) , vol. 9 4 , J u ly 1 9 7 1 , p. 6. • T h e T w e n tie th C en tu ry F u n d , The Job Crisis for Black Youth (N e w Y o r k : P raeger, 1 9 7 1 ) , p. 2 9 . t R e p o rt o f a S p ecial T a sk F o rce to the Secretary o f H ea lth , E d u ca tion and W elfare* Work in America (W a s h in g to n , D .C . : D ecem ber 1 9 7 2 ) , p. 1 4 7 . 144 dation, was asked what would he do to help reduce crime, he said he would recommend “reducing the unemployment in the central city.” 8 Professor M. Harvey Brenner of John Hopkins School of Hygiene and Public Health fears that “if the current recession persists, it will bring a dramatic rise in mental illness, alcoholism and suicide.” # Professor Brenner studied the relationship between unemployment and mental hospitalization between 1922-1968 and concluded that there is a positive relationship between recessions and mental disorders. “As employment drops, mental hospital admissions rise.” 10 Braginsky and Braginsky concluded from their studies: “Regardless of how a person becomes surplus, he or she is socially transformed. Lifestyles, expectations, goals, roles and appearance all change . . . The trauma leaves a permanent scar . . . long after the victim moves out of surplus status and back into the social mainstream.” 11 One of the primary hindrances to the institutionaliza tion of coherent public full-employment policies is callousness to these social facts, both in the private and political sectors. IV Americans tend to be more tolerant of a high unemployment rate than are the citizens of other developed countries.12 Furthermore, the size of the un employment problem is consistently understated in the United States because of the definition used for counting the employed and the unemployed. “Un employed” is defined as being out of work during the survey week, available for work, and having looked for a job during the past four weeks. An employed person is one who has worked for pay any time during the survey week.13 A partial explanation for this tolerance of unemployment may be found in a popular belief system that posits a trade-off of unemployment for lower prices. A popular misunderstanding of the Phillips Curve holds that full employ ment leads to rising prices and high unemployment means less inflation. How ever, since the experience of “stagflation” in the economy (rising unemploy ment accompanied with rising prices), many former adherents to the trade off theory have begun to waver. In fact, many economists do not believe there is a proven relationship between employment levels and price levels. “This theory, sometimes called the ‘tradeoff’, has been refuted by the overwhelming weight of experience during two decades or longer, and specially during the 8 The Waahinoton Post, A u gu st 11. 197 5 , n. 2. * Quoted by Berkeley Rice, “ The W o r ry E p id em ic,” Pyschology Today, A u g u s t 1 9 7 5 p. 74, M /M rf,. p. 75. M D orothv D . B ragin sky and B eniam in M . B ragin sk v . “ Surplus P e o p le : T h eir L o s t Fa ith in the S e lf and S v ste m .” Psycholoov Today, A u g u st 1 9 " 5 , p. 70. ™ F o r exam ple, unem ploym ent in the U nited S tates averaged about 4 . 8 % in th e vears 3 9 6 0 -7 0 . D uring this s«m e period, unem ploym ent in O erm anv w as .6 % , in Japan. 1 . 3 % ; in Sweden, 1 . 7 % ; in France. 2 0 % ; and, in G reat B ritain , 3 .1 % . On the average, u n em ploym ent in the U .S . w as 2 7 6 % higher than in these developed countries in the sam e tim e span. A lso, when these developed countries attem pted to control inflation by re pressing the economic grow th o f the cou ntry, the resu lt w as less grow th and m ore inflation. F o r a discussion, see K evserling. op. cit.. p. 24. M gpp Monthht Labor Review (W a sh in g to n , D .C . : U .S . G overnm ent P r in tin g Office, Ju ly 1 9 7 5 ), p. 75. I t follo w s from the definition th at w orking one hour per week qualifies a person as being employed. A lso, the definition excludes from unem ploym ent those persons w ho become discouraged and do not believe th^re is w ork and do not seek w ork a fte r fou r weeks o f unem ploym ent. In A p ril. 1975, part-tim e unem ploym ent reached 1 .7 % o f the civilian labor force i c o n c ^ le d unem ploym ent. those who became discouraged, reached 1 .2 % o f the labor force. W h en these addition s are made to the official un em nloym en t APr*l o f 8 .9 % , the resu lt is a rate o f ap proxim ately 1 1 .7 % or m ore th an 1 0 .5 m illion people. See K eyserling. “ T o P rocrastin ate or T o P la n ," op. cU., p. 2. N or do the official unem ploym en t sta tistics tnke into account the q u alitv o f Jobs. There are m any persons w orkin g fu ll-tim e w ho still earn less than poverty line w ages. In 1966, the Labor D epartm en t developed a subem ploym ent index w hich ‘ included five g ro u p s: ( 1 ) the officially unem ployed. ( 2 ) in volu n tary pnrt-tim e w orkers, ( 3 ) an estim ate o f the m ale ‘undercount’ in the census, assu m in g h a lf the m issin g m ales to be sob emplo.ved, (4 ) an estim ate o f the num ber o f ad u lt m ale discouraged w orkers, ( 5 ) fu ll tim e workers w ith wnges under the povertv threshold. A fte r conducting ten in ten sive surveys in in n e r-d tv poverty arens, the U .S . D epartm en t of Labor discovered th a t t*ubem ploym ent ranged from 2 4 % in B oston to 4 7 % in San A n tonio in these im pacted areas T h e average unem ploym ent rate a t the tim e w as 3.7<£. In 1 970 the un em ploym en t rate w as 5 % , a subsequent study by a Senate subcom m ittee discovered subem pioym en t to range from a low of 5 0 % in the poverty areas of S t. P aul to a high o f 7 3 % in the poverty areas o f San An tonio. T h is is the core o f the urban crisis and it is w orsen in g F o r further discussion, see G insburg, op. cit., pp. 9 4 - 1 1 4 . 145 most recent years.” 14 Even The Economic Report of the President, 1975 con cedes that the ‘tradeoff' theory is difficult to defend: “Despite considerable empirical work allowing for the role of further variables and lags, it has proved difficult to defend the claim of a long-run Phillips tradeoff (sic) be tween inflation and unemployment.15 However, public policies which result in higher joblessness continue to be pursued based upon this trade-off assumption even though no positive correlation between the level of employment and prices has been clearly demonstrated. An alternative explanation for inflation can be found in a “multiple cau sation” theory. Administered prices, the cost of wars, the rising world demand for commodities, the energy shortages, the food shortages, currency deval uations, profits, taxation, interest rates, and monetary and fiscal policies are among the contributing factors to inflationary pressures. There is surely a persistent push toward inflation caused by military expenditures. The 1974 Report o f the Joint Economic Committee summarized: Defense spending tends to be inflationary. Defense goods and services cannot be consumed by the public, and to the extent that they are employed by the military, they are unavailable for civilian purposes. The removal of goods and services from the civilian economy may create or contribute to shortages. Defense programs inject expenditures into the economy but they do not pro duce goods and services to satisfy consumer needs. Arms are not sold to the public.16 In fact, 68% of all federal purchases were for military expenditures in 1974.17 Dollars spent for military procurement create fewer jobs than the same dollars spent for civilian needs.18 This multiple approach to the causes of infla tion furnishes a more coherent explanation than does the “ trade-off” theory and is suggestive for policy changes to deal both with joblessness and inflation. V Following World War IX, the Senate passed The Full Employment Bill of 1945 which declared that “all Americans able to work and seeking work have the right to useful, remunerative, regular and full-time employment . . This “ right to employment” bill w’as defeated in the House of Representatives. Instead, The Employment Act of 1946, a weaker substitute was passed. This law states that the federal government has the responsibility to create con ditions “ under which there will be afforded employment opportunities, includ ing self-employment, for those able, willing, and seeking to work, and to pro mote maximum employment, production, and purchasing power.” ®0 A more vague concept, “ maximum employment” , was substituted for the concrete goal of full employment. In fact, however, the promise of “ maximum employment“ was never realized. Monetary and fiscal policies have been knowingly followed in order to create joblessness. The wTord “ feasible” has crept in as a modifier of “ maximum employment” In 1975, “ maximum employment” is being defined as at about 5% unemployment by the Administration.21 Almost three decades after the 1946 act, it is time to develop public policies that incorporate the following in order to achieve full employment. 1. It should become a recognized public policy that every citizen of the United States has a right to meaningful, useful, rewarding employment con tributing to the public good at a wage that is supportive of an adequate standard of living with human dignity. 14 K eyserling:, P u ll E m p lo ym e n t W ith o u t Tn flntion, op. d t . t p. 4. 56 Th e Econom ic R ep o rt o f the P resident, 1975, op. cit., p. 90. M U .S. C on gress. J o in t E co n o m ic C om m ittee. J o in t Econom ic R ep o rt on th e 1974 Eco no m ic R e p o rt o f th e President, 93rd C ongress, 2n d S ession (W a s h in g to n , D .C .: U.S. G o v e rn m e n t P r in tin g Office, 1 9 7 4 ). p, 64. w Econom ic R ep o rt of the P res id e n t, 1975, op. c lt„ T a b le C - l , p. 249. 18 One b illion d o lla rs spen t on defense crea tes 92,0 00 j o b s ; th e sam e a m ou n t spen t on m e e tin g d om estic needs by sta te and lo ca l gov ern m en ts crea tes 110.000 jo b s. T e stim o n y Riven b y B en n ett H a rrison . “ T estim on y b e fo re S enate S u b com m ittee on E m p loy m en t, M a n p ow er, and P o v e r ty , A p ril 26, 1 97 5 ” in Com prehensive M a n p o w e r R e fo rm , 1 9 7 2 : H e a rin g s p a rt 5 (W a s h in g to n , D .C .: U.S. G ov ern m en t P r in tin g Office, 1 9 7 2 ). p. 1579. 19 C ou n cil o f E co n o m ic A d visers, “ T h e E m p loy m en t A c t : T w e n ty Y ea rs o f E x p e rie n c e ." In J oh n A . P e le h a n ty (e d ,), M a n p o w e r Problem s and Policies (S cra n to n , P a .: In te r n a tio n a l T e x tb o o k C o., 1 9 6 9 ), p. 5. * Q n o t e d in G ln sb n rg, op. c it.t p. 5. ® G in sb u rg , op. c it,, p. 27. 146 2. In order to realize this right, the federal, state, and local governments should institute a planning process which develops policies and programs through which a full employment economy is achieved. 3. This planning process should include an analysis of the changing volume and composition of the labor supply in order to develop policies to deal with involuntary unemployment and underemployment; with discrimination in jobs based on sex, age, race, color, religion or national origin; and, with the prob lems of the work environment, the quality of work, job satisfaction, labormanagement relations, and worker participation in employment decisions. 4. Public policy should be developed to achieve full employment practices along with reductions in annual hours of paid work, flexible work schedules, paid vacation and sabbaticals, and more extensive combinations o f education and employment. 5. Public service jobs and sheltered workshops should be created by an office whose function would be to provide useful and rewarding employment for any American, able and willing to work and unable otherwise to obtain work. Consideration should be planned for such individuals and groups as have faced special obstacles in finding and holding useful and rewarding employ ment, e.g., those suffering discrimination, the physically or mentally handi capped, older workers, youths, veterans, inhabitants of depressed areas, and workers displaced by the relocation, closing, or reduced operations of indus trial facilities. 6. Other national economic goals, such as stable prices and a favorable balance of trade, should be sought without limitations or compromising the right to employment. 7. Day-care centers should be created so that working parents may pursue their work in peace o f mind that their children are receiving adequate nur ture and care. 8. Unemployment insurance coverage should be extended to cover all of the unemployed. Benefits should be expanded to meet the real economic needs of the jobless.23 9. Fiscal and monetary policy should be utilized for the goal of creating a vital economy and full employment23 10. Production should be geared to meet coherent priority goals of the na tion. e.g., mass transit, energy, housing, health, education, rural and urban renaissance, and the environment. A S tatem ent of the T he C a t h o l ic B is h o p s E conom y : H u m a n D of the U n it e d States on im e n s io n s “This unemployment returning again to plague us after so many repetitions during the century past is a sign of deep failure in our country. Unemploy ment is the great peacetime physical tragedy of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and both in its cause and in the imprint it leaves upon those who inflict it, those who permit it, and those who are its victims, it is one o f the great moral tragedies of our time.” The Bishops of the United States, Unemployment, 1930. 1. This was the judgment of our predecessors as they responded to the economic crisis of 1930. As pastors, teachers and leaders, we recall and emphasize their words ris our country faces important economic, social and moral decisions in the uidst of the highest unemployment since the 1930s. * ^se 0fl? cinJ 1-v u n em p loyed w ere cov ered b v u n em p loym en t In surance in 1974, Those^ cov ered receiv ed a benefit w h ich a vera ged 3 6 % o f a vera ge w e e k ly earnT r ! V 4 y™ a e m p lo y m e n t See Econom ic R ep o rt of the P res id e n t, 1 975, op. c it., T a b le “ T h e■ cost: o f the p resen t recession is a stron om ica l. The C om m ittee on th e B u d g e t o f the U.S. Senate re p orted th a t the p resent recession is c o s tin g $200 b illio n in lo s t p r o d u c t : $r>3 billion in lo st fed era l revenues : and a ri«e o f $15 b illio n in th e c o s t o f program s designed to aid the jobless. See U .S. S enate C om m ittee on the B u d get. F ir s t Cnnqretxlonal Resolution on the B udget— F t scat Y e a r 1976, 9 m Congress. 1st Session (W ashington, D .C .: L .S . G overn m en t P rin tin g Office, 1 9 7 5 ), p. 114. 147 I. THE CHTJBCH’S CONCERN 2. Despite recent hopeful signs, the economy is only slowly and painfully recovering from the recent recession, the worst since World War II. We are deeply concerned that this recovery may lack the strength of duration to alleviate the suffering of many of the victims of the recession, especially the unemployed. It is the moral, human and social consequences of our troubled economy which concern us and their impact on families, the elderly and chil dren. We hope in these limited reflections to give voice to some of the concerns of the poor and working people o f our land. 3. We are keenly aware of the world-wide dimensions of the problem and the complexity of these issues of economic policy. Our concern, however, is not with technical fiscal matters, particular economic theories or political pro grams, but rather the moral aspects of economic policy and the impact of these policies on people. Our economic life must reflect broad values of social justice and human rights. n . TH E CHUBCH’ S TEACHING 4. Our own rich heritage of Catholic teaching offers important direction and insight. Most importantly, we are guided by the concern for the poor and afflicted shown by Jesus, who came to “ bring good news to the poor, to pro claim liberty to captives, new sight to the blind, and to set the downtrodden free” (Luke 4:18). In addition, the social encyclicals of the Popes and docu ments of the Second Vatican Council and the Synod of Bishops defend the basic human right to useful employment, just wages and decent working con ditions as well as the right of workers to organize and bargain collectively. They condemn unemployment, maldistribution of resources and other forms of economic injustice and call for the creation of useful work experiences and new forms of industrial organization enabling workers to share in decision making, increased production, and even ownership. Again and again they point out the interrelation of economics and ethics, urging that economic activity be guided by social morality. 5. Catholic teaching on economic issues flows from the Church’s commitment to human rights and human dignity. This living tradition articulates a number of principles which are useful in evaluating our current economic situation. Without attempting to set down an all-inclusive list, we draw the following principles from the social teachings o f the Church and ask that policy-makers and citizens ponder their implications. a. Economic activity should be governed by justice and be carried out with in the limits of morality. It must serve people’s needs.1 b. The right to have a share of earthly goods sufficient for oneself and one’s family belongs to everyone.® c. Economic prosperity is to be assessgjl not so much from the stun total of goods and wealth possessed as from the distribution of goods to norms of justice.* d. Opportunities to work must be provided for those who are able and willing to work. Every person has the right to useful employment, to just wages, and to adequate assistance in case of real need.4 e. Economic development must not be left to the sole judgment of a few persons or groups possessing excessive economic power, or to the political community alone. On the contrary, at every level the largest possible number of people should have an active share in directing that development.® f. A just and equitable system of taxation requires assessment according to ability to pay * g. Government must play a role in the economic activity o f its citizens. In deed, it should promote in a suitable manner the production of a sufficient 1Vatican 38—39. II, The Church In The Modem World, 04; John XXIII, Mater et Magistra, * Vatican II. The Church Tn The Modem World, 09. * John XXIII, Mater et Magistra, 73. „ n r m /P i u s XI, On The Reconstruction of The Social Order, 74; John XXIII, Pacem In Ter11, 18; Vatican II, The Church In The Modern World, 67; Paul VI, A Call To Ac tion, 0. 1Vatican II. The Church In The Modem World, 65. * John X X ni, Mater et Magistra, 132. 148 supply of material goods. Moreover, it should safeguard the rights o f all citi zens. and help them find opportunities for employment. ^ ^ 6 These are not new principles. They are drawn directly from the teachings of the Church, but they have critical relevance at this time o f economic dis tress. Under current conditions many of these principles are being consistently violated. i n . DIM ENSIONS OF T H E ECONOMIC SITUATION 7. In these reflections we wish to examine briefly the dimensions of our economic problems in three areas: unemployment, inflation and distribution of wealth and income. A. Unemployment 8. In October, government figures show eight million persons were un employed, representing 8.6% ot the work force.8 Millions of other persons have given up seeking work out of discouragement or are in part-time jobs although they desire full-time work. Taking this into account, the actual level of un employment in our country is over 12%. It is estimated that 20 million people will be jobless at some time this year, and that one-third of all Americans will suffer the traumatic experience of unemployment within their families. 9. The official unemployment rate does more than understimate the true ex tent of joblessness. It also masks the inequitable distribution of unemploy ment The figures for October indicate that minorities, blue collar workers, young people and women bear a disproportionate share of the burdens of job lessness * 10. These realities clearly indicate that the nation's commitment to genuine full employment has been seriously eroded, if not abandoned. Since World War II, unemployment has been substantial, persistent and drifting upward. In fact, when joblessness rose dramatically during the latest recession, it took the form of an acute and visible crisis, superimposed on a long-term unemploy ment problem which has persisted for decades. 11. The costs of this tragic under-utilization of our country’s human re sources are enormous. In economic terms, these high levels of unemployment cost literally hundreds of billions of dollars in lost revenue and increased expenses for all levels of government. 12. As lamentable as these financial costs are, the social and human impact is far more deplorable. In our society, persons without a job lose a key measure of their place in society and a source of individual fulfillment; they often feel that there is no productive role for them. Many minority youth may grow up without meaningful job experiences and come to accept a life of dependency. Unemployment frequently leads to higher rates of crime, drug addiction, and alcoholism. It is reflected in higher rates of mental illness as well as rising social tensions. The idleness, fear and financial insecurity resulting from un employment can undermine confidence, erode family relationships, dull the spirit and destroy dreams and hopes. One can hardly bear to contemplate the disappointment of a family which has made the slow and painful climb up the economic ladder and has been pushed down once again into poverty and dependence by the loss of a job. 13. The current levels of unemployment are unacceptable and their tre mendous human costs are intolerable. Unemployment represents a vast and tragic waste of our human and material resources. We are disturbed not only by the present levels of joblessness, but also by official government projections of massive unemployment for the rest of this decade. We sincerplv hnpp that these figures do not represent resignation to the human and economic waste implied in these rates of unemployment. As a society, we cannot accept the 7 T<Min X X I I I , M a te r et M a g is tra , 2 0 ; V a tica n I I , Th e Church I n The M o d e m W o rld , 67. 70. " T h e E m p loym en t S it u a t io n : O ctob er 1 9 7 5 ; U .S. D ep a rtm en t o f L a b or, B u rea u o f L abor S ta tistics : N ovem ber 7, 1975. • D epartm ent o f L n b or figures fo r O ctob er 1975 in d ic a t e : One o ’^t o f five teenagers w ere iobless. Over 1 1 % o f all bine co lla r -workers w ere o u t o f w ork , 1 4 .2 % o f nil m in ority persons w ere rmemnlovert. N early 4 0 % o f all m in ority teenagers w ere .ioWess. 134 o f our 150 m a jor urban areas w ere officia lly listed as areas o f su b sta n tia l subem ploym ent. 149 notion that some will have jobs and income while others will be told to wait a few years and to subsist on welfare in the interim. For work is more than a way to earn a living. It represents a deep human need, desired not only for income but also for the sense of worth which it provides the individual. B. Inflation 14. There are those who insist that we must tolerate high levels of unemploy ment for some, in order to avoid ruinous inflation for all. Although we are deeply concerned about inflation, we reject such a policy as not grounded in justice. In recent years, our country has experienced very high levels of in flation. During this past year, there has been some reduction in inflation, but there are already signs of its renewal, spurred by large increases in food and fuel prices. 15. Inflation weakens the economic stability o f our society and erodes the economic security of our citizens. Its impact is most severe on those who live on fixed incomes and the very poor. The double distress of inflation and reces sion has led to a painful decline in real income for large numbers of people in recent years. Clearly, steps must be taken to limit inflation and its impact. 16. However, low unemployment and high inflation are not inevitable part ners, as history and the experience of other industrialized countries bear ou t Policy-inakers should seek and use measures to combat inflation which do not rely upon high rates of joblessness. For many of our fellow citizens, the major protection against inflation is a decent job at decent wages. C . D istribu tion o f In com e and W ea lth 17. Within our country, vast disparities of income and wealth remain. The richest 20% o f our people receive more income than the bottom 80% com bined. In the area of ownership, the disparities are even more apparent. The top one-fifth of all families own more than three-fourths of all the privately held wealth in the United States while over one-half of our families control less than 7% of the wealth. 18. The distribution of income and wealth are important since they in fluence and even determine our society’s distribution of economic power. Cath olic social teaching has condemned gross inequality in the distribution of ma terial goods. Our country cannot continue to ignore this important measure o f economic justice. IV. POLICY DIRECTIONS 19. Fundamentally, our nation must provide jobs for those who can and should work and a decent income for those who cannot. An effective national commitment to full employment is needed to protect the basic human right to useful employment for all Americans. It ought to guarantee, through ap propriate mechanisms, that no one seeking work would be denied an oppor tunity to earn a livelihood. Full employment is the foundation of a just eco nomic policy; it should not be sacrificed for other political and economic goals. We would support sound and creative programs of public service employment to relieve joblessness and to meet the vital social needs of our people (housing, transportation, education, health care, recreation, etc.). 20. The burden and hardship of these difficult times must not fall most heavily on the most vulnerable: the poor, the elderly, the unemployed, young people and workers o f modest income. We support efforts to improve our un employment compensation system and to provide adequate assistance to the victims of the recession. Efforts to eliminate or curtail needed services and help must be strongly opposed. 21. We continue to support a decent income policy for those who are unable to work because of sickness, age, disability or other good reason. Our present welfare system should be reformed to serve our country and those in need more effectively. 22. Renewed efforts are required to reform our economic life. We ask the private and public sectors to join together to plan and provide better for our future, to promote fairness in taxation to halt the destructive impact of in flation and to distribute more evenly the burdens and opportunities o f our society. We also ask that consideration be given to a more efficacious use of the land, the nation’s primary resource in order to provide gainful employ ment for more people. We should explore the impact of technology and en deavor to preserve the small family farm and other approaches to economic 150 life which provide substantial and productive employment for peopte*J } ** Jot enough to point up the issues in our economy and to propose solutions to our national problem? while accepting uncritically the presupposition o f an eco nomic system based in large part upon unlimited and unrestrained profit. 23. We pledge our best efforts in support of these goals. We call on local parishes, dioceses, Catholic institutions and organizations to undertake edu cation and action programs on issues of economic justice. We renew our com mitment to assist the needy and victims of economic turmoil through programs of financial assistance and active participation in the dialogue over the formu lation and implementation of just economic policies. We call on our people to pray for our country in this, time of need and to participate in the difficult decisions which can still fulfill the promise of our land, 24. Working together with renewed vision and commitment, our country has the productive capacity and human and material resources to provide ade quately for the needs of our people. We take this opportunity to renew the challenge of our fellow Bishops o f 45 years a g o: “ Our country needs, now and permanently, such a change of heart as will, intelligently and with determination, so organize and distribute our work and wealth that no one need lack for any long time the security o f being able to earn an adequate living for himself and for those dependent upon him.” The Bishops of the United States, Unemployment j 1930 Appendix In adopting this resolution, the Bishops sought to link this effort to a major statement issued in 1919 on similar matters. Entitled, “The Bishops' Program For Social Reconstruction,” the statement called fo r : minimum wage legis lation; unemployment insurance and protection against sickness and old age; minimum age limit for working children; legal enforcement of the right o f labor to organize; a national employment service; public housing; and a long term program of increasing wages. It also urged: prevention of excessive profits and incomes through regula tion of public utilities and progressive taxes on inheritance, income, and ex cess profits; participation of labor in management; a wider distribution of ownership through cooperative enterprises and worker ownership in the stock o f corporations; and effective control of monopolies even by the method of government competition if that should prove necessary. Most of these proposals have been enacted. Partial progress has been made toward others. The 1919 statement provides a historical framework for the current resolution and evidences a long-standing concern for economic justice on the part of the Catholic community in this country. Mr. Hawkins. If we can assume that these policies are unneces sary from an economic point of view, then it certainly should remind us that economic policies should not be formulated in a vacuum 'without human consideration. Now let me, rather than deal with them, simply indicate that studies made and presented in testimony before the Subcommittee on Equal Opportunities indicated a very close correlation between un employment and mental illnesses, child abuse, suicides, and a host of other problems, including crime; and I think we cannot just simply ignore this in listening to some of the cries by individuals who neces sarily should be worried about inflation but who use this as the only way of approach. A lot of this rests on the trade-off theory. I know that the Con gressional Budget Office has been quoted by some of these individuals and has been referred to this morning, but let me just read from that report itself pertaining to H.R. 50 and S. 50. The Congressional Budget Office, and I quote directly, said this: Most economists would agree there’s some rate of unemployment both of capital and labor below which significant inflation usually develops, but there 151 is considerable disagreement over the rate considered inflationary. In terms of the labor market, most would place a critical level above 3 percent of the labor force at the present time. However, most would also agree that measures to reduce structural imbalances in the labor market to improve labor mobility, to reduce frequent occurrences of unemployment among the unskilled and to improve employability by training and elimination of discrimination would lower the unemployment rate at which the labor market becomes tight. If such measures were adopted and were effective, a noninflationary unemployment rate would potentially be even lower than 3 percent. I think that’s a very significant statement because it indicates the Congressional Budget Office at least has indicated that there are some things that can be done to offset the inflationary costs of in creasing wages or of lowering unemployment. Instead of looking in that direction, it seems to me that we conclude that wage earners are the culprit and that we cannot look in other directions. Now certainly the bills under consideration do contain these other measures and, in addition thereto, a list of anti-inflationary measures or programs that can be used, and we never thought that simply by considering one aspect, one economic aspect, that the problem oi in flation was going to be solved, and so the bill I think necessarily includes these others. And I suggest that individuals should reaii the other provisions of the bill. Now it’s rather strange that those that talk greatest in many in stances about inflation, the fear of inflation, never stop to think that by ending discrimination, for example, inflationary pressures could be greatly reduced because by ending such discrimination against minorities, women and young people we would increase pro duction and productivity, thereby increasing supply. Now it never occurred to them, therefore, to speak out against discrimination or to speak out against excessive interest rates which add to the cost of production or to speak out against monopolistic practices or ad ministered prices or the other things that have been the chief causes of inflation in this country over the last three decades. They confine themselves to only one aspect of the problem. Now I think that it would also be true, in speaking of inflation versus unemployment, that this implies a complete support of the tradeoff theory and I know very few noted economists today who support the tradeoff theory. Mr. Arthur Bums has discarded it and has embraced full employment. He may prefer to bring it about in a different manner from the authors of this bill, but at least he has discarded the tradeoff theory; and so has Mr. Greenspan and so has apparently the President himself, although his policies seem to con tinue based on the tradeoff theory, reading from his 19T5 Economic Report on page 96. The President stated: Despite considerable empirical work allowing for the role of farther variables and lags, it has proved difficult to defend the claim of the long run PhUlips tradeoff between inflation and unemployment. S o I think it’s difficult fo r anyone to come before this or any other com m ittee to defend the tradeoff theory juid to tell us that it’s neces sary to create unemployment to fight inflation and that we can’t fight both o f them at the saime time. I think, as we did before our committee, we should ask fo r the evidence. W here is the evidence that excessive o r high levels o f em ploym ent have contributed to inflation over the past 30 years? 152 Where is the evidence that since 1969 this has been the cause of our economic troubles? Who presents any evidence as to that? It’s simply a blind allegiance, a continuation of present policies. ^ Now as Senator Humphrey has so well said, this is not a per se public service employment bill. It’s a policy and planning bill. Cer tainly it would be politically unfeasible, costly and unnecessary to create millions of jobs in the public sector. This is not, however, to say that public service employment or public sector employment is wrong. Certainly as long as we have a growing population, a dynamic country, there will always be the necessity of adding individuals in the public sector. But this bill is not addressed to that problem. There are many other bills pending which I think we can use to address the problem of public service employment, but this bill is specifically designed to stimulate through the right type of fiscal and monetary policies and other programs jobs in the private sector, and I, for one, just can’t understand—I’m bewildered, shocked, and sur prised that there are persons in the private sector who cannot see the importance of clarifying our economic policy today in a way that’s going to help them the most and the rest of us hopefully indirectly. In this legislation, for example, we specifically authorize the use of fiscal policies to stimulate employment, production, and balanced growth. That means basically in the private sector. I know they deal a lot with regulations. The President has proposed an economic pro gram before the National Chamber of Commerce that deals both with tax incentives and with the elimination of regulations. I don’t know whether the President has read this bill and I don’t know whether some of those who applauded him have read the bill, but the bill first of all deals in a policy way with the question of the stimulation of the private sector. It certainly does not prohibit—as a matter of fact, it encourages tax incentives if that is the thing that should be used at any particular time; not tax incentives, however, in the general sense. Ob viously, I think a tax incentive that ended up in creating jobs in a for eign country doesn’t help the Americans. It’s really not the type of tax incentive that we’re talking about But we are talking about tax incen tives that do increase production and the employment of American citizens. The bill also deals specifically with the question of regulations and I direct in this instance your attention to page 14 of the bill which apparently has not been read by some of these same individuals. Hopefully it has been read by those who have advised the President, but it says on page 14 of the bill that in carrying out this section the President shall, in conjunction with the economics of each full employment and balanced growth plan submit proposals for improv ing the efficiency and economy of the Federal Government, including but not necessarily limited to a review of existing Government rules and regulations to determine if they still serve a public purpose and are properly designed and (2) an annual evaluation of 20 percent of the dollar volume of existing Federal programs which are in effect each year the submission to Congress of a formal analysis of the economic and social impact and value of each program. 153 Now that, of course, certainly lies well within the perspective of eliminating wasteful programs, of providing economy, of doing away with regulations, and throughout the bill we do everything possible to say that this is a bill to stimulate the private sector. Second, the legislative intent as expressed in these hearings by the authors of these bills indicate that that is the intent of the authors of the bill, and if it isn’t as clear as it should be in some of the lan guage in the bill it certainly has been backed up time after time with certainly these hearings. Now in addition to that, the second tier of programs in the bill constitute supplementary programs and these too are geared to the private sector. It simply mentions that if we cannot through mone tary and fiscal policis close the gap, that we do outline a series of supplementary programs—the comprehensive youth program, the countercyclical aid to State and local governments, structural pro grams to reach the structural defects in the economy and so on. But these, too, are geared to the private sector. They are not public service programs. They are geared to the private sector and only as a last resort, at the tail end of the bill when we speak of the residual pro grams for those who, through all the channels of this bill, all the conventional channels in the economy have not been able to find a job, do we again talk about a reservoir of public projects, but these too are not Federal jobs. They are jobs that will be at the State and local level and at nonprofit institutions. So this is a final area of last resort in the bill. Now no one could possibly, reading this bill, therefore go to the tail end of the bill, pick up the little programs that have to do with the residual aspects of our economy and make this the principal part of the bill. To do so is a disservice both to the private sector and to public service employment. Now I think that it should also be thoroughly understood that there are those that, having read the bill, are perhaps deliberately creating false impressions as to the bill and I don’t know what the purpose could be m this particular instance because certainly it seems to me that it is an incorrect reading of the bill, by any stretch of the imagination, to say that it would be inflationary or that it would be excessively costly. There’s no evidence to that. Now I know that some reference has been made to prevailing rates of pay and to the wage provisions of the bill, but I call your attention again to the bill and what the bill says about this. The bill on page 49 outlines specific areas in which prevailing rates of pay will operate. It will operate only in the case of employers which are State political subdivisions, local and educational agencies, and so forth, and in the case of employers which are nonprofit pri vate organizations or institutions. These are very limited areas. Even in these limited areas, prevailing rates of pay will be paid only in the instance where the same employer is involved, which simply means where an employer employs a diverse group of emloyees that he must pay all on the same basis. There shall be no iscrimination against those who may be employed under any pro vision in this bill or Any other provision. Thefe shall be no discrim ination of |>er&>ns doiiig the same work. S 154 Now that’s all that this section relates to and I can’t see how any one could possibly say that one individual doing exactly the same work as another individual should be paid a different wage rate, and that’s the only protection that’s involved in the bill in this instance* Mr. Chairman, I just think that there are those who without think* ing, I think sometimes who pick up their information from news papers or from some source that is suspect, who just simply conclude that some things are wrong and, having locked themselves in, they are not willing to admit they made mistakes. Now one of the great objections—and this is the last point that I’d like to make—in connection with this bill has been the question of planning and particularly if you say centralized planning, that’s supposed to just, wreck completely any discussion of the subject. Now planning is not a strange word to Americans and the only plan ning that we are talking about in this bill is Government planning of its own, not planning for the private sector. There’s nothing in this bill that provides the Government is going to do the planning or is going to dictate or allocate resources or tell the private sector what to do. This is planning by the Government. Now who in the devil can object to that? Who can object to high way planning, to planning of our energy resources of the future? We have always done it. Why shouldn’t we continue to do it and what’s wrong with it? What is wrong with the idea that somehow we’re going to say the .next year, the next 5 years, we are going to plan the economy in such a way at the Federal level in order to avoid certain difficulties? The Federal budget is planning. That’s what the Federal budget is and that’s what the President when he submitted his budget to us told us it was. He said it’s a road map of where we’re going to get from here to there. How in the devil can you get from here to there without some planning? That’s all it is. Now as to whether it should be centralized, where else except in Washington is the Federal complex going to operate? Do they prefer that it be in some elite country club or over at some corporate retreat oa the Atlantic coastline? I certainly am sure they don’t mean that it’s going to be in the longshoremen’s hall out in San Francisoo. That planning has to be done here in Washington under our demo cratic processes and I’m sick and tired of those individuals who some how assume that the elected public officials of the people in our representative democracy are not speaking for those people and that somehow there’s something wrong that we meet at a central point and make decisions. I think this is where the decision should be made. They should be made by the elected officials, but they should certainly be made in consonant with all sections of the Nation and in consonance with the President, Certainly one pf the points that I would like to suggest is that those in the business community—and I know a lot of us have had some experience in that community—readdress themselves to the real implications of this. We are not going to get tax incentives and we are not going to get a reduction in regulations unless the Chief Executive and the Congress get together. The President cannot ad dress himself to a group of business people and promise them any tax incentives. It’s going to have to be done under some formal, coherent 155 fashion in the legislative process and we cannot do it unless we have the rare privilege of being able to amount to two-thirds vote, which is impractical in the near future, as a Congress. So it simply means that we must have some coordination between the Chief Executive and the legislative branch, but it must be under specific goals. It must be within a policy in which there’s going to be some give and some take. This idea that any one of us. any seg ment of the community, is going to advance at the expense of another has too long prevailed and I think that type of approach has to stop. I think this is. as Senator Humphrey has said, not a bill which is ideal. I certainly have some objections to provisions in it myself, but I think that it’s a vehicle that we can use and I think we’d better use it because some of the testimony by Mr. Greenspan and others before the subcommittee which I’ve read was that we cannot with stand another recession and that is exactly what we are headed for in the next several years unless we begin to change current economic policies. I think we should address ourselves to how these policies artf formulated and how they are implemented. I say that the democratic process has offered to us the best opportunity it seems to me to use the vehicle before us, to address the problems that the chairman has raised this morning, to have them answered, and I think that we can answer them but I think it would be a mistake to just simply and blindly follow the current economic policies into another reces sion. These policies have given us five recessions since 1953. Certainly they have given us more than $3 trillion loss in goods and services that the American people have not enjoyed, a great loss in revenues, social and psychological impact of these policies prove to be devastat ing on all of us, and I think the social tensions that they can breed have not vet been fully felt and that another recession would cer tainly bring some of these problems to the surface. I think this is an opportunity. It’s a challenge. And I think that in submitting to you S. 50 and H.R. 50 we provide you with the op portunity of helping America, and that’s the way I look at it. [Complete statement follows:] State m e n t op A ugustus F . H a w k i n s , R e p r e s e n t a t iv e S t a t e o p C a l if o r n ia in C ongress from the The “ Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act” addresses one of the great moral tragedies of current economic policies: The deliberate creation and countenance of high levels of unemployment. The physical, social, and psychological impact of the waste is beyond calcu lation. It should remind us, however, that economic policies should not be formulated in a vacuum devoid of human considerations. Even if they were approved by every economists in this country, which is far from the truth, they would be socially undesirable and morally wrong. In addition they ignore the law by which we have sought to establish an overall economic policy to guide us. The Employment Act of 1946 mandated “ Maximum Employment, Production, and Purchasing Power*’ as an overall national economic policy” . . . with the requirement to provide “ useful employment opportunities for all those able, willing and seeking work” . Our failure to pursue consistently this economic goal has produced five recessions since 1953 and the forfeiture of over $3 trillion in total national production, over $1.5 trillion in wages and salaries, and over $800 billion in revenues. 73*365 0 - 76 - 11 156 Current misguided economic policies are based not on the 1040 law but on the belief that (1) high unemployment is needed to contain inflation (the trade-off theory), and (2) that excessive Federal spending is a primary cause of our economic troubles. Empirical evidence disproves the trade-off theory* For example, between 1909 and 1975 rising prices have accompanied high unemployment. During the Eisenhower Administration when we experienced three reces sions, unemployment rose from 3.5% to 8.5% and the inflation rate from 0.5% to 1.2% with a budget deficit and a highly restrained economic growth rate (2.4%) which solved neither the unemployment problem for inflation. This would seem to support Arthur Burns who in a recent speech stated: “ Whatever may have been true in the past, there is no longer a meaningful trade-off between unemployment and inflation.’’ And even President Ford seems convinced. In his 1975 economic report (page 96) he stated: “D e s p ite c o n sid e r a b le e m p ir ic a l w o r k a llo w in g f o r t h e r o le o f f u r t h e r va ri a b le s a n d o f la g s , i t h a s p r o v e d d ifficu lt to d e fe n d t h e c la im o f a long-run P h illip s tr a d e o ff b e tw e e n in fla tio n a n d u n e m p lo y m e n t.” Still influential voices are raised against lowering unemployment, and in opposition to just wage demands. This view was best expressed by “ Business Week ’ in 1952 in the following w ords: “ There’s no assurance against inflation like a pool of genuine unemployment.” Likewise the basis on which current Federal budget cuts are predicated is patently false, namely, that we are spending too much a share of the Nation’s resources, thereby creating deficits, and increasing the cost of money. The facts are: Federal expenditures as a per cent of total national produc tion has increased from 20% in 1953 to 21.8 in 1976. This is a negligible change in view of the current deficiency in national production. Under full employ ment and production, the percentage would decline to 20.43% (estimated). But why are we spending excessively on certain items such as unemploy ment compensation, welfare, food stamps, and medicare? Precisely, because of unemployment and inflation caused by current misguided policies. Unemployment compensation expenditures have increased from $4.2 billion in 1973 to almost $20 billion in 1976 with very minimal opposition from any one. Welfare recipients have not been as well received. Despite tighter regulations and constant condemnations welfare payments have increased over 20 percent in the last two years. More specifically on the cost of “ Full Employment and Balanced Growth” , I have attached to my statement the estimate which we have prepared from subcommittee (Subcommittee on Equal Opportunities, House Education and Labor Committee) testimony. Using average annual rough estimates of implementing programs over the four year period implied in HR 50/S50 in terms of budget outlays ($29 billion) and anticipated revenues from GNP benefits ($36 billion) a net gain is derived. Critics have attempted to confuse the theory of “cost” by ignoring the con cept of benefits. Thus, a dynamic economy would appear to cost more than a static one. Certainly eighty million employed persons cost more than forty million. It cost more for TWA to operate its planes filled with passengers than having them sit on the ground. Again, the critics of HR 50/ S 50 have deliberately failsified its provisions as requiring millions of unproductive, make-work public jobs. “ I f eight million persons were to be paid $7,500 each annually to paint oil paintings and per form Swan Lake” they would say, “ Where would we get the money to pay them?” 157 The “ Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act*’ is basically a policy and planning hill, not strictly an employment bill. Its main reliance is on stimu lating jobs in the private sector through positive monetary and fiscal policies and only secondarily by supplementary programs, such as counter-cyclical aid, youth employment, and structural reforms. Anyone who has read the bill would clearly understand this. Section 102 declares the policy of fostering and promoting free competitive enterprise. Section 201 indicates that supplementary employment policies are designed “ to close the employment gap, if one should exist.” Section 206 places certain responsibilities on the secretary of labor to use all existing and conventional channels in providing job opportunities before utilizing residual “ reservoirs of federally operated public employment projects and private nonprofit employment projects’. Even then criteria must be estab lished to insure real need and limited access to the program. It is unfortunate that some well-intentioned representatives o f the private sector have been misled over the issues of tax incentives and more rational regulations in business operations as if full employment was in conflict with such ideas. Inducements to full production and employment lie at the very heart of the specific goals set in the legislation, assuming, of course, such inducements are not give aways or injuries to the public. From a practical point of view, the pending proposals constitute the surest way of achieving meaningful success. The President cannot without Congress deliver such inducements. And only rarely can the Congress have its way without the cooperation of the executive branch. The word ‘‘Planning” seems also to disturb some people, especially if de scribed as “centralized” . Planning in the existing proposal relates to the Gov ernment in its operation and in no way suggests planning for or dictating to the private sector. Planning is not new. The Employment Act of 1946 clearly created planning machinery. The Federal budget involves planning. President Ford in his budget message to Congress in January stated it well when he said: "The Budget . . . is a good roadmap of where we have been, where we are now, and where we should be going as a people.” As to whether it should be centralized in Washington, the issue was de termined by our founding fathers who decided on a representative democracy in which the people govern themselves through elected Representativs. Who else then except elected officials and where else except at the seat of government should economic policies be formulated and implemented. S 50 is thus deeply rooted in the constitutional processes. Building on the Employment Act of 1946, it stresses accountability by making officials re sponsible for observing and implementing the law. It clarifies the goals we seek. It provides for the formulation of policies through duly constituted public channels. It stresses cooperation with all sections of the economy—and between the Congress, the President, and the Feedral Reserve Board. And, finally, it provides for coordination of our diverse national purposes with an overall economic policy. The C h a ir m a n . Well, thank both of you gentlemen very much for two excellent statements and for a real challenge. Senator H u m p h r e y . Mr. Chairman, might I ask permission to have included following my testimony—and I understand that the full text of my testimony as prepared will be printed----The C h a ir m a n . That*s correct. Senator H u m p h r e y . A number of items that I brought along with me which staff will provide for you. I call your attention in 158 particular to a letter from Dr. Eli Ginsberg, chairman of the National Commission on Manpower Policy and, secondty, the Congressional Budget Office Study which we are releasing today. I thank you very much. [The material referred to follows:] Ax E c o n o m ic A n a l y s i s o f t h e F u l l E m p l o y m e n t a n d B a l a n c e d G r o w t h A ct of 1976 PREFACE This study, “An Economic Analysis of the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976,” was initiated at the request of the Joint Economic Com mittee. It was prepared by Nancy S. Barrett and Michael S. Owen of the Congressional Budget Office’s Fiscal Analysis Division. A l i c e M. R i v l i n , Director. SUM MARY S.50, the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976, establishes a goal of 3 percent adult unemployment to be achieved within 4 years and out lines a set of organizational structures and an administrative process designed to improve coordination of economic policy at the national level. While it mandates the use of certain types of programs to achieve the full-employment goal, it does not directly establish specific employment programs. Both the economic impact and future budget costs of S.50 will depend on a number of different factors: The underlying strength of private demands in the economy that determines how much unemployment there would have been without passage of S.50; The particular policy mix selected to reduce unemployment to the 3 percent range; The definition of “ adult unemployment” : If “adult” is defined as non-teenage, the 3 percent target for adults translates to around 4 percent for overall unemplyoment; if “adult" is defined as persons 18 years and older, it translates to around 3.5 percent overall unemployment. When these factors are taken into account, this study concludes that enact ment of S.50 could result in lower unemployment, but at the risk of substan tially higher inflation, particularly if the 3 percent target is viewed as a shortrange goal and if teenagers are included in the definition of adult. A set of simulations by CBO shows that reaching a 3.5 percent overall unemployment rate instead of 5.0 percent by 1980 might add roughly 2 percentage points to the inflation rate by 1982. In the long run, on the other hand, it is possible that careful development of employment programs targeted at pockets of high structural unemployment could reduce these inflationary risks. Training pro grams, if successful, could shift workers from situations of labor surplus to those of labor shortage. Further, vigorous pursuit of anti-inflation measures might increase the feasibility of achieving a 3 percent unemployment goal in a non-inflationary environment. Budget costs will also vary widely, depending on the state of the economy and the policy mix adopted under S. 50. This report provides estimates of the cost of public employment programs under certain hypothetical economic as sumptions. They range from $16 billion to $44 billion, depending on what is assumed about the definition of adult and the amount of displacement from other employment. If public employment programs attract previously-employed persons from low-paying jobs in the private sector or if state and local govern ments use public employment funds to hire workers they may have employed anyway, net employment is not increased by the full number of new public jobs. Xet budget costs of a $16 to $44 billion program would be less as a result of lower unemployment insurance payments and higher tax receipts. They might range from $7.0 billion to $19.9 billion after a year of operation. It should be stressed, however, that these estimates are merely an illustration 159 o f one possible set o f budgetary implications for S.50. Under different eco nomic conditions and using a different policy mix than those shown, budget costs could vary widely. S. 50 provides a limited job guarantee provision whereby the government would stand ready as employer of last resort to provide jobs at prevailing wages when adult unemployment exceeds 3 percent. The section mandates wage standards for the job guarantee program, standards which add to the inflationary impact of the bill. Higher wages, on the other hand, may have other benefits as an income maintenance device and a way to draw more attentian to improving pay and working conditions in low-level private sector jobs. S.50, the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976, has several major aspects: Establishment of a goal of 3 percent adult unemployment to be reached as promptly as possible, but within not more than 4 years after the date of enact ment of the Act. Recognition that achieving a 3 percent unemployment goal will require a mix of both aggregate demand policies and more selective targeted measures. Recommendation that full employment policies be accompanied by anti inflation measures. Extension of the organizational structures established in the Employment Act of 1946 and the Congressional Budget Reform Act of 1974 to establish an institutional framework whereby the President, the Federal Reserve Board, and Congress can coordinate national economic policy to achieve the goals set forth in the Act. An economic analysis of S.50 should deal with its probable impact on the economy and an estimate of its budgetary costs. However, while the bill speci fies a full-employment goal and an administrative process, and mandates the creation of certain types of programs, it does not directly establish specific programs. Both the economic impact and the budget cost will differ greatly depending on which measures are selected to achieve the full-employment goal. Some job-creating measures are likely to have a greater inflationary impact than others. Further, anti-inflation policies recommended in the bill may vary consistently in effectiveness depending on which measures are chosen and how rigorously they are pursued. Regional, inter-industry, and demographic impacts will also vary with program design. Budget costs are also highly un certain, since the cost per job of alternative measures to stimulate employment varies greatly. At best, an economic analysis can provide an illustration o f the effect of some measures that might be enacted to achieve the full employ ment goal and programmatic mandates o f S.50. Even this illustrative analysis, however, requires answers to three prelim inary questions: First, what does the goal of 3 percent adult unemployment mean, in terms o f who is classified as “adult” ? Second, what is the starting point for measuring the effects and costs of S.50; that is, is it to be viewed as an anti-recession bill designed to reduce unemployment from its current level of 7.5 percent, or should that short-run reduction be thought of as something the economy will probably achieve in any case and S.50 viewed as a program to lower the long-term average unemployment rate from around 5 percent to near 3 percent? Finally, what mix of tools might be used to achieve the full employment goal? Considerations in Defining the Unemployment Goal The requirements for reaching the goal of 3 percent unemployment depend, o f course, on who is classified as an adult. A useful rule of thumb in this regard is that since the mid-1960s the unemployment rate for all workers aged 16 and over has been roughly one percentage point above the unemployment rate for those 20 and over and 0.5 percentage points above those 18 and over.1 Table 1 contains more precise comparisons on a yearly basis. Although demo graphic factors in the future could reduce this differential, projections by the Urban Institute indicate that this approximate spread will persist through the next decade. Thus, if we speak of 3 percent non-teenage unemployment we are referring to an approximate 4 percent overall rate. Similarly, a 3 percent unemployment rate for persons 18 and over implies about a 3.5 percent overall rate. 1 T hfs means 16 and 17 year olds account fo r about h a lf the total o f teenage unem ploym ent. 160 TABLE I.—UNEMPLOYMENT RATES FOR ALL PERSONS 16 AND OVER COMPARED WITH UNEMPLOYMENT RATES FOR PERSONS 18 AND OVER AND 20 AND OVER Year (1) (2) (3) Unemployment rate, 16+ Unemployment rate, 18+ Unemployment rate, 20+ <l)-<2) 0 )-< 3 ) 5.3 3.3 3.0 2.9 5.5 4.4 4.1 4.3 6.8 5.5 5.5 6.7 5.5 5.7 5.2 4.5 3.8 3.8 3,6 3.5 4.9 5.9 5.6 4.9 5.6 8.5 5.1 3.1 2.8 2.7 5.3 4.2 3.9 4.0 6.5 5.2 5.2 6,4 5.2 5.2 4.7 4.1 3.4 3.5 3.2 3.1 4.5 5.4 5.1 4.3 5.0 7,9 4.8 3.0 2.7 2.6 5.1 3.9 3.7 3.8 6.2 4.8 4.8 5.9 4.9 4.8 4.3 3.6 2.9 3.0 2.7 2,7 4.0 4.9 4.5 3.8 4.5 7.3 0.2 .2 .2 .2 .2 ,2 .2 .3 ,3 .3 .3 .3 .3 .5 .5 .4 .4 .3 .4 .4 .4 .5 .5 .6 .6 .6 0.5 .3 .3 .3 .4 .5 .4 .5 .6 .7 .7 .8 .6 ,9 .9 .9 .9 .8 .9 .8 .9 1.0 1.1 1.1 1.1 1.2 1950....................... _____ 1951________ _______ ____ 1952.......... ........... . ..... 1953_______ ________ 1954________________ 1955________________ 1956.................... ........ 1957________________ 1958________________ 1959...................... . I960...._____ _______ 1961............................. 1962________________ 1963________________ 1964.......... ........... . 1965________________ 1966________________ 1967.............................. 1968.— ......... ........... 1969________________ 1970....................... . 1971.......................... 1972............................. 1973____________ _ 1974________________ 1975.................... . (4) (5) Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics. Note.—Column (1) is the unemployment rate for the civilian labor force for all persons 16 and over. Column (2) is the unemployment rate for the civilian labor force for all persons 18 and over. Column (3) is the unemployment rate for the civilian labor force excluding teenagers, that is, persons 16 to 19, Baseline for Evaluating Employment Policy in S.50 In determining the starting point for reducing unemployment in S.50, it is useful to separate the intentions o f the bill into two aspects. In part, S.50 is designed to coordinate and ensure a vigorous recovery from the current recession. In part, it is designed to improve on past performance and perma nently bring adult unemployment close to 3 percent. It is important to bear in mind that the economy is beginning a recovery from its deepest postwar recession. Even though there has been substantial growth in the economy beginning in the second half of 1975, unemployment is still 7.5 percent. Projections of economic growth based on current economic policies put unemployment in the 6.4 to 6.9 percent range by the end of 1977.2 Further, a sustained 5 percent average annual real rate o f growth beyond 1977 would not push unemployment below 5 percent until about 1981. Achieving 3 percent adult unemployment without any special jobs programs would re quire much more rapid growth over the next four years—sustained annual growth rates in the 7 percent range. Alternatively, countercyclical employment programs such as public employment, incentives to the private sector, tempo rary assistance to state and local governments, and accelerated public works could absorb some of the unemployment, reducing the unemployment rate associated with any rate of real output growth. If it is viewed primarily as a long-range program for maintaining full em ployment, the costs of recovering from the current deep recession should not be attributed to S.50. Viewed in this way, the role of S.50 is to improve the long-range average behavior of unemployment. Unemployment since 1960 has averaged 5.2 percent. Some of this unemployment has resulted from the econ omy operating at less than full capacity in recession periods; some is due to longer-run factors. Based on this historical benchmark, the 3 percent adult unemployment target (or 3.5 to 4 percent overall) of S.50 can be evaluated 8 C ongressional B ud get Office, Budfjet Options f o r F isc a l Y ear 197 7 : A R ep ort to the Senate and House C om m ittee* on the B udg et, M arch 15, 1976, p. 20. 161 relative to a 5.2 overall rate of unemployment rather than the present 7.5 percent. Given the many unpredictable events that befall modern economies—ex ternal price fluctuations, wars, changes in trade relationships, and the like— together with the many internal instabilities in our complex economic system, some cyclical activity is likely to occur. The role of the administrative mech anisms outlined in S.50 is to improve coordination of economic policy and reduce instability as well as provide special employment programs. Its in tended result is to reduce the historical gap between actual unemployment and the full-employment goal. However, even with improved coordination of fiscal and monetary policy, some cyclical unemployment is still likely to occur. This paper will focus on the second, or long-range aspect of S.50. Viewed in this way, the policies and costs attributable to S.50 require (on the average) less additional stimulus to the economy and entail lower budget costs than would the entire job of bringing unemployment from its present 7.5 percent to 3.5 to 4 percent. Alternative Policy Options S.50 outlines a number of policy measures that might be implemented to achieve the full-employment target. Standard fiscal and monetary measures might be supplemented by special job-creating policies like public service em ployment, accelerated public works, grants to state and local governments, and special tax incentives to business. A number of anti-inflation measures are also described. Further, there is a provision of a limited job guarantee for persons able and willing to work and seeking work. Special employment programs are to be enacted to the extent that fiscal and monetary policies are unable to achieve the 3 percent adult employment target. Presumably what this means is that supplementary measures are to be used if the inflationary pressures or budget costs associated with using standard fiscal and monetary policy to achieve the unemployment target be come unacceptably high. Further, certain demographic groups, regions, and industries may experience high unemployment rates even when the overall unemployment rate is in the target range, and special targeted programs might be sought to alleviate these special unemployment problems. The choice of employment programs also depends on the underlying causes o f unemployment. Across-the-board measures are generally not considered to be the best remedies for unemployment that results from lack of skills, job dissatisfaction, regional problems, or special industry dislocations. Increasing aggregate demand to reduce these types o f unemployment in relatively tight labor markets will be more inflationary than targeted programs. However, in practice, it is not always possible to distinguish cyclical unemployment (that due to inadequate aggregate demand) from the longer-run varities. Cyclical Unemployment.—Cyclical unemployment occurs as a result of the economy operating below capacity. This condition can be eliminated by ex pansionary aggregate demand policies— tax cuts, across-the-board increases in spending, and expansionary monetary policy. However, as the economy moves toward capacity, inflation typically begins to pick up. This means that one’s view o f whether or not the economy is at or below capacity, and hence, how much o f the prevailing unemployment should be characterized as cyclical, depends on liow much added inflation one is willing to accept (or reduce by direct price controls or other anti-inflation measures) in exchange for a given reduction in unemployment. Historical evidence alone cannot provide a definitive answer to the question o f how far fiscal and monetary policy can bring the economy toward a fullemployment goal before inflation picks up substantially. While it is not always true that unemployment and inflation go in opposite directions— the last few years have demonstrated that they can sometimes go up together—failing unemployment has been associated with rising inflation for most of the last three decades. This is shown in Chart 1. The periods in which the “ tradeoff” appears not to exist were often characterized by special factors, such as direct wage and price controls and government materials allocation in 1951-52 when low rates o f inflation were associated with failing unemployment, and large increases in food and energy prices in 1973-74 when high rates of inflation occurred simultaneously with rising unemployment. Because we are currently experiencing a legacy o f inflationary expectations that has followed in the 162 wake of recent high rates of inflation, it is extremely difficult to predict how much added inflation would be associated with any expansionary fiscal and monetary policy strategies adopted today. CHART 1 UNEMPLOYMENT AND INFLATION 1950-1978 PERCENT SOURCE: Bureau o f Labor S tatistics. NOTE: I n f l a t i o n i s m e a s u r e d by t h e p e r c e n t c h a n g e f r o m two q u a r t e r s e a r l i e r i n t h e C o n sumer P r i c e I n d e x , e x p r e s s e d a t an a n n u a l r a t e . 163 While projections of the potential inflationary impact of achieving various unemployment targets are highly uncertain, simulation models can provide evidence of past relationships between prices and unemployment. Projecting these into the future is one way to gauge the magnitude of the inflationemployment tradeoff, although this technique is, of course, subject to error. One set of simulations by CBO3 shows that if .expansionary aggregate de mand measures were enacted in 1976: III (the third quarter of calendar year 1976) to achieve various unemployment targets by 1980, reducing unemploy ment by 0.5 percentage points (below 5 percent) would add roughly 0.3 to 0.4 percentage points to the Consumer Price Index (CPI) by 1980 and 0.5 to 0.7 by 1982. That is, if inflation were 5 percent per year in a 5 percent unemploy ment economy, it would be 5.5 to 5.7 percent two years after reaching a 4.5 percent unemployment economy, and roughly 7 percent per year two years after reaching a 3.5 percent unemployment economy. The details of the simu lations are shown in Table 2. If this tradeoff exists, whether or not one is willing to exchange more jobs for higher prices at these rates is still a matter o f values. Further, various anti-inflation measures as outlined in S.50 could conceivably improve price performance as the economy expands towards full employment. TABLE 2.—PROJECTIONS OF ADDED INFLATION FOR DIFFERENT UNEMPLOYMENT TARGETS Unemployment target for 1890 (percent) Addition to CPI in 1980 (in percentage points relative to the 5 pet unemployment target)______________________________________ Addition to CPI in 1982 (in percentage points relative to the 5 pet _______ unemployment target)___________ ________ _______ 5.0 4.5 4.0 3,5 0 0.3-0.4 0.8-0.9 1.1-1.4 1.6-1.9 0 .5 - .7 1.1-1. 5 1.7-2.3 2.4-3. 3 3.0 Source: U.S. Congress, Congressional Budget Office, "A Simplified Wage-Price Model," September 1975. For purposes of illustration only, we will define unemployment above 4.0 percent as cyclical and the rest noncyclical; that is, based on longer-run factors.4 Thus, of the 5.2 percent average unemployment over the 1960-75 period, about 1.2 percentage points will be attributed to the economy operating below potential and the other 4 percentage points to longer-run factors.® If a higher definition of cyclical unemployment had been used, say 5.0 percent, then less of the past unemployment would be attributed to the economy oper ating below potential (in this case only 0L2 percentage points on the average) and more to longer-run factors. Standard fiscal and monetary measures are one way to reduce cyclical un employment. In addition, special countercyclical measures such as public serv ice employment, special tax incentives to private industry, accelerated public work, and special assistance to state and local governments can also be used on a temporary basis either to provide jobs directly to the cyclically unemployed (as in public employment and public works), or to provide special incentives to private industry and state and local governments to employ more people than they would have anyway. A recent study by CBO of temporary measures to stimulate employment,6 concluded that selective measures can potentially have a higher employment impact per dollar spent than across-the-board fiscal policy. Further, in some cases, the potential inflation impact per job is less than for standard fiscal and monetary policy, suggesting that using selective measures can improve the inflation-unemployment tradeoff. 3 T h e sim u la tio n s a re based on a tw o-eq u a tion w a g e-p rice m odel in w h ich there is a la g g e d m utual in terd ep en d en ce betw een w ages an d p r i c e s ; p rice ch an ges depend in part on w a g e ch a n ges and w age ch an ges depend in p a rt on cu rre n t and p ast p rice changes. A t e ch n ic a l p a p er d escrib in g the m odel in d eta il is a va ila b le fr o m the F isca l A nalysis D iv i sion , C on g ression a l B u d g et Office. * T h e d is tin c tio n is m ade to a llo w an e stim a te o f th e num ber o f jo b s th a t w ou ld be re q u ired fo r v a rio u s em p loy m en t p rog ra m s u n d er S. 50. I t Is n o t an a tte m p t to prejudge th e d esired in fla tion -u n em p loy m en t tra d eoff. 5 T h is d is tin c tio n betw een c y c lic a l and n o n cy c lica l u n em p loym en t m eans th a t whenever u n e m p lo y m e n t exceed s 4 p ercen t, b oth kinds o f u n em p loym en t o c c u r sim ultaneously, sug g e s t in g th a t b o th c o u n te r c y c lic a l a n d s tr u ctu ra l p rog ra m s need to be develop ed in tandem . 6 U .S . C on gress, C on g ression a l B u d get Office, Te m p o ra ry M easures to S tim u la te E m p lo y m e n t: A n E v a lu a tio n o f Some A lte rn a tiv e s , S eptem b er 2, 1975. 164 Table 3 shows estimates o f the employment impact and net budget cost (taking into account sayings from unemployment compensation and higher tax payments for alternative temporary employment programs).7 InitiaUy, there is a fairly wide variation in cost-per-job, although these differences tend to narrow after a year or two of program operation. Public employment has a lower cost-per-job than other measures, although more costly programs have other benefits reflected in the value of their output After a year of operation, for instance* accelerated public works may cost about one and a half to twice as much per job as public employment. But across-the-board tax cuts could entail a cost of from three to four times that of public employment. Table 4 provides in summary form some of the considerations discussed in Temporary Measures to Stimulate Employment in making comparisons between programs. While such special measures to stimulate employment may be less costly and potentially less inflationary in the short run, aggregate demand policies are sometimes viewed as a more neutral way to stimulate economic growth and employment and are also sometimes thought to be more effective ways to create jobs in the long run than selective measures. In addition, as compared to aggregate demand programs, targeted programs may be difficult to implement and imprecise or untimely in their impact. 7 A d etailed ex p la n a tion o f th e a ssu m p tion s behind these estim ates can be fo u n d In Tem porary M easures to S tim u la te E m p lo y m e n t; cited in fo o t n o t e 6 o f th is paper. TABLE 3.—ESTIMATES OF EMPLOYMENT AND BUDGET IMPACT OF VARIOUS PROGRAMS COSTING $1 BILLION1 12 mo Initial impact Type of program Public service employment.............. Anti-recession aid to State and local governments..................... ..... Accelerated public works................ Tax cut*....... .......................... Government purchases..... ............. Reduction in unemploy ment rate Net budget cost (in millions) Increase in Jobs (in thousands) Reduction in unemploy ment rate Net budget cost (in millions) Increase in jobs (in thousands) 80-125 0.07-0.11 $754-$615 90-145 0.08-0.13 $492—$425 90-150 850-716 915-793 980-960 948-870 70-97 56-70 26-35 40-70 .07- .09 .06- .07 .02- .03 .03-.05 590-570 537-510 740-720 600-590 72-100 64-30 30-40 60-80 40-77 16-46 8-15 20-50 .04- .07 .02-.04 .01- .02 .02- .04 1 Thete estimates assume no monetary accommodation. II the money supply were increased to prevent interests rates from rising as a result of the expansionary fiscal measure, the Job-creating effect would be higher and the net deficit cost lower. Accommodating monetary policy would increase the expansionary effect by 25 percent or more which in turn, would reduce the budget cost by an wense of about $125 million. * The income tax cut is assumed to be one-third corporate and two-thirds personal. If the tax cut 24 mo Increase in jobs (in thousands) Reduction in unemploy ment rate 0.08-0.13 .07.07.02.04- .09 . 08 .03 .05 Net budget cost (in millions $392—$312 480-450 430-390 663-637 475-425 were entirely personal, the expansionary effect would be about 50 percent greater and the net budget cost about $175 million lower. Source: See app. B. Source: U.S. Congress, Congressional Budget Office, Temporary Measures To Stimulate Employ ment: An Evaluation of Some Alternatives," Sept 2,1975. TABLE 4.— SUMMARY OF THE POTENTIAL IMPACTS OF ALTERNATIVE MEASURES TO STIM ULATE EMPLOYMENT Employment impact per dollar expenditure Startup time Phaseout flexibility Inflation impact Value of output Targetability Income-tax cut__________ Relatively low, particularly Subject to lags in individ- Potentially easy to termi Same as any aggregate Entirely private sector____ None. fiscal measure. nate. in the short run. uals' spending. Mostly public sector; 2d Low. Increase in Government Higher than tax cut; lower Potentially fast; subject to May be hard to terminate, Same as any aggregate fiscal measure, dependround effects on private than special employment policy initiation lag. especially if useful out purchases. put, services involved. ing on employees' skill sector, programs. mix. Accelerated public works.. Potentially low if wages are Potentially long; but with Wide variation; appropria Somewhat greater th a n ____do____________ ____ Can be directed at b r high; greater job impact wide variations depend- tions easier to stop than other programs if workers______________ employment areas, confrom low*wage projects. ing on type of program. some other Government highly skilled; lower if__________________ struction trades, aimed at less skilled programs, but large scale workers. projects may take long to complete. Public service employment. Relatively high if wages are Potentially fast if existing Relatively flexible if job Low if aimed at unskilled Low if emphasis is solely on Can be directed at most low. programs expanded. tenure limited. workers and if wages are job impact; if combined needy individuals, lower than private sector with training can produce alternatives. useful skills. Antirecession aid to State Less than PSE if skill levels Potentially fast; no new Potentially easy to termi Moderate, depending on State and local government Can be directed at Governand local Governments. high; more than other programs, only transfer nate. skill level of employees. services. ments hit by recession. Government purchases, of funds, public works. , Source: U.S. Congress, Congressional Budget Office, "Temporary Measures to Stimulate Employment: An Evaluation of Some Alternatives," Sept 2 1975, p. VIII. 167 Noncyclical Unemployment.— S om e u n em p lo y m en t Is ca u se d b y fa c to r s o th e r s th a n t h e b u s in e s s cy cle, an d th u s c o n tin u e s even w h en th e eco n o m y a p p ro a ch es c a p a c ity a n d in fla tio n b eg in s to in c r e a se . In som e ca ses, h ig h r a te s o f c y c lic a l u n e m p lo y m e n t e x a c e r b a te str u c tu r a l p rob lem s an d it is g e n e r a lly a g r e e d th a t r e d u c in g or e lim in a tin g c y c lic a l u n em p lo y m en t co n trib u tes t o th e e ffe c tiv e n e s s o f a l l ty p e s o f em p lo y m en t p ro g ra m s. H en ce, c y c lic a l an d o th e r ty p e s o f u n e m p lo y m e n t sh o u ld n o t be v ie w e d a s e n tir e ly se p a r a te p rob lem s. A m a jo r c a u s e o f n on -cyclical u n em p lo y m en t is an e x c e s s su p p ly o f la b o r i n so m e p o c k e t or p o c k e ts o f th e la b o r m ark et. T h ese p o c k e ts m ay b e reg io n a l, th e y m a y r e s u lt fr o m a d e c lin e in d em a n d for a p a r tic u la r p ro d u ct req u irin g la b o r w it h a sp e c ia liz e d sk ill, or th e y m ay be d u e to th e c r o w d in g o f som e in d iv id u a ls in to a lim ite d n u m b er o f o ccu p a tio n s b eca u se o f d isc r im in a tio n , la c k o f e d u c a tio n , or o th e r b a r r ie r s t h a t p rev en t o c c u p a tio n a l m o b ility . P r o g r a m s d e s ig n e d to in c r e a se th e d em a n d fo r lab or in t h e s e p o c k e ts a n d /o r to i n c r e a s e t h e m o b ility o f in d iv id u a ls o u t o f th e p o ck ets (b y g eo g r a p h ic m o b ility a llo w a n c e s , t r a in in g or r etra in in g , a n d rem o v a l o f d isc r im in a to r y b a r r ie r s, to n a m e a f e w ) m ig h t be m ore e ffe c tiv e in red u cin g t h is so r t o f u n e m p lo y m en t t h a n a cro ss-th e-b o a rd in c r e a s e s in d em a n d th a t m ig h t o n ly d r iv e u p w a g e s in o th e r s e c to r s o f t h e la b o r m a rk et w h e r e u n em p lo y m en t is n o t a problem . A se c o n d k in d o f n o n -cy clica l u n e m p lo y m en t c o n sis ts o f s h o r t s p e lls o f u n e m p lo y m e n t a c c o m p a n y in g job c h a n g e or in itia l en try in to th e la b o r fo rce. T o so m e e x t e n t, t h is r e p r e s e n ts a n o rm a l p erio d o f job se a rch fo r n e w jo b s e e k e r s o r f o r p e r s o n s w h o h a v e le f t a job to se e k a b e tte r one. (M a n y in d iv id u a ls ta k e a f ir s t jo b o r c h a n g e jo b s w ith o u t e x p e r ie n c in g u n em p lo y m en t, h o w e v e r .) * S o m e g r o u p s o f p eo p le e x p e r ie n c e fre q u e n t o ccu rre n c es o f u n em p lo y m en t, r e s u lt in g in h ig h u n e m p lo y m e n t r a tes. U n sk ille d an d d is a d v a n ta g e d in d iv id u a ls — a m o n g w h o m b la c k s a n d y o u n g p eo p le a r e d isp r o p o r tio n a te ly r e p r e se n te d — e x p e r ie n c e m o r e fr e q u e n t sp e lls o f t h is so r t o f u n em p lo y m en t th a n o th e r g r o u p s. T h e s e p e r s o n s te n d to h o ld jo b s a t th e b ottom o f th e la b o r m a r k e t h ie r a r c h y a n d th e y b eco m e u n em p lo y ed fr e q u e n tly b eca u se th e y a r e fired , b e c a u s e th e y q u it, a n d b e c a u se th e y le a v e an d r een ter th e la b o r fo r c e m o re f r e q u e n tly t h a n o th e r w o rk ers. Job a tta c h m e n t is w eak . T h e r e is li t t l e in c e n tiv e f o r e m p lo y e r or e m p lo y e e to m a in ta in a long-term w ork r e la tio n sh ip s in c e th e r e i s l i t t l e i f a n y on-the-job t r a in in g a n d h e n c e no p a y o ff to se n io r ity J o b s a t is f a c t io n i s lo w , a n d t h is a ls o w e a k e n s jo b ties. I n c r e a s in g jo b a tta c h m e n t by p r o v id in g jo b s w ith som e t r a in in g a n d c h a n c e s f o r u p w a r d m o b ility w o u ld c e r ta in ly b e a d e sir a b le co m p o n e n t o f a p rogram d e s ig n e d to r e d u c e th e r e la t iv e ly h ig h u n em p lo y m en t r a te s o f th e u n s k ille d a n d d is a d v a n t a g e d . I n fa c t, f a ilu r e to d o so m ig h t r e s u lt in c o n tin u e d h ig h r a te s o f u n e m p lo y m e n t f o r t h e s e g rou p s, m a k in g a 3 p ercen t a d u lt u n e m p lo y m en t g o a l d iffic u lt o r e v e n im p o s sib le to a c h ie v e * F u r th er, a c a s e c o u ld b e m a d e t h a t p a y in g p a r t ic ip a n t s a h ig h e r w a g e th a n in th e c o u n te r c y lic a l p ro g ra m a n d p r o v id in g in g e n e r a l a m o re a t tr a c tiv e w ork e n v iro n m en t w o u ld in c r e a s e jo b a t ta c h m e n t a n d red u ce th e fr e q u e n t s p e lls o f u n em p lo y m en t t h a t c h a r a c te r iz e t h e ir jo b m a r k e t ex p erien ce. T h is m e a n s t h a t su ch p r o g r a m s a r e b ou n d to b e m o r e c o s tly o n a per-job b a sis th a n co u n te r c y c lic a l p ro g ra m s. F u r th e r , i f th e y a r e m a d e m o re a ttr a c tiv e th a n p r iv a te se c to r a lte r n a tiv e s , w o r k e r s w ill b e d r a w n fr o m th e p r iv a te se cto r , in c r e a s in g th e siz e o f t h e p u b lic jo b s p ro g r a m a n d d r iv in g u p w a g e s in th e p r iv a t e sector. O ver th e lo n g e r ru n , h o w e v e r , t h i s d is p la c e m e n t c o u ld r e s u lt in im p r o v ed w o rk in g c o n d itio n s in t h e p r iv a te se c to r . " I t Is sometimes noted that this type o f unemployment may be higher in the United States than in other countries because o f higher mobility and greater expectations of the possibility fo r advancement in the labor market here. * It should be noted that the unemployment rate for adult white males has been below 3 percent in six years since 1965. In 1969 the rate was 1.9 percent. High rates o f noncy clical unemployment in the United States are confined to certain groups or pockets o f the labor force. Further, other countries are able to achieve overall employment rates below 2 percent. Viewed in these terms, a 3 percent adult unemployment target does not seem unrealistic i f employment programs are effective in dealing with the special factors contributing to high unemployment fo r certain groups and are not limited to across-theboard measures o r programs that simply create jobs without increasing employment sta bility o r jo b attachm ent. Focusing on a single unemployment target for the entire labor force may give the mis leading impression that once the target is achieved unemployment is no longer a problem. Serious unemployment problems may persist even if the overall target Is met. 168 I f t h e lin e b e tw e e n c y c lic a l a n d n o n -cy clica l u n e m p lo y m e n t i s d e fin e d a t 4 p e r c e n t ( t h e a r b itr a r y d is t in c tio n m a d e e a r lie r ) , th e n a c c o r d in g to t h e m a n d a te o f S .5 0 v a r io u s p ro g r a m s g o in g b ey o n d c o u n te r c y c lic a l e f fo r ts w o u ld b e req u ired to p ro v id e e n o u g h jo b s to re d u c e u n e m p lo y m e n t fr o m 4 p e r c e n t o v e r a ll to 3 p e r c e n t f o r a d u lts . P r e su m a b ly , e lig ib ilit y to p a r tic ip a te in t h e s tr u c t u r a l p ro g ra m s w o u ld be lim ite d t o a d u lts . ( S p e c ia l p r o g r a m s f o r te e n a g e r s a r e a l s o m a n d a te d in a s e p a r a te s e c tio n o f S . 5 0 ) . I f a d u lt is d efin ed a s n o n te e n a g e , t h e b ill w o u ld m a n d a te a r e la t iv e ly s m a ll e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m ( in a d d itio n t o c o u n te r c y c lic a l m e a s u r e s ) to a c h ie v e th e 3 p e r c e n t ta r e g t, s in c e te e n a g e r s a c c o u n t f o r a b o u t o n e p e r c e n ta g e p o in t o f u n em p lo y m en t.10 P r o je c tio n s o f c u r r e n t d em o g ra p h ic tr e n d s in e m p lo y m e n t a n d la b o r fo r c e p a r tic ip a tio n b y T h e U r b a n I n s tit u te s u g g e s t t h a t in 1 9 8 0 a 4 p e r c e n t o v e r a ll u n e m p lo y m e n t r a t e w o u ld m e a n a b o u t 3 .2 p e r c e n t fo r p e r s o n s 2 0 a n d o v er, or a b o u t 1 8 6 ,0 0 0 u n e m p lo y e d p e r s o n s 2 0 a n d o v e r b a se d o n a p r o je c te d la b o r fo r c e o f 9 2 .8 m illio n f o r n o n teen a g ers. I f a d u lt is d efin ed a s p e r s o n s 1 8 a n d o v e r th e r e w o u ld b e m o r e u n em p lo y m en t o v e r a n d a b o v e th e 3 p e r c e n t a d u lt u n e m p lo y m e n t t a r g e t w h e n th e eco n o m y is a t a 4 p e r c e n t o v e r a ll u n e m p lo y m e n t ra te. T h e U r b a n I n s t it u t e p r o je c ts th e u n e m p lo y m e n t r a te f o r p e r s o n s 1 8 a n d o v e r w o u ld b e a b o u t 3 .6 p e r c e n t in 1 9 8 0 i f th e o v e r a ll r a te w e r e 4 p ercen t. T h is w o u ld m e a n a b o u t 5 9 0 ,0 0 0 u n em p lo y ed p e r s o n s 1 8 a n d o v e r b a sed o n a p r o je c te d la b o r f o r c e o f 9 8 .4 m illio n f o r p e r s o n s 1 8 a n d over. The Inflation Problem A se r io u s p ro b lem a s s o c ia t e d w it h p u r su in g a g o a l o f 3 p e r c e n t a d u lt u n em p lo y m en t i s t h e r isk t h a t in fla tio n w ill b eg in to a c c e le r a te a s t h e eco n o m y a p p ro a ch es th e g o a l. T w o m a jo r s o u r c e s o f in fla tio n n eed to b e id e n tifie d . T h e first i s lik e ly to be a s s o c ia te d w it h a n y a tte m p t to re d u c e u n e m p lo y m e n t t o lo w le v e ls . T h e se co n d is r e la te d to a sp e c ific p r o v is io n o f S .50. F ir s t, a s n o te d in th e a n a ly s is o f c y c lic a l u n em p lo y m en t, in fla tio n i s lik e ly to p ick up a s th e eco n o m y m o v e s c lo s e r to p o te n tia l. A s e x p a n s io n a r y fis c a l a n d m o n e ta ry m e a su r e s a r e u se d to b rin g th e eco n o m y c lo s e r to c a p a c it y a n d t h e u n em p lo y m en t r a te f a lls , so m e a d d e d in fla tio n i s lik e ly . W h ile e c o n o m is ts ' u n d e r sta n d in g o f in fla tio n is to o lim ite d to w a r r a n t a n y c o n fid e n c e in p r e c is e e s tim a te s o f th e in fla tio n a r y risk , t h e h is t o r ic a l reco r d s in c e 1 9 6 0 d o e s s u g g e s t th a t in fla tio n p ick ed up c o n sid e r a b ly in th e l a t e 1 9 6 0 s w h e n u n e m p lo y m e n t a p p ro a ch ed 3 p ercen t fo r a d u lts. T h e v e r y h ig h r a te s o f in fla tio n e x p e r ie n c e d in th e 1 9 7 0 s ca n b e tr a ced la r g e ly to fa c to r s o th e r th a n tig h t la b o r m a r k e ts , b u t a n a tte m p t t o d r iv e u n em p lo y m en t to t h e ta r g e t m a n d a te d in S .5 0 w it h in f o u r y e a r s w o u ld r e s u lt in a n a c c e le r a tio n o f w a g e in fla tio n s im ila r to t h a t e x p er ie n c e d in t h e la t e 1 9 6 0 s. In d eed , so m e o f th e p ic k u p o f in fla t io n in 1 9 7 3 m a y h a v e b een d u e to th e d e c lin e in th e o v e r a ll u n e m p lo y m e n t r a te t o 4 .6 p ercen t, a r a te c o n sid e r a b ly h ig h e r th a n th e g o a l o f S .50. A cco r d in g to th e sim u la tio n s in T a b le 2, th e a d d ed in fla tio n a s s o c ia t e d w it h a c h ie v in g a 3 .5 p e r c e n t u n e m p lo y m e n t ta r g e t r e la t iv e to a 5 .0 p e r c e n t t a r g e t is a ro u n d 1 .2 5 p e r c e n ta g e p o in ts in th e y e a r th e ta r g e t is a c h ie v e d a n d a r o u n d 2 p er c e n ta g e p o in ts tw o y e a r s a f t e r a c h ie v in g t h e ta r g e t. I f u n e m p lo y m e n t w e r e t o b e h e ld a t th e 3 .5 p e r c e n t r a te in d e fin ite ly , th e s im u la tio n s s h o w a g r o w in g in fla tio n a r y im p act. T h e se co n d p o te n tia l so u r c e o f a d d ed in fla tio n is th e r e q u ir e m e n t in S .5 0 th a t w a g e s in p u b lic em p lo y m en t p ro g ra m s m u s t m e e t c e r ta in s ta n d a r d s . T h e y m u st, fo r ex a m p le, b e a t le a s t e q u a l to p r e v a ilin g w a g e s p a id b y t h e lo c a l g o v e r n m e n t i f th e lo c a l g o v e r n m e n t is th e em p loyer, a n d th e y m u s t m e e t D a v is B a c o n s ta n d a r d s in th e c a s e o f c o n str u c tio n job s. P a r tic u la r ly sin c e p e r so n s w h o r e fu s e p r iv a te s e c to r jo b s a t le s s t h a n p r e v a ilin g w a g e s or “f a ir r a te s o f c o m p e n sa tio n ” w o u ld be e lig ib le f o r “em p lo y ero f-la st-reso rt” jo b s, th e s e p r o v isio n s w o u ld ten d to d r iv e u p w a g e s in p r iv a t e in d u stry , w h e r e m a n y w o r k e r s d o n o t n o w ea rn t h e s e w a g e r a te s. W h ile h ig h e r w a g es, p a r tic u la r ly in sp e c ia l p ro g ra m s ta r g e te d a t th e p o o r a n d u n s k ille d m ig h t h a v e o th e r b en efits— b oth a s a n in co m e m a in te n a n c e d e v ic e a n d a w a y w If cyclical unemployment were defined as 4.5 percent, however, the structural pro grams would be larger and cyclical programs smaller. Further, if high rates o f structural unemployment persist for certain groups— such as black teenagers— additional programs may be desired even if the mandated target has been achieved for the adult labor force 169 to r e d u c e jo b tu r n o v e r a n d f r e q u e n t o c c u r r e n c e s o f u n e m p lo y m e n t— t h e s e p ro v is io n s o f S .5 0 a r e lik e ly to r e s u lt in a h ig h e r a v e r a g e le v e l o f w a g e s econ om yw id e t h a n w o u ld o t h e r w is e p r e v a il, a d d in g to th e in fla tio n a r y p r e s s u r e s th a t c o u ld a r is e fr o m t h e e c o n o m y o p e r a tin g c lo s e to c a p a c ity . N o e s tim a te o f t h e a d d e d in fla t io n fr o m t h is s o u r c e ca n b e m a d e, h o w e v e r , w it h o u t a m o re sp e c ific s t a t e m e n t o f t h e w a g e p r o v is io n s e n v isio n e d . I t i s p o s s ib le t h a t t h e c a r e f u l c o o r d in a tio n o f e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m s p ro p o sed in S .5 0 c o u ld r e d u c e th e in fla tio n a r y risk . W e ll- d e sig n e d p r o g r a m s co u ld b e t a r g e t e d o n p o c k e ts o f u n e m p lo y m e n t in s te a d o f sp r e a d in g th e ir e ffe c ts o v e r a ll s e c to r s o f t h e la b o r m a r k e t. T r a in in g p ro g ra m s, i f s u c c e s s fu l, co u ld s h i f t w o r k e r s fr o m s it u a t io n s o f la b o r su r p lu s t o th o s e o f la b o r sh o r ta g e . P u r su e d o v e r a p e r io d y e a r s , su c h m e a s u r e s c o u ld im p r o v e th e in fla tio n /u n e m p lo y m e n t tr a d e o ff. A s a lo n g - r a n g e g o a l, th e r e fo r e , p u r s u it o f a 3 p e r c e n t a d u lt u n e m p lo y m e n t t a r g e t w o u ld se e m m o re r e la s tic ( in te r m s o f it s p o te n t ia l in fla t io n a r y c o n s e q u e n c e s ) t h a n i f i t is v ie w e d a s a sh o r t- r a n g e ta r g e t. T h e a n ti- in fla tio n s e c tio n o f S .5 0 a d d s so m e o th e r a p p r o a c h e s to t h e r e d u c tio n o f in fla t io n a r y p r e s su r e s . T h e s e in c lu d e a c t io n s to e n su r e a d e q u a te su p p lie s o f s c a r c e c o m m o d itie s, p a r t ic u la r ly fo o d a n d e n e r g y , r e c o m m e n d a tio n s to s t r e n g t h e n a n d e n f o r c e a n t it r u s t la w s, m e a s u r e s to in c r e a s e p r o d u c tiv ity in t h e p r iv a t e se c to r , a n d r e c o m m e n d a tio n s f o r a d m in is tr a t iv e a n d le g is la t iv e a c t io n s to p r o m o te r e a s o n a b le p r ic e s t a b ilit y i f s e r io u s in fla tio n a r y p r e s s u r e s a r is e . A lt h o u g h t h e b ill d o e s n o t s p e c ify , t h e s e a c t io n s m ig h t in c lu d e p r ic e a n d w a g e c o n tr o ls, g u id e lin e s , o r a n in c o m e s p o lic y . I n a n y c a se, t h e b ill f o c u s e s m u c h l e s s o n t h e s e a n ti- in fla tio n s u g g e s t io n s th a n o n th e u n e m p lo y m e n t g o a l; t h e r e i s n o t a r g e t s e t f o r in fla tio n a s th e r e is f o r u n e m p lo y m e n t. Budget Implications of S.50 O n e c o n c e r n in e v a lu a t in g S .5 0 is th e p o te n t ia l b u d g e t co st. T h e d ir e c t c o s t a s s o c ia t e d w it h t h e n e w a d m in is tr a t iv e s t r u c t u r e s p ro p o se d b y S .5 0 is lik e ly t o b e s m a ll, b u t t h e c o s t o f e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m s t h a t m ig h t be n e e d e d to a c h ie v e t h e 3 p e r c e n t a d u lt u n e m p lo y m e n t ta r g e t, w h ile d ifficu lt to e s tim a te , c o u ld , in so m e c ir c u m s ta n c e s b e q u ite h ig h . In d e e d , t h e c o s t o f su c h p r o g r a m s in a n y h y p o th e t ic a l y e a r is im p o s s ib le to e s t im a t e b e c a u s e t h e c o s t w ill d ep en d c r it ic a lly on th e s t r e n g t h o f p r iv a t e d e m a n d s in t h e e c o n o m y a n d t h e p o lic y m ix s e le c te d t o r e d u c e u n e m p lo y m e n t t o t h e 3 p e r c e n t ra n g e. I n p e r io d s o f p e a k e c o n o m ic a c t iv ity , p r o g r a m c o s ts m a y b e lim it e d to ta r g e t e d m e a su r e s to r e d u c e a r e la t iv e ly s m a ll a m o u n t o f n o n - c y c lic a l u n e m p lo y m e n t; in r e c e s s io n p e r io d s, la r g e r a n d t h e r e fo r e m o re c o s t ly c o u n te r c y c lic a l e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m s w o u ld b e n eed ed . F u r th e r , c o s ts w i l l v a r y w it h t h e m ix o f p o lic y o p tio n s a d o p te d . S ta n d a r d fis c a l p o lic y m e a s u r e s — t a x c u t s a n d acro ss-th e-b o a rd in c r e a s e s in s p e n d in g — e n t a il h ig h e r c o s ts o n a p er-job b a s is t h a n s p e c ia l e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m s l i k e p u b lic s e r v ic e em p lo y m e n t, p u b lic w o rk s, a n d s p e c ia l t a x in c e n t iv e s a n d e m p lo y m e n t s u b s id ie s t o p r iv a t e in d u s tr y . M o n e ta r y p o lic y , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , in v o lv e s n o a d d e d b u d g e t c o s ts . C o s ts in a n y y e a r w ill a ls o d ep en d on t h e s iz e o f t h e la b o r f o r c e ( in a b s o lu t e t e r m s t h e p r o g r a m c o s t w i ll g r o w a s t h e la b o r f o r c e g r o w s ) , t h e d e fin itio n o f “a d u lt ,” a n d d e fin itio n s o f c y c lic a l a n d n o n - c y c lic a l u n e m p lo y m e n t (p r o g r a m c o s t s a r e lik e ly t o b e d iffe r e n t f o r c y c lic a l p r o g r a m s ). E s t im a t io n o f c o s ts a l s o d ep e n d s on th e b a s e lin e a g a in s t w h ic h c o s ts a r e e v a lu a t e d . U n d e r t h e E m p lo y m e n t A c t o f 1 9 4 6 t h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t h a s p u r s u e d f u l l e m p lo y m e n t g o a ls th r o u g h a w id e r a n g e o f s t r a t e g ie s , a lt h o u g h e m p h a s is h a s b e e n o n s ta n d a r d fisc a l a n d m o n e ta r y m e a su r e s . S .5 0 i s in te n d e d t o im p r o v e o n p a s t p e r fo r m a n c e by o ffe r in g a n u m e r ic a l g o a l f o r u n e m p lo y m e n t a n d a n e x p a n d e d s e t o f a d m in is tr a t iv e m e c h a n is m s t o c o o r d in a te n a tio n a l e c o n o m ic p o lic y in p u r s u it o f t h a t m a n d a te . C o n se q u e n tly , o n e m e a s u r e o f t h e a d d e d c o s t s o f S .5 0 i s t h e c o s t o f p o lic ie s to im p r e v e o n a v e r a g e p a s t p e r fo r m a n c e — t h a t is , t o r e d u c e u n e m p lo y m e n t fr o m i t s 1 9 6 0 - 7 5 a v e r a g e o f 5 .2 p e r c e n t o v e r a ll t o 3 p e r c e n t f o r a d u lts . G iv e n t h e il l u s t r a t i v e d e fin itio n o f u n e m p lo y m e n t in e x c e s s o f 4 p e r c e n t a s c y c lic a l, t h e n t h e d iffe r e n c e b e tw e e n t h e h is t o r ic a l a v e r a g e o f 5 .2 p e r c e n t a n d 4 p e r c e n t c a n b e v ie w e d a s t h e f a ilu r e o f s t a b iliz a t io n p o lic y o n t h e a v e r a g e to a c h ie v e f u l l c a p a c it y le v e l s o f o u tp u t a n d e m p lo y m e n t. Im p r o v e d c o o r d in a tio n o f m o n e ta r y a n d f is c a l p o lic y c o u ld p o t e n t ia lly im p r o v e o n t h is a v e r a g e p a s t 170 p erfo rm a n c e, r e d u c in g t h e a v e r a g e a m o u n t o f c y c lic a l u n e m p lo y m e n t i n t h e f u tu r e a n d h en ce t h e f u t u r e c o s ts o f c o u n te r c y c lic a l e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m s. A lth o u g h S .5 0 m a y r e s u lt in b e tte r c o o r d in a tio n o f n a tio n a l e c o n o m ic p o lic y in t h e f u t u r e a n d h en ce le s s c y c lic a l u n e m p lo y m e n t th a n in t h e p a st, i t m a y b e u s e f u l to e x a m in e t h e g e n e r a l o rd er o f m a g n itu d e o f a n e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m t h a t w o u ld p ro v id e en o u g h jo b s to b r in g c y c lic a l u n e m p lo y m e n t f r o m i t s 1 9 0 0 - 7 5 a v e r a g e o f 5 .2 p e r c e n t t o 4 ,0 p e r c e n t a n d to p r o v id e e n o u g h j o b s in n o n -cy clica l em p lo y m en t p ro g ra m s to red u c e a d u lt u n e m p lo y m e n t to 3 percen t.1* I n 1 9 8 0 , th e t o ta l c iv ilia n la b o r f o r c e i s e s tim a te d to b e a b o u t 1 0 2 .5 m illio n p e r so n s ( a t 5 .2 p e r c e n t u n e m p lo y m e n t).1* R e d u c in g u n e m p lo y m e n t fr o m 5 .2 p e r c e n t t o 4 .0 p ercen t o f t h a t la b o r fo r c e th u s in v o lv e s a b o u t 1 .2 3 m illio n u n em p lo y ed p erso n s. U n d e r t h e a s s u m p tio n t h a t a b o u t 1 0 n e w j o b s n e e d t o b e c r e a te d fo r e v e r y s ix p erso n r e d u c tio n in u n e m p lo y m e n t d u e t o in c r e a s e s in th e la b o r fo r c e a s u n e m p lo y m e n t f a lls , a c o u n te r c y c lic a l e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m in 1 9 8 0 w o u ld in v o lv e a p p r o x im a te ly 2 m illio n jo b s. A s sh o w n in T a b le 3, a w id e v a r ia tio n in th e c o s t p er jo b i s p o s s ib le d e p e n d in g o n th e p o lic y m ix ad o p ted . P u b lic e m p lo y m e n t, fo r in s ta n c e , h a s a r e la t iv e ly lo w cost-per-job. H o w e v e r , p u b lic e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m s m ig h t j u s t d is p la c e so m e w o r k e r s w h o h a d p r e v io u sly b een em p lo y ed , r a th e r t h a n in c r e a s in g n e t em p lo y m en t b y t h e f u l l n u m b er o f n e w p u b lic jo b s. F o r e x a m p le , so m e w o r k e r s w h o h a d p r e v io u sly b een em p lo y ed , r a th e r th a n in c r e a s in g n e t em p lo y m e n t by th e f u l l n u m b er o f n e w p u b lic jo b s. F o r ex a m p le , so m e w o r k e r s m ig h t be a ttr a c te d fro m lo w -p a y in g jo b s in t h e p r iv a te se c to r . F u r th e r , i f p u b lic em p lo y m en t p ro g ra m s a r e a d m in is te r e d th r o u g h s t a t e a n d lo c a l g o v e r n m en ts, th e se g o v e r n m e n ts m a y u s e p u b lic em p lo y m e n t f u n d s to h ir e w o r k e r s th e y m a y h a v e h ir e d a n y w a y . I f su c h d isp la c e m e n t w e r e to r u n h ig h a s 5 0 p ercen t, th e n u m b er o f p u b lic jo b s r eq u ired to em p lo y 2 m illio n a d d itio n a l p eo p le d o u b les ( t o 4 m illio n ) , d o u b lin g th e c o s t p er n e t a d d itio n to e m p lo y m en t. O th er p ro g ram s lik e a c c e le r a te d p u b lic w o r k s m a y e n t a il lo w e r d is p la cem en t r a te s b u t a h ig h e r c o s t p e r job. T h e jo b -c rea tin g im p a c t o f o t h e r in d ir e c t m ea su res, lik e p r iv a te se c to r su b s id ie s a n d t a x in c e n tiv e s , i s m u c h m o re d ifficu lt to e s tim a te th a n fo r d ir e c t jo b -c rea tin g p ro g ra m s. A n illu s t r a tiv e co st e s tim a te fo r "a c o u n te r c y c lic a l p u b lic s e r v ic e e m p lo y m en t p ro g ra m is sh o w n in T a b le 5.1* R a n g e s a r e p ro v id ed , d e p e n d in g o n w h a t i s a ssu m e d a b o u t d isp la cem en t. A U .S . D e p a r tm e n t o f L a b o r s t u d y 15 o f p a s t ex p e r ie n c e in c o u n te r c y c lic a l p u b lic e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m s a d m in is te r e d th r o u g h s t a t e a n d lo c a l g o v e r n m e n ts e s tim a te s a 4 0 p e r c e n t d isp la c e m e n t r a te in p a s t ex p erien ce. A n e v a lu a tio n o f p a s t e x p e r ie n c e w ith p u b lic s e r v ic e e m p lo y m e n t u n d er C E T A ( th e C om p reh en siv e E d u c a tio n a n d T r a in in g A c t o f 1 9 7 3 ) su g g e s ts th a t f u tu r e p ro g ra m s c o u ld be d e sig n e d to re d u c e t h is a m o u n t o f d isp la c e m e n t sig n ific a n tly . T h e m o st o p tim is tic v ie w is t h a t d is p la c e m e n t co u ld be sig n ific a n tly red u ced a n d p e r h a p s e v e n e lim in a te d e n t ir e ly b y su c h m e a su r e s a s r e s tr ic tin g e lig ib ilit y to p e r so n s u n e m p lo y e d fiv e w e e k s or lo n g e r a n d by a d m in is te r in g th e p ro g ra m s a t th e fe d e r a l le v e l in s t e a d o f th r o u g h s t a t e a n d lo c a l g o v ern m en ts. A t an a ss u m e d c o s t o f $ 8 ,0 0 p er jo b a p r o g ra m to p ro v id e 2 m illio n n e w jo b s w o u ld c o s t fro m $ 1 6 b illio n ( w it h n o d is p la c e m e n t) to $ 2 7 b illio n ( w it h 4 0 p e r c e n t d isp la c e m e n t.) O f co u rse, d isp la c e m e n t co u ld be ev en h ig h e r th a n 4 0 p ercen t, w ith c o s ts g o in g u p p r o p o r tio n a te ly . n Standard fiscal policy measures are not, of course, costless. Tax cuts add to the fed eral budget deficit, but do not Increase the resources allocated to the public sector. In creases in government purchases add to budget costs, but may not be traceable to specific employment measures. If monetary policy Is used as a principal stabilization instrument, there are no budget costs involved. » Additional structural programs may be desired to deal with pockets of high unem ployment even If the 3 percent goal Is reached. However, this possibility Is not specifically mandated in S. 50, and consequently will not be dealt with here. 18 This estim ate is 1.3 million above the Bureau of Labor Statistics projection of 101.2 million. CBO assumes somewhat higher participation rates for certain groups in the labor force in 1980, resulting in the higher labor force estim ate. The Urban In stitu te projects an even higher labor force for 1980. 14 Alternative policy options would have different costs. Some, like across-the-board tax cuts would be considerably more expensive— perhaps three to four times as expensive— as public employment. Other options, like expansionary monetary policy would be less expensive. 15 U.S. Department of Labor, Office of the A ssistant Secretary for Policy Evaluation and Research, "An Evaluation of the Public Employment Program," by George E. Johnson and James D. Tomola, Technical Analysis Paper No. 17-A, September 1974, pp. 14-55. TABLE 5.— ILLUSTRATIVE COST ESTIM ATE FOR A PUBLIC SERVICE EMPLOYMENT PROGRAM [Inbillions of dollars] Initial cost Estimated cost (1980) Unemployment target 3 pet, nonteenage Noncydieal component: Public employ ment and training ($10,000 average cost per Job)............ ............................... 2.9-5.8 Cyclical component: Countercyclical public employment ((8,000 average coit per job)..--------------------------------- 16.4-27.4 Total cost........................................ 19.3-33.2 3 pet, 18 3 pet, and over nonteenage 10.5-21.1 1.8-3.6 16.4-27.4 10.3-17.1 26.9-48.5 Cost after 12 mo of program operation Estimated net budget cost (1980) 12.1-20.7 Estimated cost 3 pet, 18 3 pet, and over nonteenage 7.2-14.4 10.3-17.1 17.5-31.5 2.9-5.8 13.7-24.4 16.6-30.2 Not*.—This table presents Congressional Budget Office staff calculations. Cost estimates are presented in ranges with the low end based on an assumption of zero displacement and the high end on a 40 pet displacement rate. A higher displacement rate would increase upper-range costs in all cases. Estimated net budget cost 3 pet, 18 3 pet, and over nonteenage 10.5-21.1 1.2-2.5 Cost after 24 mo of program operation Estimated cost 3 pet, 18 3 pet, and over nonteenage 5.0-10.1 2.9-5.8 Estimated net budget cost 3 pet, 3 pet, 18 and over nonteenage 3 pet, 18 and over 10.5-21.1 0.9-1.9 3.9-8.0 12.7-23.0 5.8-10.6 5.3-9.8 13.7-24.4 12.6-23.0 4.5-8.4 4.1-7.9 23.2-44.1 7.0-13.1 10.3-19.9 16.6-30.2 23. 1-44.1 5.4-10.3 a 0-15.9 Average costs per Job are in 1976 dollars. Inflation that occurs between 1976 and 1980 could increase these costs. See the appendix for further details, 172 E s tim a t e s o f t h e n e t b u d g e t c o s ts o f t h e p r o g r a m s a r e a ls o s h o w n i n Table 5. T h e s e t a k e in to a c c o u n t t h e b u d g e t s a v in g s t h a t o ccu r w h e n w o r k e r s n o lo n g er c o lle c t u n e m p lo y m e n t c o m p e n sa tio n a n d b e g in to p a y t a x e s a n d c o n t r ib u te to s o c ia l se c u r ity . B u d g e t s a v in g s a r e s o m e w h a t le s s w h e n y o u n g e r w o r k e r s a r e in c lu d e d s in c e th e y a r e le s s lik e ly to h a v e b een d r a w in g u n e m p lo y m e n t b en efits. I f jo b s a r e g iv e n to w o r k e r s w h o w o u ld h a v e b een r e c e iv in g u n em p lo y m en t co m p en sa tio n , t h e c o s t p er jo b is red u ced b y a n a v e r a g e o f $ 3 ,9 0 0 p er w o rk er (t h e c u r r e n t s a v in g s ) , in a d d itio n to th e e ffe c t o f in c r e a s e d t a x p a y m e n ts. T h e s e o ffs e ttin g s a v in g s a r e la r g e r fo r p r o g r a m s lik e p u b lic em p lo y m en t th a t h a v e a h ig h e r jo b im p a c t th a n fo r a g g r e g a te d e m a n d m e a s u res, e s p e c ia lly i f th e n e w ly e m p lo y e d p e r s o n s h a v e b een r e c e iv in g u n e m p lo y m en t co m p en sa tio n . O th er b u d g et s a v in g s r e s u lt fr o m h ig h e r c o r p o r a te t a x p a y m e n ts a n d p e r so n a l t a x p a y m e n ts fr o m h ig h e r in c o m e s o f p e r s o n s p r e v io u s ly em p lo y ed . T h e s e s a v in g s b eg in to s h o w u p m o re w it h t h e p a s s a g e o f tim e, a s h ig h e s t le v e ls o f u n e m p lo y m e n t a n d in c o m e g e n e r a te h ig h e r p r o fits a n d w a g e s th r o u g h secon d -rou n d “m u ltip lie r ” e ffe c ts. A fte r 2 4 m o n th s o f p ro g ra m o p era tio n , n e t b u d g et c o s ts a m o u n t t o a b o u t a th ir d o f p r o g r a m o u tla y s . T h u s, a p ro g ra m c o s tin g fro m $ 1 3 .7 to $ 2 4 .4 b illio n in o u tla y s m ig h t e n t a il a n e t b u d g et c o s t b e tw e e n $ 4 .5 b illio n a n d $ 8 .4 b illio n a f te r t w o y e a r s o f o p e r a tio n . A d e ta ile d e x p la n a tio n o f t h e a s s u m p tio n s b eh in d t h e s e e s t im a t e s i s p ro v id ed in t h e A p p en d ix. I n a d d itio n to c o u n te r c y c lic a l e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m s, o th e r e m p lo y m e n t p o li c ie s a r e a ls o m a n d a te d u n d e r S .50. A lth o u g h t h e b ill d o e s n o t s p e c ify , t h e s e m ig h t ta k e t h e fo rm o f su b s id ie s to p r iv a te in d u s tr y to h ir e a n d t r a in d is a d v a n ta g e d w o rk ers, g r a n ts to firm s t h a t m o v e to r e g io n s e x p e r ie n c in g h ig h u n em p lo y m en t or m o b ility a llo w a n c e s to in d iv id u a ls w h o m o v e o u t o f su c h reg io n s, a n d g r a n ts to s t a t e a n d lo c a l g o v e r n m e n ts to p r o v id e t r a in in g a n d jo b p la c e m e n t se r v ic e s. A n a n a ly s is o f t h e p o te n tia l e f fe c tiv e n e s s o f su c h m e a s u r e s a n d co n se q u e n tly th e p o te n tia l c o s t o f red u c in g a g iv e n a m o u n t o f u n e m p lo y m e n t by th e s e m e a n s w o u ld b e h ig h ly c o m p lex a n d b ey o n d t h e s c o p e o f t h e p r e se n t stu d y . O ne p o ssib le o p tio n , ch o se n o n ly b e c a u se th e c o s t is le s s d ifficu lt to e s tim a te th a n fo r o th e r o p tion s, is th e p r o v isio n o f a d iffe r e n t k in d o f p u b lic e m p lo y m en t. S u ch a p rogram w o u ld n o t sim p ly p r o v id e w o rk f o r p e o p le w h o a r e te m p o r a r ily jo b le ss, a s in th e c o u n te r c y c lic a l c a s e . I f u n e m p lo y m e n t is d u e to h ig h r a te s o f jo b tu r n o v e r, a s is t h e c a s e w ith u n sk ille d a n d d is a d v a n t a g e d w o rk ers, on-the-job tr a in in g , an a t tr a c tiv e w a g e a n d w o r k in g e n v ir o n m e n t m ig h t be n eed ed to in c r e a s e job a tta c h m e n t a n d r ed u ce fr e q u e n c y o f u n em p lo y m en t. I f t h is w e r e th e c a se, i t w o u ld m e a n a h ig h e r c o s t p er jo b t h a n fo r c o u n te r c y c lic a l p u b lic e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m s. T h e s iz e o f th e p rogram n eed ed to b rin g a d u lt u n e m p lo y m e n t to 3 p e r c e n t d ep en d s on th e d e fin itio n o f a d u lt. I f a d u lt is d efin ed a s n o n te e n a g e t h e n in 1 9 8 0 o n ly a b o u t 2 3 0 ,0 0 0 jo b s w o u ld b e req u ired , a ss u m in g c o u n te r c y c lic a l e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m s h a v e ab sorb ed u n e m p lo y m en t in e x c e s s o f 4 p e r c e n t o v e r a ll. I f a d u lt u n em p lo y m en t m e a n s p e r s o n s 1 8 a n d ab o v e, th e n a b o u t 8 4 0 ,0 0 0 jo b s w o u ld be req u ired . N o n c y c lic a l p u b lic e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m s m a y h a v e a h ig h e r c o s t p er jo b th a n c o u n te r c y c lic a l p u b lic e m p lo y m e n t (a lt h o u g h n o t n e c e s s a r ily a h ig h e r c o s t p er jo b th a n o th er, m ore c o s tly c o u n te r c y c lic a l e m p lo y m en t o p t io n s ). T h is is b e c a u se th e n o n c y c lic a l p ro g ra m s a re lik e ly to in v o lv e tr a in in g in a d d itio n t o p a r tic ip a n ts ’ sa la r ie s. I f th e y a lso p ay h ig h e r w a g e s a n d o ffer a m o re a t tr a c tiv e w o r k in g en v ir o n m e n t in o rd er to in c r e a s e job a tta c h m e n t a n d re d u ce fr e q u en cy o f u n em p lo y m en t t h is a d d s to th e c o st p er job. M oreover, th e m ore a ttr a c tiv e th e job r e la t iv e to p riv a te - se c to r a lte r n a tiv e s , t h e h ig h e r t h e prob ab le r a te o f d isp la c e m e n t. T h e e s tim a te s in T a b le 5 a ss u m e a c o s t p er job o f $ 1 0 ,0 0 0 a n d a d is p la c e m en t ra te o f b e tw e e n 2 0 p e r c e n t a n d 6 0 p ercen t. R e g io n a l a n d in d u s tr y e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m s w ill a lso h a v e a h ig h e r c o s t p er job th a n p u re c o u n te r c y c lic a l p ro g ra m s sin c e th e y a r e lik e ly to e n ta il r e lo c a tio n c o s ts a n d tr a in in g . H o w ev er, d isp la c e m e n t is n o t lik e ly to be h ig h a t th is w a g e le v e l. A s in th e c a s e o f th e c o u n te r c y c lic a l p u b lic em p lo y m en t p ro g ra m s, n e t budge t c o s ts fo r th e n o n c y c lic a l p ro g ra m s a re a lso sh ow n . A d e ta ile d b rea k d o w n o f th e c o m p u ta tio n s b eh in d th e se e s tim a te s is p ro v id ed in th e A p p en d ix . A fte r 2 4 m o n th s of p rogram o p era tio n , a p u b lic em p lo y m en t p ro g ra m t o r e d u ce u n em p lo y m en t fro m 5 .2 p e r c e n t o v e r a ll to 3 p ercen t fo r a d u lts in 1 9 8 0 173 m ig h t c o s t b e tw e e n $ 1 6 .6 b illio n a n d $ 4 4 .1 b illion , d e p e n d in g on th e d e fin itio n o f a d u lt a n d on t h e a m o u n t o f d isp la c e m e n t o f em p lo y m en t fro m o th e r p a r ts o f t h e eco n o m y . H ig h e r r a t e s o f d isp la c e m e n t th a n th o s e a ss u m e d in th e e s t i m a te s w o u ld r e s u lt in e v e n h ig h e r p ro g ra m co sts. T h e n e t b u d g et c o s ts o f s u c h a p ro g ra m , t a k in g in to a cco u n t s a v in g s in u n e m p lo y m e n t in s u r a n c e o u t la y s a n d h ig h e r t a x p a y m e n ts , m ig h t r a n g e from $ 5 .4 to $ 1 5 .9 b illio n . O n ce a g a in , i t s h o u ld be s t r e s s e d th a t th e se e s tim a te s r e fe r to o n ly o n e a p p ro a ch to c r e a t in g jo b s — p u b lic e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m s— a n d to a n “a v e r a g e ” s t a t e o f t h e eco n o m y . Other coats.— O th e r p r o v isio n s o f th e b ill in c lu d e a te e n a g e u n e m p lo y m e n t p r o g ra m , in c r e a s e d r e s p o n s ib ilitie s f o r th e C ou n cil o f E c o n o m ic A d v is e r s a n d t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e B o a r d , e s ta b lish m e n t o f a F u ll E m p lo y m e n t O ffice in th e U .S . D e p a r t m e n t o f L ab or a n d a D iv is io n o f F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G r o w th w it h in t h e C o n g r e s sio n a l B u d g e t Office. T h e s e p r o v is io n s w o u ld a d d to t h e c o s t s s h o w n in T a b le 5. Offsetting Benefits W h a te v e r t h e c o s ts o f a c h ie v in g a 3 p e r c e n t a d u lt u n e m p lo y m e n t g o a l, th e r e a r e o f fs e tt in g b en efits. J o b le s s n e s s e n t a ils a lo s s o f o u tp u t. T h e a d d ed o u tp u t th a t r e s u lts fro m t h e e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m s m a n d a te d in S .5 0 w ill v a r y w ith th e p o lic y m ix s e le c te d . T a x c u t s w ill s t im u la t e p r iv a te e m p lo y m e n t a n d o u tp u t. P u b lic e m p lo y m e n t p r o j e c t s m a y a d d p u b lic w o r k s an d g o v e r n m e n t s e r v ic e s. W h ile a n e v a lu a t io n o f t h e a d d itio n a l o u tp u t t h a t w o u ld be p ro d u ced by 2 m illio n a d d itio n a l w o r k e r s w o u ld d ep en d o n w h a t th e y a r e p u t to w o rk d oin g, i t is lik e ly t h a t th e v a lu e o f t h a t o u tp u t to th e eco n o m y a s a w h o le w o u ld a t le a s t o ffs e t th e c o s ts to t h e f e d e r a l b u d g e t o f p u tt in g th e m to w ork . I n a d d itio n , j o b le s s n e s s e n t a ils m a n y s o c ia l c o s ts t h a t c a n n o t a lw a y s b e m e a s u r e d — d e te r io r a tio n o f w o rk h a b its a n d sk ills , lo s s o f s e lf e s te e m , in c r e a s e d in c id e n c e o f crim e, a n d o th e r p rob lem s. P u t t in g 2 m illio n a d d itio n a l p eo p le to w o r k w o u ld e lim in a t e so m e o f th e se le s s m e a su r a b le b u t e q u a lly im p o r ta n t c o s ts . Government as Employer of Last Resort O n e o f t h e d iffic u ltie s w it h th e E m p lo y m e n t A c t o f 1 9 4 6 i s t h a t i t f a i l s to p r o v id e a n e n fo r c e m e n t m e c h a n ism to e n su r e t h a t f u ll e m p lo y m e n t w ill b e a c h ie v e d . S e c tio n 2 0 6 o f S .5 0 a tte m p ts to p r o v id e su c h a m e c h a n ism by m an * d a t in g t h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t to sta n d a s e m p lo y e r o f la s t r e s o r t fo r a d u lt A m e r ic a n s u n e m p lo y e d in e x c e s s o f th e 3 p e r c e n t g o a l. S e c t io n 2 0 6 o f S .5 0 s t a t e s th a t a d u lt A m e r ic a n s a b le, w illin g , a n d s e e k in g w o r k w h o a r e u n a b le to fin d jo b s th r o u g h o th e r p r o v is io n s o f S .5 0 s h a ll b e p r o v id e d j o b s th r o u g h fe d e r a lly o p e r a te d p u b lic e m p lo y m e n t p r o je c ts a n d a p p r o v e d p r iv a t e n o n p r o fit e m p lo y m e n t p r o je c ts. T h is so -ca lled jo b g u a r a n te e is n o t n e c e s s a r ily u n lim ite d , h o w ev er. A c c o r d in g to S .50, t h e s iz e o f t h e p u b lic e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m m a y b e lim ite d a s lo n g a s a d u lt u n e m p lo y m e n t is n o t in e x c e s s o f 3 p e r c e n t. F u r th e r , e lig ib ilit y o r p r io r ity c r it e r ia b a se d e s s e n t ia lly o n n e e d c o u ld b e e s ta b lis h e d u n d e r t h e p r o v is io n s o f S .50. W h ile t h e r e h a v e b een m a n y in te r p r e ta t io n s o f w h a t a f e d e r a l jo b g u a r a n te e m ig h t im p ly ( S . 5 0 d o e s n o t s p e c ify t h e p r o v is io n s a n d c o v e r a g e o f t h e jo b g u a r a n te e — i t o n ly la y s o u t g u id e lin e s ) , o n e w a y t o v ie w th e em p lo y er-o f-la st r e s o r t f e a t u r e o f S .5 0 is t h a t i t m ig h t in v o lv e t h e r o u g h e q u iv a le n t o f t h e s t r u c t u r a l e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m s sh o w n in T a b le 5. T h is w o u ld m e a n p r o v id in g f r o m 2 3 0 , 0 0 0 t o 8 4 0 ,0 0 0 a d d itio n a l jo b s b y 1 9 8 0 (d e p e n d in g o n t h e d e fin itio n o f “a d u l t ” ). T w o m a jo r q u e s tio n s c o m e to m in d in c o n n e c tio n w it h t h e jo b g u a r a n te e p ro g r a m . F ir s t , S e c tio n 2 0 6 s t ip u la te s t h a t th e f e d e r a l jo b g u a r a n te e sh o u ld a ls o c a r r y w it h i t a g u a r a n te e o f th e p r e v a ilin g w a g e f o r t h a t t y p e o f w o r k in t h e la b o r m a r k e t in w h ic h t h e jo b occu rs. I n th e c a s e o f c o n s tr u c tio n jo b s, th e y m u s t m e e t D a v is - B a c o n A c t s ta n d a r d s ; a n d th e y m u s t be a t le a s t e q u a l to p r e v a ilin g w a g e s p a id by a lo c a l g o v e r n m e n t i f t h e lo c a l g o v e r n m e n t j s t h e e m p lo y e r . T h is p r o v is io n w o u ld u n d o u b te d ly d r iv e u p t h e a v e r a g e le v e l o f w a g e s f o r t h e e c o n o m y a s a w h o le, b o th in g o v e r n m e n t a n d in t h e p r iv a t e s e c t o r a s p r iv a t e e m p lo y e r s a r e fo r c e d to c o m p e te w it h g o v e r n m e n t f o r w o rk ers. A s m e n tio n e d e a r lie r , t h is w o u ld a d d to t h e p o te n t ia l in fla tio n im p a c t o f S .5 0 u n le s s o f fs e tt in g a n ti- in fla tio n m e a s u r e s w e r e a d o p ted . 174 T h e s e w a g e s ta n d a r d s a r e lik e ly t o a t t r a c t w o r k e r s fr o m o t h e r s e c t o r s o f t h e eco n o m y , a d d in g to t h e s iz e o f t h e f e d e r a l e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m r e q u ir e d to a c h ie v e th e 3 p e r c e n t u n e m p lo y m e n t t a r g e t. F o r in s t a n c e , a t a d is p la c e m en t r a t e o f 5 0 p ercen t, a p u b lic e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m to p r o v id e 2 3 0 , 0 0 0 a d d itio n a l jo b s w o u ld h a v e 4 6 0 ,0 0 0 p a r tic ip a n ts. T h e p o s s ib ility t h a t t h e em p lo y er-o f-ia st r e s o r t f e a tu r e o f S .5 0 w o u ld r e s u lt in a la r g e an d u n w ie ld ly b u r e a u c r a c y c a n n o t b e ru led o u t, p a r t ic u la r ly in v ie w o f th e a t tr a c tiv e w a g e s t h a t w o u ld b e o ffered . A t t h e sa m e tim e , h o w e v e r , t h is f e a tu r e c o u ld d r a w m o re a t te n t io n to im p r o v in g th e q u a lity o f li f e in th e p r iv a te se cto r . T h is h a s b e e n t h e c a s e in c e r ta in E u r o p e a n c o u n tr ie s t h a t e n a c te d jo b g u a r a n te e p ro g ra m s in t h e 1 9 6 0 s . U p g r a d in g w o r k in g c o n d itio n s in lo w - lev el p riv a te - se c to r jo b s c o u ld b e f a c ilit a t e d by a p p r o p r ia te s u b s id ie s t o b u sin e s s to p ro v id e t r a in in g a n d a n im p r o v e d w o r k in g e n v ir o n m e n t. T o th e e x t e n t t h a t in c r e a s e d t r a in in g a n d b e tte r w o r k in g c o n d itio n s e n h a n c e w o r k e r p r o d u c tiv ity , so m e o r a ll o f t h e in fla tio n e f fe c ts o f t h e h ig h e r w a g e s m ig h t be o ffset. F u r th e r , o v e r th e lo n g e r ru n , in d iv id u a ls w o u ld r e tu r n to t h e p r iv a t e s e c to r a s w a g e s a n d w o r k in g c o n d itio n s im p r o v e. Congress o p t h e U n it e d S t a t e s , J o i n t E c o n o m ic C o m m i t t e e , Washington, D.C., May $5,1976. H on . W il l ia m P r o x m ir e , Dirksen Senate Office Bldg., Washington, D.C. D ear B i l l : S. 50, t h e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G r o w th A c t of 1976, is n o w b ein g c o n sid e r e d b y t h e B a n k in g , H o u s in g a n d U r b a n A f fa ir s C om m itte e a n d th e L a b or a n d P u b lic W e lfa r e C o m m itte e. T h e s e c o m m itte e s w ill b e c o n s id e r in g t h e n e w H u m p h r e y - H a w k in s b ill, in tr o d u ced o n M arch 16, 1 9 7 6 , in th e fo r m o f a m e n d m e n t 14 6 8 . T h is n e w le g is la t io n b ea rs l i t t l e resem b la n ce to t h e o r ig in a l b ill t h a t w a s in tr o d u c e d o n M a rch 20, 1975. D e s p ite m a jo r ch a n g e s in th e r e v is e d le g is la tio n , m a n y c o n tin u e t o c r it ic iz e th e o r ig in a l b ill, w h ic h w a s p r im a r ily d r a f te d f o r d isc u s sio n p u r p o se s a t field h e a r in g s h eld by th e J o in t E c o n o m ic C o m m itte e an d th e S u b c o m m itte e on E q u a l O p p o rtu n ities o f th e H o u s e E d u c a tio n a n d L ab or C o m m itte e. W e h a v e h a d a t le a s t fo u r n e w s s t o r ie s t h a t r e v ie w e d t h e w ro n g b ill. T h e s tr a te g y a n d m a jo r p r o v isio n s o f t h e n e w H u m p h r e y - H a w k in s b ill a r e r e v ie w e d by m e in a M ay 1 4 th op-ed p a g e a r t ic le in th e W a s h in g to n P o st, w h ic h I am en clo sin g . I t w a s th e r e v is e d a n d c o m p r e h e n siv e fo r m o f t h e F uU E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G ro w th A c t o f 1 9 7 6 th a t w a s a p p r o v e d b y th e H o u se E d u c a tio n an d L ab or C o m m itte e b y a v o te o f 2 5 to 1 0 on M ay 4 , 1 9 7 6 . T h o s e w h o h a v e stu d ie d th e b ill c a r e f u lly a r e u s u a lly su p p o r tiv e o f th e le g is la tio n or m a jo r p a r ts o f it. F o r ex a m p le , D r. E li G in zb u rg, C h a ir m a n o f th e N a tio n a l C o m m issio n fo r M a n p o w er P o lic y , su p p o rts m a n y o f t h e p ro v is io n s o f th e b ill. T h e M ay-Ju n e is s u e o f C h a lle n g e m a g a z in e , a le a d in g eco n o m ic s p u b lic a tio n , s ta te d in a n e d ito r ia l t h a t th e “F uU E m p lo y m e n t an d B a la n c e d G ro w th A c t o f 1 9 7 6 is th e m o st c o n se q u e n tia l s o c ia l le g is la t io n to co m e a lo n g sin c e th e E m p lo y m e n t A c t o f 1 9 4 6 .” A co p y o f D r. G in zb u rg ’s le t te r a n d th e C h a lle n g e m a te r ia l a r e en c lo se d . I u rg e y o u to rea d th em . I a m c o n v in c e d t h a t t h e s tr a te g y th e m e a s u r e em b o d ie s is th e b e st w a y to a ss u r e t h a t o u r fr e e , c o m p e titiv e e n te r p r ise s y s t e m r e a c h e s it s f u ll p o te n tia l. S in c e r e ly y o u rs, H ubert H. H um ph rey , Chairman. N ational Commission for M anpower Policy , March 25, 1976. C o n g ressm a n A ugustus F . H a w k i n s , U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. D ea r Congressman H a w k i n s : I a p p r e c ia te y o u r c o u r te sy to p e r m it m e to co m m en t on H R -50 by le t te r r a th e r th a n by a p p ea rin g fo r m a lly a t th e h e a r in g s w h ic h y o u r S u b -C o m m ittee is h o ld in g . T h e N a tio n a l C o m m issio n f o r M a n p o w e r P o lic y h a s e x p lo r e d m a n y is s u e s c o n ta in e d in H R - 5 0 d u r in g th e p a s t s e v e r a l m o n th s a n d m y co m m e n ts a r e in fo r m ed by th e se d is c u s sio n s. H o w e v e r , I w a n t to s t r e s s t h a t t h e C o m m issio n w ill n o t c o m p lete i t s reco m m en d a tio n s on a n e m p lo y m e n t s t r a t e g y fo r th e n a tio n u n til it fin a liz e s it s S eco n d A n n u a l R e p o r t to th e P r e s id e n t a n d th e C o n g ress w h ic h is d u e in th e f a l l o f 1 9 7 6 . H e n c e m y c o m m e n ts m u s t be v ie w e d a s in d ic a tiv e o f th e p r e s e n t t h in k in g o f th e C o m m issio n , n o t a s r e fle c tio n s o f it s c o n sid er ed c o n c lu sio n s . 1. T h e C o m m issio n s h a r e s w ith H R - 5 0 t h e c o n v ic tio n th a t o p p o r tu n itie s f o r jo b s f o r a ll A m e r ic a n s a b le an d w illin g to w ork sh o u ld be p la c e d a t th e v e r y to p o f t h e n a tio n ’s a g e n d a fo r a n a c t iv is t m a n p o w e r p o lic y . I n it s f ir s t a n n u a l rep o rt, t h e C o m m issio n o u tlin e d m a n p o w e r p o licy “a s a s e t o f co m m itm e n ts a n d p r o g r a m s a im e d a t f a c ilit a t in g th e e m p lo y a b ility o f a ll p e r s o n s a b le a n d w illin g to w o r k ; th e s tr e n th e n in g o f th e m a n p o w e r in fr a s tr u c tu r e t o e n h a n c e th e m a tc h in g o f p e o p le a n d jo b s ; an d p r o v id in g v a r io u s ty p e s o f s p e c ia liz e d su p p o r t in th e fo r m o f tem p o ra r y jo b s, in co m e su p p o rt a n d o th e r t y p e s o f m a n p o w e r a s s is t a n c e to in d iv id u a ls a n d g r o u p s w h en t h e eco n o m y is u n a b le to p r o v id e a d e q u a te e m p lo y m en t o p p o r tu n itie s.” T o e ffe c tu a te s u c h a c o m p r e h e n s iv e a p p ro a ch w ill re q u ir e m a n y o f th e e le m e n ts in H R - 5 0 . 2 . T h e C o m m issio n is a p p a lle d a s is H R - 5 0 by th e c u m u la tiv e h u m an , so c ia l, a n d e c o n o m ic w a s t e s r e s u ltin g fro m th e s e r io u s sh o r t- fa ll in jo b s p a r tic u la r ly s e v e r e s in c e l a t e 1 9 7 4 b u t c h a r a c te r is tic o f m o st o f t h e p ost-W orld W a r I I p e r io d . T h e C o m m issio n n o te d in i t s fir st a n n u a l rep o rt “t h a t th e t h r e a t o f r e n e w e d in fla t io n a r y p r e s s u r e s d o e s n o t j u s t if y th e c o n tin u a tio n o f p o lic ie s t h a t c a r r y e x c e s s i v e h u m a n a n d e c o n o m ic c o sts, w h ic h t h is y e a r w ill e x c e e d $ 2 0 0 b illio n in l o s t o u tp u t a lo n e ” an d t h a t “In c o n s id e r in g th e c o s t o f p u ttin g in d iv id u a ls b a c k to w o rk , i t sh o u ld be n o te d th a t th e r e a r e a ls o s u b s ta n tia l c o s ts to d o in g n o th in g . I t h a s b een e s tim a te d t h a t fo r e v e r y p e r c e n ta g e p o in t in c r e a s e in t h e u n e m p lo y m e n t r a te a b o v e 4 p ercen t, t h e f e d e r a l d e fic it in c r e a s e s by a lm o s t $ 1 6 b illio n — $ 1 4 b illio n b e c a u se o f r ed u ced t a x r e c e ip ts a n d $ 2 b illio n b e c a u se o f in c r e a s e d t r a n s f e r p a y m e n ts . T h e p r o c e ss a ls o w o r k s in r e v e r se .” 3 . T h e C o m m issio n i s c o n v in c e d a s is H R - 5 0 th a t th e d a n g e r o f r e n e w e d k in d lin g o f in fla tio n a r y p r e s s u r e s c a n n o t j u s t if y a m acro-p olicy t h a t w ill le a v e u s w it h su c h e x c e s s iv e ly h ig h u n e m p lo y m e n t r a t e s a s h a v e b een c a lc u la t e d by b o th O M B a n d C B O u n d e r th e ir p r e s e n t e s tim a te s . T h e C o m m issio n in i t s fir st a n n u a l rep o rt f u r th e r n o te d : “T h a t t h e p r e s e n t in fla tio n a r y p r e s s u r e s d id n o t a r is e fro m a s h o r ta g e o f w o r k e r s a n d t h e ir a m e lio r a tio n sh o u ld n o t b e so u g h t a n d c a n n o t b e a c h ie v e d b y c o n tin u in g h ig h le v e ls o f u n e m p lo y m e n t.” “T h e C o m m issio n f u lly u n d e r s ta n d s th e n a tio n a l d e s ir e to e x e r c is e b u d g e ta r y r e s t r a in t a n d p la c e a c e ilin g on d eficits. I t n o te s, h o w e v e r , t h a t th e p r e s e n t f e d e r a l b u d g e t d e fic its a r e d u e in p a r t to th e r e c e n t r e c e ss io n w it h it s h ig h le v e l o f u n e m p lo y m e n t w h ic h h a s r e s u lte d in la r g e in c r e a s e s in tr a n s f e r p a y m e n ts a n d lo w e r t a x r e v e n u e s . T h e c o s t o f p r o v id in g m o re e m p lo y m e n t op p or t u n i t i e s th r o u g h e x p a n s io n a r y m acro-econ om ic p o lic ie s w o u ld be le s se n e d o v e r t h e lo n g r u n b y t h e e x t e n t to w h ic h f e d e r a l t r a n s f e r p a y m e n ts a r e r ed u ced a n d f e d e r a l t a x r e c e ip ts a r e in c r e a s e d .” “ I n t im e s o f e x c e s s iv e in fla tio n a r y p r e s su r e s , w h e n a c o o lin g o f t h e eco n o m y m a y b e c o n sid e r e d d e sir a b le — a lth o u g h re c e n t e x p e r ie n c e r a is e s se r io u s q u e s t io n s a b o u t t h e u n e m p lo y m e n t- in fla tio n tr a d e off— s e le c tiv e d em a n d m a n a g e m e n t, t h a t is, p u b lic jo b c r e a tio n , in c o m e su p p o rt, a n d o th e r m a n p o w e r p ro g r a m s c a n p r o v id e so m e c u sh io n in m itig a t in g so m e o f t h e a d v e r s e e ffe c ts o f a d e f la tio n a r y p o lic y ” 4 T h e C o m m is sio n s h a r e s w it h H R - 5 0 th e c o n v ic tio n t h a t t h e a c c o m p lish m e n t o f a f u l l e m p lo y m e n t g o a l r e q u ir e s th e c lo s e a r t ic u la tio n o f e c o n o m ic a n d m a n p o w e r p o lic ie s. T h e C o m m issio n n o te d in i t s a n n u a l rep o rt t h a t A n im p o r ta n t a s p e c t o f t h e d e v e lo p m e n t o f m a n p o w e r p o lic y is i t s in te r r e la tio n s h ip w it h m a cro - eco n o m ic p o lic y . A lth o u g h m a cro -eco n o m ic p o lic ie s h a v e t h e p r im a r y r o le in d e te r m in in g t h e le v e l o f a g g r e g a te r a p lo y m e n t , m a n ^ w e r p o lic y c a n su p p le m e n t t h e e f fe c tiv e u s e o f fisc a l, m o n e ta r y a n d b u d g e ta r y p o lic y in m a x im iz in g e m p lo y m e n t, p a r tic u la r ly b y a d d r e s s in g s t r u c t u r a l or g e ^ T PC o m m U sio n , h o w e v e r , h a s n o t h a d t h e o p p o r t u ^ t y t o CTplore t h e ^ ^ c iflc le g i s l a t i v e a n d a d m in is tr a t iv e s tr u c tu r e s p ro p o sed in H R - 5 0 , in c lu d in g t h e e s ta b lis h m e n t o f a F u ll E m p lo y m e n t O ffice in th e D e p a r tm e n t o f L ab or. 178 5 . S o m e c a u tio n i s in d ic a te d in e s ta b lis h in g a s in g le r a t e o f u n e m p lo y m e n t a s a n a b so lu te ta r g e t. H o w e v e r , t h e n eed to s e t so m e m e a s u r e a b le o b je c tiv e s is a p p recia ted * H o w e v e r , a s in g le r a t e c a n n o t a lo n e su ffice s in c e t h e d is t r ib u tio n o f u n e m p lo y m e n t a n d i t s c o n se q u e n c e s i s n o t sp r e a d e v e n ly a c r o s s t h e p o p u la tio n . T h er efo re , c a u tio n i s s u g g e s te d in d e v e lo p in g a n o p e r a tio n a l s ta n d a rd fo r “f u l l e m p lo y m e n t”—-not h o w e v e r in t h e p u r s u it o f t h a t g o a l. 6 . T h e C o m m issio n a g r e e s w ith t h e e m p h a s is in H R - 6 0 t h a t s t r e s s e s t h a t a fu ll-em p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m m u s t p r o v id e “p r o d u c tiv e n o n - w a ste fu l jo b s .” 7. T h e C o m m issio n a ls o a g r e e s w ith H R - 5 0 t h a t th e r e is " w id e sp r e a d d u p li c a tio n a n d c o n tr a d ic tio n a m o n g fe d e r a l d e p a r tm e n ts a n d a g e n c ie s .” I a m fo r w a r d in g a t th is tim e t h e C o m m issio n ’s s p e c ia l rep ort, M a n p o w e r P r o g r a m C o o rd in a tio n . I n b o th t h is s p e c ia l rep o rt a n d i t s F ir s t A n n u a l R e p o r t, t h e C o m m issio n m a d e a n u m b er o f r e c o m m e n d a tio n s fo r im p r o v in g t h e in te r r e la tio n s h ip s a m o n g m a n p o w e r p ro g ra m s. I n i t s F ir s t A n n u a l R e p o r t t h e C om m issio n c o n c lu d e d : “t h a t s u b s ta n t ia l g a in s c a n b e m a d e fr o m im p r o v e d c o o r d in a tio n o f m a n p o w e r a n d r e la te d p ro g ra m s, b u t t h is c a n b e a c c o m p lish e d o n ly i f c o n s tr u c tiv e a c tio n s a r e ta k e n a t e v e r y le v e l— fe d e r a l, s t a t e a n d lo c a l.” I t i s th e h o p e o f t h e C o m m issio n t h a t C o n g r e ss w i ll th r o u g h f u t u r e le g is la t io n f a c ilit a t e a n d m a n d a te c o o r d in a tio n o f e x is t in g a n d f u t u r e m a n p o w e r le g is la tio n . 8. T h e C o m m issio n a g r e e s w it h H R - 6 0 in t h e n e e d f o r im p r o v e d in te g r a tio n o f in co m e- m a in ten a n ce p r o g r a m s a n d f u ll e m p lo y m e n t p o lic ie s. A s i t s F ir s t A n n u a l R e p o r t s t a t e s : “T h e C o m m issio n su p p o r ts e a r ly a c tio n to c o n v e r t tr a n s f e r p a y m e n ts in to w a g e s f o r w o r k e r s w h o h a v e b een u n e m p lo y e d f o r lo n g p e r io d s o f tim e .” A c c o r d in g ly , th e C o m m issio n i s e x p lo r in g h o w a p ro p o rtio n o f th e e s tim a te d $ 4 0 b illio n o f e m e r g e n c y in co m e t r a n s f e r p a y m e n ts in fisca l y e a r 1 9 7 6 c a n b e c o n v e r te d to c r e a t in g e m p lo y m e n t o p p o r tu n itie s f o r th e u n em p lo y ed in t h e p u b lic se c to r , a s w e ll a s e x p lo r in g n e w a p p r o a c h e s fo r m a in ta in in g a n d e x p a n d in g jo b o p p o r tu n itie s fo r t h e u n e m p lo y e d a n d p o te n tia lly u n em p lo y ed in t h e p r iv a t e se c to r . W ith reg a rd t o th e U n e m p lo y m e n t I n s u r a n c e S y stem , t h e C o m m issio n h a s recom m en d ed : E n a c tm e n t o f le g is la t io n to im p r o v e th e c o v e r a g e , b en efit le v e ls , a n d fin a n c in g o f th e sy ste m . A stu d y to d e te r m in e w a y s U I c a n b e tr a n sfo r m e d in p a r t in to a m a n p o w e r su p p o rt p ro g ra m w ith e m p h a s is o n e x p a n d in g t r a in in g o p p o r tu n itie s a n d m o b ility a ss ista n c e . A stu d y o f th e v a r io u s ty p e s o f w o rk -b a sed e a r n in g p r o g r a m s t h a t m ig h t be e s ta b lish e d f o r th e lo n g term u n e m p lo y e d in lie u o f f u r th e r e x t e n s io n o f TJI or fo r c in g th o s e w h o h a v e e x h a u s t e d th e ir b e n e fits o n to w e lf a r e r o le s. (T h e C o m m issio n o ffered a s o n e p o s s ib ilit y c o m m u n ity d e v e lo p m e n t p r o je c ts w h ic h o ffer em p lo y m e n t an d t r a in in g o p p o r tu n itie s to th e lo n g term u n e m p lo y e d in in n e r c it ie s an d r u r a l a r e a s .) E lim in a tio n o f d u p lic a tio n a n d in e ffic ie n c ie s in w o r k t e s t p r o c e d u r e s u sed in U I, F o o d S ta m p s, a n d W ork I n c e n t iv e p ro g ra m s. 9. T h e C o m m issio n is sy m p a th e tic w it h t h e ra n g e o f c o u n te r c y c lic a l p ro p o sa ls o f H R - 5 0 w ith o u t a s y e t h a v in g h a d a n o p p o r tu n ity to a s s e s s th e m in d e ta il, 10. W h ile t h e C o m m issio n h a s s t a f f w o r k u n d e r w a y w it h r e s p e c t t o r e g io n a l an d s tr u c tu r a l e m p lo y m e n t p o lic ie s i t i s u n a b le a t t h is t im e to c o m m e n t on th e s e p r o v isio n s in H R - 5 0 b e c a u se i t h a s n o t y e t h a d a d e t a ile d d is c u s s io n o n t h e s e p o lic y m a tte r s. 11. T h e C o m m issio n s h a r e s t h e c o n c e r n e x p r e s s e d in H R - 6 0 w it h t h e n eed f o r str e n g th e n e d y o u th e m p lo y m e n t p o lic ie s . I t i s c u r r e n tly is s u in g a v o lu m e o f e x p e r t p a p e r s o n t h is s u b je c t w h ic h w ill s h o r tly b e a v a ila b le . 12. T h e C o m m issio n i s s y m p a t h e tic t o t h e p r o p o sa l c e n te r e d in H R - 5 0 re la t in g to “R e s e r v o ir s o f E m p lo y m e n t P r o j e c t s ” a lth o u g h i t h a s n o t a s y e t h a d th e o p p o rtu n ity to e x p lo r e t h e ir p o te n t ia l. 13. T h e C o m m issio n i s in a c c o r d w it h t h e p r o p o sa l o f H R - 6 0 f o r a Con g r e s sio n a l d e te r m in a tio n a s to p r io r ity o f c la im a n t s f o r p u b lic s e r v ic e em p lo y m en t jo b s a n d o th e r ty p e s o f m a n p o w e r s e r v ic e s . I n p a r tic u la r , f a m ily in co m e sh o u ld b e a p rim a ry c o n sid e r a tio n . I n i t s S ec o n d I n te r im R e p o r t t o t h e C on g ress, th e C o m m issio n r e c o m m e n d e d : “ t h a t C o n g ress e s ta b lis h a m a x im u m f a m ily (o r h o u se h o ld ) in c o m e c e ilin g f o r p e r s o n s to b eco m e e lig ib le f o r P S E 177 jo b s .” Thfe C o m m issio n a d v a n c e d t h is r e c o m m e n d a tio n on th e b a s is o f t h e in e q u ity o f h a v in g se c o n d a r y w a g e e a r n e r s o f so m e f a m ilie s c o m p e tin g w ith u n e m p lo y e d f a m ily h e a d s o f o th e r f a m ilie s fo r a lim it e d n u m b er o f p u b lic ly su p p o r te d jo b s. T w o a d d itio n a l v ie w s o f t h e C o m m issio n w h ic h p e r ta in to th e o b je c tiv e s o f H R - 5 0 m a y be o f in te r e st. I n t h e C o m m is sio n ’s F ir s t A n n u a l R ep ort, it w a s n o te d t h a t “A d d r e s sin g th e c o n tin u e d p ro b le m s w ill r e q u ir e sig n ific a n t c h a n g e s in m a n y o f t h e p r e s e n t c o n c e p ts a n d p o lic ie s , a c o n sid e r a b le r e d ir e c tio n o f m a n y o f o u r p ro g ra m s, a n d so m e r e s tr u c tu r in g o f o u r eco n o m ic an d m a n p o w e r in s t it u t io n s .” T h e r e p o r t w e n t on t o s t a t e t h a t “In a s s e s s in g t h e s t a t e o f o u r n a tio n ’s m a n p o w e r p o lic y in t h e f a ll o f 1 9 7 5 , it is t h is g r o w in g a c c e p ta n c e o f c h r o n ic a lly h ig h u n e m p lo y m e n t w h ic h th e C o m m issio n ju d g e s to be i t s m o st c r it ic a l a n d t h e m o st d is q u ie t in g fin d in g. I f t h e n a tio n — a n d it s le a d e r s h ip —- c o n tin u e s to a c c e p t a s in e v ita b le a h ig h le v e l o f u n e m p lo y m e n t a n d c o n se q u e n tly le s s e n s i t s s e a r c h f o r e a r ly a n d e ffe c tiv e r e m ed ies, th e u n e m p lo y e d a n d t h e n a tio n w i l l h a v e b eco m e th e v ic t im s o f a se lf- fu lfillin g p r o p h e c y .” A s in d ic a te d in th e b e g in n in g o f t h is c o m m u n ic a tio n , t h e C o m m issio n is p r e s e n tly in m id - str ea m in f o r m u la tin g i t s d e t a ile d p r o p o sa ls w it h r e sp e c t to a n a t io n a l m a n p o w e r p o licy , in c lu d in g e m p lo y m e n t s tr a te g y . H o w e v e r , I h o p e t h a t m y sp e c ific c o m m e n ts c o n v e y t o y o u t h e fr e q u e n t p a r a lle lis m b e tw e e n t h e C o m m is sio n ’s p r e lim in a r y a p p r o a c h to e m p lo y m e n t p ro b lem s a n d t h e p ro p o s a ls c o n ta in e d in H R ^ 5 0 . Y ou c a n be a s s u r e d th a t a s t h e C o m m issio n m o v e s a h e a d to d e e p e n i t s a n a ly s is a n d f o r m u la t e s it s r e c o m m e n d a tio n s i t w ill g iv e c lo s e a t t e n t io n to HR--50. I a m a l s o e n c lo s in g a cop y o f m y r e m a r k s p rep a red f o r t h e J o in t E c o n o m ic C o m m itte e ’s N a t io n a l C o n feren ce on F u ll E m p lo y m e n t s in c e th e y su p p le m e n t s o m e o f t h e c o m m e n ts s e t o u t a b o v e. S in c e r e ly , E li G in z b e r g , Chairman E n c lo s u r e . S t a t e m e n t o r E l i G in z b e r g , C h a i r m a n , N a t io n a l C o m m is s io n P o l ic y for M anpow er N o t e : S in c e t h e C o m m issio n is c u r r e n tly e n g a g e d in d e v e lo p in g i t s reco m m e n d a t io n s a b o u t o u r e m p lo y m e n t s t r a t e g y w h ic h w ill n o t b e fin a liz e d b e fo r e t h e f a l l o f 1 9 7 6 , th e fo llo w in g p o in ts m u s t b e v ie w e d a s in d ic a tiv e o f i t s th in k in g , n o t a s c o n sid e r e d c o n c lu sio n s. 1. T h e r e i s n e e d t o p la c e t h e is s u e s o f j o b s f o r a ll A m e r ic a n s a b le a n d w il l i n g t o w o r k a t t h e to p o f th e n a tio n ’s a g e n d a . 2. T h e h u m a n , so c ia l, a n d e c o n o m ic c o s ts fr o m a la r g e s h o r t f a ll o f jo b op p o r t u n it ie s g o e s f a r b ey o n d t h e $ 2 0 0 b illio n p lu s c a lc u la t e d lo s s o f G N P t h i s year. 3. T h e n u m b e r o f p o te n tia l a p p lic a n ts f o r jo b s, n o t n o w in c lu d e d in t h e c o u n t o f t h e u n e m p lo y e d in c lu d e s m a n y w h o a r e d isc o u r a g e d , t h e se r io u s ly h a n d ic a p p e d , t h e p r e m a tu r e r e tir e e s , a m in o r ity o f p a r t- tim e w o r k e r s w h o w a n t f u ll- t im e w o rk , m a n y on th e sc h o o l r o lls w a it in g f o r t h e jo b m a r k e t t o im p r o v e, m a n y h o u s e w iv e s w h o w a n t to w ork , p e r s o n s on t h e fa r m w a it in g f o r a n o p p o r tu n ity to s h if t to a r e g u la r job, a n d m a n y in r e c e ip t o f t r a n s f e r p a y m e n ts . N o o n e k n o w s f o r s u r e h o w m a n y a r e r e p r e s e n te d in t h e s e g r o u p s b u t th e y p r o b a b ly e x c e e d t h e n u m b er o f c o u n te d u n e m p lo y ed . 4. T h e f a c t t h a t u n e m p lo y m e n t a n d u n d e r e m p lo y m e n t b e a r p a r t ic u la r ly h e a v ily o n c e r t a in p o p u la tio n g r o u p s a n d c e r t a in a r e a s m u s t b e e m p h a s iz e d . M in o r it ie s a n d y o u th h a v e r a t e s t h a t a r e fiv e to te n tim e s a s h ig h a s w h it e m a r r ie d m en . 5 . A f ir s t r e q u ir e m e n t to c lo s e t h e g a p b e t w e e n p o te n t ia l jo b s e e k e r s a n d j o b s i s t o im p r o v e t h e o p e r a tio n o f m a cro -eco n o m ic p o lic ie s. T h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t m u s t b e c o n c e r n e d a b o u t a r e n e w a l o f t h e in fla tio n a r y sp ir a l. H e n c e i t sh o u ld e x p lo r e n e w w a y s o f m o n ito r in g a n d d a m p e n in g w a g e - p r ic e p r e s s u r e s a s i t r e s o r t s t o m o r e s t im u la t iv e p o lic ie s, in c lu d in g c o n s u lt a tio n w it h b u s in e s s a n d la b o r a b o u t t h e a v e r a g e s iz e o f w a g e a n d p r ic e a d ju s tm e n ts . 6 . S in c e p o t e n t ia l jo b c la im a n t s h a v e d iffe r e n t n e e d s t i m e sh o u ld b e re f le c t e d b y m a n p o w e r p o lic ie s t h a t a d d r e s s th e m a s f o r In s t a n c e : 178 R e p ro g ra m m in g t h e $ 1 b illio n p in s o f c u r r e n t e x p e n d itu r e s f o r y o u th t o p r o v id e f o r th o s e w h o se e k to e n t e r t h e la b o r m a r k e t a t 1 8 or s o a c o m b in e d sch o o l-w o rk e x p e r ie n c e o v e r 2 / 3 y e a r s , in v o lv in g b o th th e p r iv a t e a n d p u b lic s e c to r t r a in in g s lo ts. W h en o ld e r u n s k ille d m en a n d w o m e n lo s e t h e ir j o b s w it h in 5 y e a r s o f b e in g e lig ib le f o r s o c ia l s e c u r ity , w ith l i t t l e p r o sp e c t o f b e in g reem p lo y ed , a n e x p a n d e d p ro g ra m su c h a s O p e r a tio n M a in str e a m a p p e a r s a p p r o p r ia te . E ffo r ts s h o u ld be m a d e to c o n v e r t t h e U I sy s te m , a f t e r a c e r t a in p o in t— i.e. 2 6 w e e k s o r so, in to a m a n p o w e r tr a in in g , e m p lo y m e n t se a r c h , or p u b lic s e r v ic e em p lo y m en t. R e c e ip ie n ts o f A F D C w it h n o y o u n g c h ild r e n to c a r e f o r a t h o m e s h o u ld b e en co u ra g ed to w o rk p a r t o r fu ll- tim e , in p u b lic se r v ic e em p lo y m e n t, p r e fe r a b ly r e c e iv in g m a n p o w e r s e r v ic e s t h a t w ill in c r e a s e th e ir e m p lo y a b ility . T h o s e in r e c e ip t o f d is a b ility p a y m e n ts sh o u ld b e e n c o u r a g e d t o e n te r su p p o r te d w o r k p ro g ra m s a n d / o r s h e lt e r e d w o r k sh o p s to lin k th e m m o r e c lo s e ly to r e g u la r jo b s. L o w in c o m e a n d m in o r ity g ro u p m em b er s w it h lim it e d s k ills sh o u ld h a v e th e o p p o r tu n ity f o r s e r io u s s k ill t r a in in g a n d tr a n s it io n a l e m p lo y m e n t ( a s u n d er T it le s I a n d I I o f C E T A ) so a s to b e a b le to im p r o v e t h e ir o c c u p a tio n a l s t a t u s a n d in co m e. 7. T h e m bre c o m m u n itie s a r e a b le t o d e e v e lo p a s h e lf o f p r o je c ts t h a t a r e la b o r in te n s iv e th e b e tte r t h e p r o sp e c ts f o r u s in g P S E a s a c o u n te r - c y c lic a l d e v ice. T h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t sh o u ld a ls o e x p lo r e v a r io u s t a x a n d in v e s t m e n t p o lic ie s (s u c h a s a r e u se d in S w e d e n ) to s t im u la t e e m p lo y m e n t in t h e p r iv a t e se c to r in c y c lic a l d e c lin e s. T h e s t a t e s sh o u ld c o n sid e r ( a s in N .Y .) w h e t h e r i t w o u ld b e b e n e fic ia l to u s e t h e U I s y s te m to h e lp m a in ta in m o r e e m p lo y e e s on th e p a y r o ll b u t r e d u c in g t h e ir w o r k w eek , a n d su p p le m e n tin g t h e ir red u c e d e a r n in g s v ia U I. 8. A s th e n a tio n m o v e s to w a r d a fu ll- e m p lo y m e n t p o lic y i t is d e s ir a b le t h a t i t e x p e r im e n t w it h t h e f o llo w in g c o m p le x is s u e s an d le a r n a s i t g o e s : ( a ) H o w to c r e a te p r o d u c tiv e jo b s in t h e p u b lic se c to r t h e o u tp u t o f w h ic h th e p u b lic r e c o g n iz e s a s b e in g w o r th w h ile a n d i s w illin g to p a y fo r. ( b ) T h e e s ta b lis h m e n t o f w a g e s a n d w o r k in g c o n d itio n s on p u b lic jo b s t h a t d o n o t je o p a r d iz e t h e s ta n d a r d s a c h ie v e d by th e r e g u la r w o r k f o r c e ; b u t a t t h e sa m e tim e d o n o t p u ll w o r k e r s o u t o f th e ir p r e s e n t jo b s b e c a u se t h e p u b lic jo b s p a y b etter . ( c ) A r e a liz a tio n t h a t p u b lic jo b s c a n n o t s o lv e th e in co m e n e e d s o f f a m ilie s b u t o n ly d e liv e r on th e p r o m ise o f p r o v id in g w o r k f o r e v e r y b o d y a b le a n d w illin g t o w o r k . ( d ) E x p lo r e th e p o te n t ia l f o r r e d u c in g t h e e x tr e m e c y c lic a l s w in g s in e m p lo y m e n t o f c e r ta in in d u s t r ie s su c h a s c o n s t r u c t io n ; a n d t h e p o s s ib ilit y o f lo n g -tim e fin a n c in g a s s is t a n c e f o r s tr e n g th e n in g im p o r ta n t n a tio n a l o b je c tiv e s su c h a s m o d e r n iz in g t h e in fr a s t r u c tu r e o f o u r o ld e r c it ie s a n d a d v a n c in g ou r en erg y in d ep en d e n c e. [From the Challenge, M&y-June 1 9 7 6 ] Do E c o n o m is t s D is c o v e r E c o n o m ic L a w s or A re T hey P assed by Co n g r e s s ? ( F r o m th e e d ito r ) N o t w is h in g t o p r e ju d ic e a n y o n e f o r o r a g a in s t t h e H u m p h r e y - H a w k in s b ill, I w ill lim it m y s e lf to a f e w c a s u a l rem a rk s. T h e r e a d e r w ill fin d t h e c o m p le te t e x t a n d a n in te r p r e tiv e in te r v ie w w it h S e n a to r H u m p h r e y in t h is iss u e . I t w ill b e e v id e n t t h a t th e “F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G ro w th A c t o f 1 9 7 6 ’* i s th e m o st c o n se q u e n t s o c ia l le g is la t io n to co m e a lo n g s in c e th e E m p lo y m e n t A c t o f 1 9 4 6 . T h e b ill i s a p la n f o r p la n n in g , a n d fir st o f a ll, f o r p la n n in g f u l l e m p lo y m e n t w it h o u t in fla tio n . I t i s a la r g e g e n e r a liz a tio n a b o u t t h e o b je c tiv e s o f t h i s co u n tr y a n d h o w t o r e a c h th e m . I f i t b eco m es la w , w e w ill, in e ffe c t, h a v e re a c h e d a g r e e m e n t o n a n e x p e r im e n t a n d a co m p a ct t h a t w i l l ta k e u s o n a lo n g jo u r n e y in to u n c h a r te d te r r ito r y . T h is w ill g iv e e c o n o m is ts p le n ty t o d o e v e n th o u g h t h e y m a y t h in k t h e d o in g o f i t i s im p o ssib le . T h e r e i s n o n e e d t o r e h e a r s e t h e o ld a r g u m e n ts a b o u t h o w m u c h e a s ie r i t i s t o a r r a n g e to h a v e u n em p lo y m en t, in fla tio n o r b o th . E c o n o m is ts a r e p a s t m a s t e r s a t t h e s e th in g s. B u t i t i s a lw a y s w o r th a re m in d e r t h a t t h e c o s ts a r e 179 in to le r a b ly h ig h . T h e J o in t E c o n o m ic C o m m itte e h a s su p p lie d u s w it h so m e d is q u ie tin g n e w fig u res. W e h a v e lo s t $ 5 0 0 b illio n in p o te n tia l in co m e a n d p ro d u c tio n in th e la t e recession . W e w ill lo s e a n o th e r $ 8 0 0 to $ 9 0 0 b illio n b e tw e e n n o w a n d 1 9 8 0 . F e d e r a l, sta te a n d lo c a l g o v e r n m e n ts w ill h a v e lo s t $ 4 0 0 b illio n b y th e n — i f w e f a i l to do b etter. Y ou d o n ’t h a v e to b e a g r e a t ch a m p io n o f g r o w th m a n s h ip to reco g n ize h o w d e v a s t a t in g a ll t h is is. I t is s m a ll c o m fo r t t h a t 9 0 p e r c e n t o f th e lab or fo r c e i s s t ill em p lo y ed . W e h a v e tu r n e d o n to a h ig h c o s t road . I f w e ca n n o t or w ill n o t g e t o ff it, t h a t is a n a d m is s io n o f f a ilu r e . T h e p r ic e w ill b ecom e h ig h er, n ot lo w e r , a s w e g o on. Y o u c a n n o t le g is la t e in te llig e n c e , o f co u rse. B u t y o u c a n l e g is la t e o b je c tiv e s , a n d a fr a m e w o r k a n d a p roced u re fo r r e a c h in g th e m . T h is is h o w t h e b ill s h o u ld b e v ie w e d . T h e v a s t r e s e r v o ir o f in te lle c t a m o n g e c o n o m is ts c a n th e n b e ta p p e d to m a k e su r e th a t th e p r o v isio n s a r e a p p lie d w ise ly . I t w ill b e a g r e a t to n ic to t h e m o r a le o f th e r e a d e r to k n o w t h a t t h e A F L C IO is su p p o r tin g th e H u m p h rey -H a w k in s b ill. I h o p e th a t G eo rg e M ean y w ill n o t b e e m b a rra ssed i f I p a r a p h r a se M arx. E c o n o m is ts h a v e in te r p r e te d th e eco n o m y lo n g en ou gh . T h e p o in t is to c h a n g e it. T h a t m e a n s le s s fo r e c a s tin g a n d m o r e p la n n in g . T h is is th e a n s w e r to th e r id d le in t h e t itle . T he N ew H u m p h b e y -H a w k in s B il l ( I n t e r v ie w — H u b e r t H . H u m p h r e y *) Question. I n M arch , a n ew d r a ft o f th e H u m p h r e y - H a w k in s b ill, “T h e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G ro w th A c t / ’ w a s in tr o d u c e d in t h e S e n a te a n d H o u se . W h y d o w e h a v e a n ew v e r s io n n o w ? A n sw e r . T h e o r ig in a l b ill w a s a lw a y s v ie w e d a s a p r e lim in a r y v e h ic le fo r f o c u s in g d is c u s s io n on fu ll em p lo y m en t. In t h e c o u r s e o f h e a r in g s a ro u n d t h e c o u n tr y , w h ic h C o n g ressm a n H a w k in s an d I co n d u cte d , c e r t a in lim it a t io n s in t h e o r ig in a l d r a f t b ill b ecam e a p p a ren t. F ir s t , t h e 18-m o n th t im e ta b le fo r r e a c h in g 3 p e r c e n t u n em p lo y m en t se e m e d to a m b itio u s. I t w a s a g o a l w h ic h w o u ld b e d ifficu lt to a c h ie v e w ith o u t d e s t a b iliz in g th e e co n o m y , p e r h a p s c a n s* in g a n a c c e le r a tio n o f in flation . S eco n d , th e o r ig in a l H u m p h r e y - H a w k in s b ill d id n o t h a v e a c o m p r e h e n siv e s e t o f e c o n o m ic a n d jo b - c r e a tin g p o lic ie s to a c h ie v e f u l l em p lo y m en t. T h e g o a ls w e r e e x t r e m e ly a m b itio u s a n d th e m e a n s m o d e st. T o r e a c h f u ll em p lo y m en t i t w ill b e n e c e s s a r y to u t iliz e t h e f u ll r a n g e o f e c o n o m ic p o lic ie s a t th e fe d e r a l, s ta te , a n d lo c a l le v e ls , a n d in t h e p r iv a t e eco n o m y . W h a t w a s n eed ed w a s a g e n e r a l e c o n o m ic p o lic y b ill, n o t j u s t a jo b s b ill. F in a lly , t h e e a r lie r b ill h a d a p r o v isio n w h ic h a llo w e d p e o p le w h o d id n o t g e t jo b s w it h w h ic h th e y w e r e s a t is f ie d t o s u e t h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t. T h a t se e m e d to b e p u ttin g th e c a r t b e fo r e th e h o r se — p r o v id in g a le g a l g u a r a n te e b e fo r e w e s e t u p t h e job -creation m e c h a n is m s n e c e s s a r y to p r o v id e t h e jo b s. Question. W h y d o n 't w e d is c u s s t h e n e w v e r s io n s e c tio n b y s e c tio n ? T h e fir s t d e a ls w it h t h e e s ta b lish m e n t o f g o a ls, p la n n in g , a n d g e n e r a l e c o n o m ic s p o lic ie s . A n sw e r . I t sh o u ld b e sa id a t th e o u ts e t t h a t t h e b ill i s a g e n e r a l e c o n o m ic p o lic y b ill in te n d e d to su p p lem en t a n d s t r e n g th e n t h e E m p lo y m e n t A c t o f 1 9 4 6 . I t b e g in s b y m a k in g a firm n a tio n a l c o m m itm e n t to f u l l e m p lo y m e n t. T h e s t a t e m e n t t h a t r e fe r s to p ro m o tin g m aximum e m p lo y m e n t, p r o d u c tio n , a n d p u r c h a s in g p o w e r in th e 1 9 4 6 A c t is c h a n g e d t o s a y t h a t i t i s t h e r e s p o n s ib ility o f t h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t to p r o m o te full e m p lo y m e n t, p r o d u c tio n , a n d p u r c h a s in g p o w er. W e h a v e p u t f u ll e m p lo y m e n t b a ck in to t h e E m p lo y m e n t A ct. Question. W h y d o y o u s a y “b a ck ” ? W a s i t e v e r in ? A n sw e r . I t w a s in w h en th e d e b a te b eg a n on t h e E m p lo y m e n t A c t o f 1 9 4 6 . T h e b ill w a s in it ia lly c a lle d th e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t A ct* b u t in t h e p r o c e s s o f m a k in g c o n g r e s s io n a l a cco m m o d a tio n s in o r d e r to a c h ie v e p a ss a g e , “f u l l ” w a s d ro p p ed a n d i t b eca m e th e E m p lo y m e n t A c t o f 1 9 4 6 . N o w , t h e se co n d a n d m a jo r p a r t o f t h e p o lic y d e c la r a t io n is t h a t C o n g ress d e c la r e s a n d e s ta b lis h e s th e r ig h t o f a ll a d u lt A m e r ic a n s a b le, w illin g , a n d s e e k in g t o w o rk , to o p p o r tu n itie s f o r u s e f u l e m p lo y m e n t a t f a i r w a g e s . T h is i s a m a jo r n e w co m m itm en t to w o rk , a n o ld - fa s h io n e d v a lu e t h a t w e h a v e g o t t e n a w a y fr o m in r e c e n t y e a r s. 1 Senator H ubert H. Humphrey of M innesota is th e Chairman o f the Joint Economic Committee. 180 T h e n e x t s e c tio n o f t h e b ill, d e a lin g w it h a n n u a l E c o n o m ic R e p o r t o f t h e P r e s id e n t, i s a n im p o r ta n t m °< M < »tton t o t h e E m p lo y m e n t A c t o f 1 9 4 6 . T h a t A c t r e q u ir e s t h a t t h e P r e s id e n t lo o k ^ tr e n d s a n d s e t g e n e r a l g o a ls in t h e E c o n o m ic R ep o rt. T h e d ifficu lty i s t h a t t h e o b je c tiv e s h a v e a lw a y s b een v a g u e . T h e r e w a s l i t t l e e ffo r t to c o o r d in a te t h e g o a ls a n d o f C o n g ress, a n d o f t h e F e d e r a l R ^ e r v ^ T h U w i U a lw a y s b e t h e c a s e to so m e e x te n t, g iv e n th e s e p a r a tio n o f P ° w ^ e m b o d ie d in o u r sy s te m . B u t i t ’s p o ss ib le to m a k e in s t itu t io n a l c h a n g e s ^ c o u ra g e th e P r e sid e n t, th e C on gress, a n d th e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e t o r e s o lv e t h e ir d ifferen ce s o v e r g o a ls an d p o lic ie s m u ch m o re sy s te m a tic a lly T h a t ’s w h a t t h is s e c tio n d o e s in s e v e r a l w a y s . F ir s t , i t r e q u ir e s t h e P r e s id e n t to s e t n u m e r ic a l a n n u a l g o a ls e a c h y e a r f o r e m p lo y m e n t, p r o d u c t i o n , a n o p u r c h a sin g p o w er. H e h a s to su b m it t h e s e a s p a r t o f t h e E c o n o m ic R ep o rt. t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e m u s t su b m it a n in d e p e n d e n t r e p o rt t o C o n g ress, in d ic a t in g w h e th e r o r n o t i t w ill su p p o r t t h e g o a ls o f th e P r e sid e n t, a n d w h a t p o lic ie s i t w ill u s e to su p p o rt th o s e g o a ls. I f t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e c a n n o t su p p o r t t h e g o a ls, i t m u s t g iv e f u ll ju s tific a tio n t o t h e P r e s id e n t ^ C o n g ress. F in a lly , C o n g ress is to lo o k a t b o th th e P r e s id e n t ’s p r o p o sa ls a n d t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e r ep o rt a n d e s ta b lis h a n n u a l n u m e r ic a l e co n o m ic g o a ls f o r th e c o u n tr y . C on g r e s s w ill d o t h is a s p a r t o f th e c o n g r e s sio n a l b u d g e t r e s o lu tio n p r o c e ss, w h ic h is w h e r e g o a ls sh o u ld be se t. I n t h e l a s t y e a r C o n g r e s s d e b a te d t h e s iz e o f t h e d eficit, a n in str u m e n t o f e c o n o m ic p o licy , w it h o u t lo o k in g a t t h e o b je c tiv e s o f th a t p o licy . A s a r e s u lt o u r eco n o m ic p o lic y h a s su ffered . Question. I h a v e th e b ill in fr o n t o f m e, a n d I se e a r e fe r e n c e t o lo n g -term f u ll em p lo y m en t g o a ls a s w e ll a s sh o rt-term g o a ls. A n sw er. W h a t w e h a v e tr ie d to do in t h is b ill, in a d d itio n to c la r if y in g o u r a n n u a l o b je c tiv e s , is to d e v e lo p a lon g-ran ge d im e n s io n to n a tio n a l e c o n o m ic p o licy a n d t o p ro v id e th e m e a n s o f s e tt in g lo n g -ra n g e g o a ls f o r em p lo y m e n t, p ro d u ctio n , a n d p u r c h a sin g p ow er. T h is r e q u ir e s t h a t w e lo o k a t t h e tr e n d s a n d p ro b lem s w e f a c e o v e r a lo n g e r p erio d a n d d e v e lo p p o lic ie s n o w to d e a l w ith th o s e p ro b lem s. T h is b ill p r o v id e s fo r lon g-ran ge th in k in g on e c o n o m ic p o lic y so th a t w e c a n d e te c t p ro b lem s b e fo re th e y b ecom e c r is e s , s e t n e w p r io r itie s, a n d d ev elo p a lt e r n a tiv e p o lic ie s to a c h ie v e ou r a im s e ffe c tiv e ly . T h e o th e r a sp e c t o f t h e lon g-ran ge eco n o m ic p la n n in g s e c tio n w h ic h i s p a r t ic u la r ly im p o r ta n t is th a t i t p r o v id e s a w a y fo r u s to lo o k a t p a r t ic u la r in d u s tr ie s a n d se c to r s an d se e w h a t k in d s o f o b je c tiy e s an d p o lic ie s w e o u g h t to e s ta b lis h in th o se se cto r s. T h is w ill e n a b le u s to u n d e r sta n d a n d m a n a g e th e su p p ly s id e o f th e eco n o m y m u ch b etter. Question. W h a t is th e fu n c tio n o f th e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G ro w th P la n ? j , . . , _ A n sw er. G o a l s e tt in g in r e c e n t y e a r s h a s b een d o m in a te d b y e c o n o m is ts w h o f o r e c a s t w h a t is lik e ly to o ccu r in th e f u tu r e b a se d on tr e n d s in th e p a st. T h e r e ’s c o n sid e r a b le m e r it in t h a t a n d w e c a n ’t ig n o r e tren d s. B u t n a tio n a l g o a ls o u g h t to go b ey o n d th e tr e n d s o f th e p a st. T h e p u rp o se o f s e tt in g n a t io n a l g o a ls is to do b etter . N a tio n a l eco n o m ic g o a ls a r e n o t j u s t t e c h n ic a l c o n sid e r a tio n s fo r e c o n o m ists, b u t a r e b road c h o ic e s th a t sh o u ld r e fle c t t h e s p ir it a n d d ir e c tio n o f a so c ie ty . Question. T h is b ill m a k e s f u ll e m p lo y m e n t th e p rim a ry n a tio n a l g o a l. A n sw er. T h a t ’s rig h t. T h is b ill s a y s th a t f u l l e m p lo y m e n t is m o re im p o r ta n t th a n a n y o f o u r o th e r eco n o m ic g o a ls, b e c a u se f u l l e m p lo y m e n t o f o u r h u m a n a n d c a p ita l reso u r c e s is c r u c ia l to th e o v e r a ll p er fo r m a n c e o f th e e c o n o m y a n d to th e a c h ie v e m e n t o f ou r o th e r g o a ls. S o m a n y o f th e p ro b lem s t h a t w e ’v e h a d in r e c e n t y e a r s a r e th e r e s u lt o f ou r f a ilu r e to rea ch f u ll em p lo y m en t. W e h a v e p eo p le w ith o u t p r o d u c tiv e roles, u n u se d p la n t ca p a c ity , a n d la r g e d e fic its b e c a u se w e h a v e n o t h a d a f u lly em p lo y ed eco n o m y . E v e n in fla tio n , to so m e e x te n t, h a s b een th e r e s u lt o f h a v in g a n u n d erem p lo y e d eco n o m y . T h e p ro b le m s o f c itie s , w e lfa r e , y o u th , e d u c a tio n , cr im e — t h e y ’re a ll lin k e d to u n em p lo y m en t. Question. In fla tio n w ill be a v e r y ir r it a tin g is s u e fo r e c o n o m ists, b u t l e t s h o ld th a t fo r a m in u te. W h a t is th e r e la tio n sh ip b e tw e e n th e P r e s id e n t ’s E c o n o m ic R ep o rt a n d th e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t an d B a la n c e d G ro w th P la n ? A n sw er. Y ou can lo o k a t th e P r e s id e n t’s R e p o r t a s p a rt o f a n a n n u a l eco n o m ic p la n th a t th e P r e sid e n t su b m its to C o n g ress ea ch y ea r. T h e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G ro w th P la n co m p le m e n ts th e a n n u a l p la n by e x t e n d in g th a t v ie w se v e r a l y e a r s in to th e fu tu r e . I t is a lso a m e a n s w h e r e b y t h e 181 b ro a d o u tlin e s o f t h e E c o n o m ic R e p o r t ca n b e su p p lem en ted w ith co n sid er a b ly m o r e d e t a ile d a n a ly s is o f w h a t's g o in g on in p a r tic u la r se c to r s a n d in d u str ie s. Question. W h y is t h is p la n to b e su b m itted a n n u a lly ? A n sw e r . T h a t ’s a go o d q u e stio n a n d on e t o w h ich T in n o t su re I h a v e a d e f in it iv e a n sw e r . I t w a s th o u g h t in th e fo r m u la tio n o f th e b ill th a t it w a s b e s t to s u b m it th e p la n a n n u a lly so th a t th e P r e sid e n t a n d th e C o n g ress cou ld f o c u s o n i t e a c h y e a r a s p a r t o f th e ir lon g-term v ie w o f w h a t ’s g o in g on in th e ec o n o m y , a n d be k e p t on th e ir to e s w ith resp ect to lo n ger-term p rob lem s. B u t y o u c a n a r g u e t h a t su c h a tim e ta b le r e q u ires th e P r e s id e n t a n d C o n g ress to do a g r e a t d e a l in a sh o r t tim e a n d fo r t h a t rea so n y o u m a y w a n t to d o i t e v e r y t w o y e a r s . T h e r e a r e a d v a n ta g e s an d d is a d v a n ta g e s on b oth sid e s . B u t i t w a s o u r b e st ju d g m e n t w h e n w e com p leted th e b ill th a t w e o u g h t to try to do it ev ery year. Question. T h e b ill r e q u ir e s th e C ou n cil o f E c o n o m ic A d v is e r s t o p rep a re th e p la n , b u t a t p r e s e n t th e C ou n cil h a s th r e e m em b ers a n d it s s ta ff is sm a ll. Y et t h e b ill d o e s n ’t sa y a n y th in g a b o u t e n la r g in g th e C ou n cil. A n sw e r . I t ’s n o t q u ite r ig h t to s a y th a t th e p la n w ill b e p rep a red j u s t by t h e C o u n cil. T h e P r e s id e n t p r e p a r e s th e p la n w ith th e a s s is t a n c e o f th e C o u n cil o f E c o n o m ic A d v ise r s, a n d in c o n s u lta tio n w it h th e O ffice o f M a n a g e m e n t an d B u d g e t, u s in g th e f u ll reso u r c e s o f th e fe d e r a l g o v ern m en t. T h e Office o f M a n a g e m e n t a n d B u d g e t w o u ld p la y a la r g e ro le in th e fo r m u la tio n o f t h e p la n . A s y o u k n o w , t h e y h a v e a la r g e s t a ff th a t m a k e s a d e ta ile d r e v ie w o f g o v e r n m e n t a c t i v i t i e s a n d t h e ir im p a c t on v a r io u s p a r ts o f th e eco n o m y . S o y o u h a v e q u ite a lo t o f a d d itio n a l s ta ff th ere. B e y o n d th a t, i t ’s c le a r th a t th e C o u n cil o f E c o n o m ic A d v is e r s w o u ld h a v e to be s u b s ta n t ia lly e n la r g e d in o rd er to f u lf ill t h e m a n d a te o f t h is n ew act. H o w m u ch la r g e r is d ifficu lt to s a y u n til w e h a v e w o r k e d o u t t h e p r e c is e g u id e lin e s fo r th e p la n it s e lf . Question. O ne m o re q u e stio n w ith r e sp e c t to t h is p a r t o f th e b ill. W e a re g o in g to n e e d a tr e m e n d o u s a m o u n t o f d e t a ile d d a ta a n d in fo r m a tio n on th e v a r io u s s e c to r s o f t h e econ om y. I d o n ’t se e a n y p r o v isio n fo r o b ta in in g th is in fo r m a tio n . I n th e H u m p h r e y - J a v its b ill th e r e i s a D iv is io n o f E c o n o m ic I n f o r m a tio n . W h y w a s t h is le f t o u t? A n sw e r . Y o u ’re r ig h t th a t w e n eed m u ch b e tte r in fo r m a tio n i f w e h o p e to d o a n e f fe c tiv e jo b o f eco n o m ic p la n n in g in t h is c o u n tr y . I th in k t h a t t h e b ill p r o v id e s a su ffic ie n t m a n d a te to g a th e r a ll t h e in fo r m a tio n t h a t w ill b e n eed ed . I f i t d o e s n o t, t h e n t h e b ill sh o u ld b e str e n g th e n e d to p u t m o re e m p h a s is on in fo r m a t io n a n d a n a ly s is . Question. N o w t h is s e c t io n / o f t h e b ill h a s a v it a l e le m e n t I t c a lls f o r ob t a in in g a 3 p e r c e n t r a t e o f u n e m p lo y m e n t w it h in fo u r y e a r s a f te r p a s s a g e o f t h e b ill. T h a t lo o k s lik e a tr e m e n d o u s ly d ifficu lt o b je c tiv e . A n sw e r . I t ’s a v e r y a m b itio u s g o a l. I t m e a n s t h a t y o u n e e d to g e t th e a d u lt u n e m p lo y m e n t r a t e d o w n to 3 p e r c e n t by 1 9 8 0 . W e h a v e n ’t p e r fo rm ed t h a t w e ll in m a n y y e a r s . H a v in g s a id th a t, h o w e v e r , i t i s im p o r ta n t to e m p h a s iz e t h a t t h is b ill p r o v id e s n e w p o lic ie s to a c h ie v e t h e s e a m b itio u s g o a ls. I f w e w e r e t o u s e o n ly a g g r e g a t e m o n e ta r y a n d fisc a l p o lic ie s to tr y t o a c h ie v e 3 p e r c e n t a d u lt u n e m p lo y m e n t in th a t tim e p erio d , w e w o u ld n o t b e su c c e s s fu l. B u t T it le I I h a s a b ro a d r a n g e o f c a r e f u lly t a r g e te d e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m s to g e t a t u n e m p lo y m e n t in d ifficu lt p o c k e ts o f t h e eco n o m y . B e y o n d th a t, t h e b ill re q u ir e s t h e P r e s id e n t t o m a k e a fo r m a l rep o rt to C on g r e s s in t h e f ir s t y e a r in d ic a tin g a n y o b s ta c le s t o t h e a c h ie v e m e n t o f t h e g o a l a n d , i f n e c e s s a r y , p r o p o sin g c o r r e c tiv e e c o n o m ic m e a s u r e s to s e e t h a t t h e g o a l is a t ta in e d . L e t m e a d d th is. M y ju d g m e n t is t h a t y o u ’ll n e v e r a t t a in 3 p e r c e n t u n e m p lo y m e n t u n le s s y o u s e t i t a s a go a l. Y o u w o n ’t e v e n co m e clo se. T h e p u r p o se o f a g o a l is to m e a s u r e p e r fo rm a n c e. T h e 3 p e r c e n t fig u r e is n ’t j u s t a fig u r e on u n e m p lo y m e n t. I t ’s a w a y o f d is c ip lin in g o u r s e lv e s to r a is in g p r o d u c t iv it y ; t o im p r o v in g o u r to o ls o f i n d u s t r y ; to a d o p tin g m o re s e n s ib le m o n e ta r y , cred it, a n d in t e r e s t p o l i c i e s ; to t a k in g a g o o d h a r d lo o k a t t h e t a x s tr u c tu r e . S e t tin g a to u g h g o a l is a w a y o f c o m p e llin g t h e g o v e r n m e n t to ta k e t h e m e a s u r e o f w h a t i t r e a lly h a s to d o in s t e a d o f b e in g s a t is f ie d w it h a slo p p y , la c k a d a is ic a l effo r t. Question. T h e r e a r e tw o p r o c e d u r e s f o r r e v ie w in g t h e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G r o w th P la n , o n e b y m em b er s o f t h e c a b in e t a n d o th e r s e n io r m em b e r s o f t h e a d m in is tr a t io n , a n d t h e se c o n d b y t h e g o v e r n o r s. 182 A n sw er. T h e p r o c e d u r e s f o r c a b in e t r e v ie w a r e S tr a ig h tfo r w a r d a n d q u ite s im ila r to c a b in e t r e v ie w o f o t h e r c o m p r e h e n siv e f e d e r a l p o lic ie s . A ll t h e d e p a r tm e n ts, a g e n c ie s, a n d r e g u la t o r y c o m m is sio n s t h a t a r e in v o lv e d in a c t iv it ie s w h ic h h a v e a s u b s ta n t ia l im p a c t on t h e e c o n o m y in th e c o n t e x t o f t h e lon gra n g e p la n a r e to s u b m it r e p o r ts t o t h e C o u n cil o f E c o n o m ic A d v is e r s , in d i c a tin g t h e e x t e n t o f t h a t in te r a c tio n . A f te r t h a t ’s d o n e a n d t h e P r e s id e n t h a s r e v ie w e d a f u lly c o o r d in a te d p la n , th e n t h e p la n is s e n t o u t to th e g o v e r n o r s a t th e sa m e tim e t h a t t h e P r e s id e n t se n d s i t t o C on gress. T h a t ’s a l i t t l e u n u su a l, b u t y o u a r e n o t g o in g to h a v e s u c c e s s fu l n a tio n a l e c o n o m ic p la n n in g u n le ss th e r e is w id e sp r e a d d is c u s s io n a n d d e b a te a t th e s t a t e a n d lo c a l le v e ls a b o u t w h a t ’s in t h e p lan . E c o n o m ic p la n n in g i s n o t j u s t e c o n o m ic fo r e c a s tin g a n d i t ’s n o t j u s t eco n o m ic p o lic ie s. I t r e a lly h a s to d o w it h b u ild in g a c o n s e n s u s a b o u t t h e d ir e c tio n in w h ic h w e w a n t o u r s o c ie ty to m o v e in th e fu tu r e . A n d so th e b ill c a lls f o r h e a r in g s a t t h e s t a t e a n d lo c a l le v e ls , o u t o f w h ic h sh o u ld com e so m e im p o r ta n t in p u t on h o w th e p la n o u g h t t o b e m o d ified a s i t m o v e s th r o u g h C o n g ress. Question. T h e b ill h a s tw o v e r y im p o r ta n t s e c tio n s on fis c a l a n d m o n e ta r y p o lic ie s a n d in fla tio n a n d i t d e a ls w ith t h e s e s u b je c ts w it h in th e fr a m e w o r k o f p la n n in g a s d esc rib ed in t h is b ill. A n sw er. T h e e m p h a s is in t h e b ill in th e fir st in s t a n c e is o n u s in g f is c a l p o lic y to th e m a x im u m e x t e n t t h a t w e c a n to a c h ie v e f u ll e m p lo y m e n t. B u t i t r eco g n iz e s t h a t fisc a l a n d b u d g e t p o lic ie s a lo n e a r e n o t a d e q u a te t o a t t a in f u l l em p lo y m e n t. I f w e r e lie d o n ly on th o s e p o lic ie s, w e w o u ld sim p ly b e p u m p in g up o v e r a ll d em a n d f a r m o re th a n t h e eco n o m y co u ld to le r a te , w h ic h c o u ld g e n e r a te a d d itio n a l in fla tio n . S o in t h e fisc a l p o lic y s e c tio n t h e r e i s a f o r m a l re q u irem en t t h a t t h e P r e s id e n t d e te r m in e t h e e x t e n t to w h ic h fisc a l p o lic y ca n be r e lie d o n to a c h ie v e f u ll em p lo y m en t. W e w ill th e n k n o w to w h a t e x t e n t th e su p p le m e n ta r y jo b c r e a tio n p o lic ie s o f T it le I I w ill h a v e t o be im p le m e n te d . On th e su b je c t o f m o n e ta r y p o lic y , t h e P r e s id e n t h a s b een s ile n t in t h e p a s t w h e n m a k in g h is eco n o m ic p r e s e n ta tio n s. H e sim p ly l e f t m o n e ta r y p o lic y to th e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e B o a r d . T h is b ill r e q u ir e s th e P r e s id e n t to m a k e sp e c ific re co m m en d a tio n s w ith r e sp e c t to m o n e ta r y p o lic y a n d t o c o r r e la te th e m w ith fisc a l p o licy . Qustion. B u t d o e sn ’t t h a t s t ill le a v e m o n e ta r y p o lic y to t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e B o a r d a n d o n ly req u ire th e m to e x p la in w h a t t h e y ’re d o in g ? A n sw er. Y es, it d oes. A n d i t s t ill le a v e s th e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e a n in d e p e n d e n t in s t itu t io n m a n a g in g th e n a tio n 's day-to-d ay m o n e ta r y a ffa ir s . Question, H o w ca n t h is b e ju s tifie d in v ie w o f th e a im s o f t h is b ill? A n sw er, Y ou d o n ’t h a v e to d e str o y th e o v e r a ll in d e p e n d e n c e o f t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e in o rd er to en c o u r a g e i t to d e v e lo p p o lic ie s a n d p r o g r a m s w h ic h a r e in lin e w ith th e g e n e r a l e co n o m ic g o a ls o f t h e P r e s id e n t a n d t h e C o n g ress. Y ou h a v e to rem em b er t h a t A r th u r B u r n s h a s c o n s is te n tly s a id t h a t t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e w o u ld do i t s b e st to f u lfill a n y le g a l m a n d a te s on g o a ls fr o m th e C o n g ress. Question. W o u ld n ’t i t be b e tte r t o c a ll on C o n g ress to s e t lim it s on m o n e ta r y p o lic y w it h in a g iv e n p erio d o f t im e ? A n sw er. N o. I th in k y o u a n d I b o th k n o w t h a t i t w o u ld b e p r o fo u n d f o lly fo r C o n g ress t o try d ir e c tly to r e g u la te m o n e ta r y p o licy . I t ’s a v e r y c o m p li ca te d te c h n ic a l a r e a w h ic h C o n g ress d o e s n ’t u n d e r sta n d w e ll a n d w h ic h it w o u ld n o t h a v e tim e to h a n d le on a d ay-to-d ay b a sis. I t w o u ld c a u s e c h a o s to h a v e C o n g ress s e tt in g d a ily o r m o n th ly m o n e ta r y p o lic ie s. W h a t C o n g ress o u g h t to d o is s e t b a sic n a tio n a l ec o n o m ic g o a ls, to m a k e th o s e e x p lic it, a n d to req u ire th e F e d — to th e m a x im u m e x t e n t c o n s is te n t w it h m a in ta in in g i t s g en e r a l in d ep en d e n c e— to a c h ie v e th o s e g o a ls. Question. A lo t o f p eo p le a r e g o in g to b e tro u b le d a b o u t t h e q u e stio n o f in fla tio n an d th e r e is a s e c tio n h e r e th a t d e a ls w it h t h a t p rob lem . A n sw er. I th in k t h a t t h e in fla tio n se c tio n is a ste p fo r w a r d in e x is t in g a n ti in fla tio n p o lic ie s. A t t h e p r e s e n t tim e th e P r e s id e n t is n o t req u ired t o m a k e an y fo r m a l reco m m en d a tio n s on in fla tio n a n d w e 'v e r e a lly h a d v e r y w e a k a n t i in fla tio n p o lic ie s fo r a n u m b er o f y e a r s . T h is b ill r e q u ir e s th e P r e s id e n t to su b m it, a s p a rt o f th e a n n u a l E c o n o m ic R ep o rt, a co m p r e h e n siv e s e t o f recom m e n d a tio n s on a n ti-in fla tio n p o lic ie s. T h e s e ru n a ll th e w a y fr o m t h e p ro p er u se o f m o n e ta ry a n d fisc a l m e a su r e s to sp e c ific a lly ta r g e te d p o lic ie s to in c r e a s e su p p ly in str u c tu r a lly tig h t m a r k e ts su c h a s en erg y a n d fo o d . T h is s e c tio n a lso 183 r e q u ir e s t h e P r e s id e n t to m a n a g e t h e ex p o r t o f c r itic a l m a te r ia ls a n d to d e v e lo p n e w te c h n iq u e s f o r in c r e a s in g U .S . p ro d u ctiv ity . F in a lly , th e b ill h a s a b a ck u p p r o v isio n u r g in g th e P r e s id e n t to ta k e w h a te v e r o th e r a d m in is tr a tiv e a n d l e g is la t iv e a c t io n s a r e n e c e s sa r y to p rom ote p rice s ta b ility . Question. A n y r e fe r e n c e to w age-p rice co n tr o ls is n o ta b ly a b sen t. S u r e ly th e a u th o r s o f th e b ill a r e a w a r e o f th e p h en om en on o f a d m in is te r e d p r ic e s an d w a g e s. A n sw e r . T h a t ’s w h y t h e r e ’s a str o n g sta te m e n t on a n tit r u s t p o lic y a n d on im p r o v e m e n t o f p r o d u c tiv ity . A n d th e r e ’s n o th in g in t h is b ill to p r e v e n t th e P r e s id e n t fr o m u s in g s tr o n g e r m e a n s to d e a l w ith a d m in is te r e d p r ic e s i f n e c e s sa r y . A s f a r a s c o n tr o ls a r e con cern ed , th e ir u s e fu ln e s s is d e b a ta b le a n d I w o u ld c e r t a in ly q u e stio n g iv in g t h e P r e sid e n t a u th o r ity to im p le m e n t th e m a t p r e s e n t. M y ju d g m e n t is th a t t h is is s u e w ill be lo o k ed ov er v ery c a r e fu lly in c o m m itte e . I t m a y w e ll be n e c e s sa r y t o h a v e a n in c o m e s p o lic y f o r in d u s t r ie s w h e r e th e r e ’s a n o p p o r tu n ity f o r p rice-riggin g. I t ’s b een reco m m en d ed th a t w e m ig h t h a v e a d e la y p erio d b e fo r e c e r ta in w a g e a n d p rice in c r e a s e s a r e m ade. B u t w e d id n ’t p u t a n y su c h p r o v isio n s in th e b ill b e c a u se w e w o u ld lik e to s e e i f w e c a n d o t h e jo b w it h o u t th em . T h a t ’s m y p referen ce. I f w e g e t c o o p e r a tio n fr o m in d u s t r y a n d fr o m lab or, w e ca n su cceed . I f w e d o n ’t, th e n th e p u b lic in te r e s t w ill h a v e to b e se r v e d w ith e x e c u tiv e c a jo lin g an d p e r su a d in g , a n d w it h a m u c h m o re e f fe c tiv e C o u n cil on W a g e a n d P r ic e S ta b ility , w h ic h c a n u s e i t s su b p o e n a p o w e r an d b rin g p u b lic ity to b ea r to en fo r c e f a r b e tte r se lfd is c ip lin e in a d m in is te r e d p r ic e in d u s tr ie s. Question. T h is t i t le o f th e b ill f in is h e s u p w it h th e e s ta b lis h m e n t o f a n A d v is o r y C o m m itte e on F u ll E m p lo y m e n t an d B a la n c e d G row th . C ou ld y o u d e sc r ib e h o w t h a t C o m m itte e is s e t u p a n d w h a t i t s fu n c tio n s w ill b e? A n sw e r . T h e p u rp o se o f th a t C o m m itte e is t o b rin g a b road ra n g e o f p r iv a te o p in io n in to t h e w o r k in g s o f th e C o u n cil o f E c o n o m ic A d v ise r s a s th e y f u lf ill th e ir r e s p o n s ib ilit ie s u n d e r t h is a c t, p a r tic u la r ly w ith r e sp ect to th e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G ro w th P la n . I t's a n effo r t to op en u p th e p o lic y m a k in g p r o c e s s a t t h e n a tio n a l le v e l, w h ic h is s o m e th in g t h a t I b e lie v e is v e r y im p o r ta n t. Question. In p a r tic u la r t h is s e c tio n a u th o r iz e s t h e C o u n cil to e s ta b lis h re g io n a l a n d in d u s tr y a d v is o r y s u b c o m m itte e s to fu r n is h a d v ic e a n d a ss is ta n c e . A n sw e r . T h a t k in d o f r e g io n a l a n d s e c to r a l e m p h a s is ca n be q u ite u se fu l. F r e n c h p la n n in g , fo r e x a m p le , h a s b een q u ite s u c c e s s fu l w h e n i t h a s fo c u se d o n p r o b le m s o f p a r tic u a lr se c to r s. W e h a v e h a d so m e o f th e sa m e p a y o ff in th is c o u n tr y in t h e e ffo r ts o f J o h n D u n lo p w it h r e s p e c t to th e c o n str u c tio n in d u s tr y . Question. W o u ld i t b e f a ir to s a y t h a t t h e H u m p h r e y - H a w k in s b ill in c o r p o r a te s a la r g e p a r t o f th e H u m p h r e y - J a v its “B a la n c e d G ro w th a n d E c o n o m ic P la n n in g A c t ” ? A n sw e r . P a r t o f t h e g e n e s is o f t h is b ill i s t h e H u m p h r e y - J a v its p la n n in g b ill. W h a t w e a tte m p te d to d o w a s slim d o w n t h a t b ill a n d p u t it in to t h e c o n te x t o f a b ro a d r a n g e o f n a tio n a l f u l l e m p lo y m e n t p o lic ie s. Question. Y o u h a v e a c t u a lly co m b in e d t h e H u m p h r e y - J a v its a n d H u m p h reyH a w k in s b ills, w h ic h m e a n s t h a t y o u h a v e co m b in e d th e is s u e s o f p la n n in g a n d f u l l e m p lo y m e n t. A n sw e r . I n la r g e m e a su r e t h a t is tru e. N o t o n ly i s t h a t t h e co r r e c t t h in g to d o on i t s m e r its , b u t it s ig n if ic a n tly s tr e n g t h e n s t h e p o litic a l a p p e a l o f t h e b ill. S till, i t m a y b e a p p r o p r ia te to t r e a t so m e a s p e c ts o f th e p la n n in g is s u e s e p a r a te ly . Question. T h e r e ’s o n e n o ta b le f e a tu r e o f t h e H u m p h r e y - J a v its b ill t h a t 's l e f t o u t o f t h e H u m p h r e y - H a w k in s b ill, a n d t h a t i s a n E c o n o m ic P la n n in g B o a r d . T h e f u n c t io n s o f a n E c o n o m ic P la n n in g B o a r d a r e n o w a p p a r e n tly lo d g e d m a in ly in t h e C o u n cil o f E c o n o m ic A d v is e r s a n d in a su b o r d in a te w a y in th e O ffice o f M a n a g e m e n t a n d B u d g e t. I s t h a t a c o r r e c t o b s e r v a tio n ? I f so, w h a t i s t h e r e a s o n f o r d o in g t h i s ? A n sw e r . T h a t i s a c o r r e c t o b se r v a tio n , a n d t h e r e a s o n f o r d o in g i t w a s p r in c ip a lly t o u t iliz e t h e e x i s t in g in s t it u t io n s o f t h e f e d e r a l g o v ern m en t. W h en w e ste p p e d b a ck a n d to o k a lo o k a t w h a t w e h a d d o n e in t h e H u m p h r e y - J a v its b ill, a lth o u g h w e c o u ld s e e so m e a d v a n ta g e s to h a v in g a c o m p le te ly se p a r a te in s t it u t io n f o r p la n n in g , th e r e w e r e so m e d is a d v a n t a g e s in s e g r e g a t in g i t fr o m t h e C o u n cil o f E c o n o m ic A d v is e r s a n d t h e O ffice o f M a n a g e m e n t a n d B u d g e t. W e w a n t e d t o a v o id b r e a k in g t h e lin e o f r e s p o n s ib ility a n d a u th o r it y in t h e m g e n e r a l a r e a o f e co n o m ic p o lic y , a n d w e w a n t e d t o a v o id e m in e n t I n s titu tio n . F o r th o s e t w o r e a so n s, w e d e c id e d t o ^ M O l i d t f e j )h o r t a n d long-run eco n o m ic p o licy -m a k in g in th e C o u n cil o f E c ™ n inv Question. T it le I I d e a ls w ith c o u n te r c y c lic a l, str u c tu r a l, a n d y o u th m en t o o lic ie s T h is se c tio n p r o v id e s m e a su r e s to su p p le m e n t a g g r e g a t e m neS r f a n d X a l p o l i c ^ . I t d e a ls w ith m ic r o eco n o m ic issu es. a n d t h e s tr u c tu r e o f th e econ om y. C ou ld y o u t e ll u s t h e p h ilo so p h y b eh in d t h is p a r t o f t h e b ill J . T . L ' S . r . S ; . p r e m ise m o n .t.r y and fisc a l p o lic ie s c a n n o t b v t h e m s e lv e s a c h ie v e r e a s o n a b ly f u ll e m p lo y m e n t a n d S s ta b ility W e n eed a s e r ie s o f c a r e fu lly t a r g e te d e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m s t h a ? co m p lem en t t h e a g g r e g a te p o lic ie s a n d g e t t o th e m en t In a se n s e y o u ca n th in k o f T it le I I a s a s e r ie s o f p o lic ie s to c lo s e w h a t ev e r em p lo y m en t g a p w ill r e m a in a f t e r w e ’v e u s e d m o n e ta r y a n d fis c a l P o licy a n d t h e f u ll s tr e n g th o f t h e p r iv a te se c to r to t h e m a x im u m e x t e n t p o ss ib le ^ 0 ^ ° e T # to n g T h fs^U tle is o r g a n iz e d in a w a y th a t r e q u ir e s th e P r e s id e n t to su b m it s ix s e p a r a te le g is la t iv e p r o p o sa ls to C o n g ress o v e r Periods o f 9 0 t o 1 8 0 d a y s, e a c h d e a lin g w ith a sp ec ific iss u e . I t m ig h t be u s e f u l i f w e r e v ie w e d ^ A n s w e r ^ T M t ’s fine. T h e fir s t s e c tio n r e q u ir e s t h e P r e s id e n t t o t a k e a ll e x is t in g a n d p ro p o sed c o u n te r c y c lic a l e m p lo y m e n t p o lic ie s, su c h a s c o u n te r c y c lic a l p u b lic se r v ic e em p lo y m en t, c o u n te r c y c lic a l s t a t e a n d lo c a l g r a n ts , a n d u n em p lo y m en t in su r a n c e , a n d to su b m it t o C o n g ress a c o m p r e h e n siv e s t r a t e g y f o r d e a lin g w it h h ig h le v e ls o f u n e m p lo y m e n t c a u s e d b y r e c e ss io n . A p r o g r a m o f th a t k in d w o u ld b e a u to m a tic a lly p h a se d in a n d o u t to m o d e r a te t n e busi- ness cycl6« P u b lic w o r k s h a v e b een c r itic iz e d b e c a u se i t t a k e s to o lo n g t o g e a r th e m up. T h is b ill w o u ld h a v e a s h e lf o f p u b lic w o rk s, re a d y to b e u se d , t r ig g e r e d in to a c tio n w h e n u n e m p lo y m en t r a t e s s t a r t t o g o up, a n d a u to m a tic a lly p h a s e d o u t w h en u n em p lo y m en t r a te s f a il. T h e n e x t se c tio n g o e s on to e m p h a s iz e th a t i t is e s s e n t ia l to d e v e lo p a p erm a n en t c o u n te r c y c lic a l g r a n ts p ro g ra m to s t a b liz e s t a t e a n d lo c a l g o v e r n m en t b u d g e ts d u r in g p e r io d s o f r e c e ssio n . I n th e la s t m a jo r r e c e s s io n m a n y s t a t e a n d lo c a l b u d g e ts w e r e fo r c e d in to d e fic it b e c a u se o f f a l lin g t a x r e v e n u e s a n d r is in g e x p e n d itu r e s. A s a r e s u lt, g o v e r n m e n ts tr ie d t o c u t e x p e n d itu r e s a n d r a is e s ta x e s, w h ic h c a u se d s t a t e a n d lo c a l b u d g e ts t o m o v e in e x a c t ly th e o p p o site d ir e c tio n fro m n a tio n a l fis c a l p o licy . S o t h e p r in c ip a l p u r p o se o f t h is s e c tio n i s to p ro v id e th e m e a n s to c o o r d in a te n a tio n a l, s t a t e , a n d lo c a l fisc a l p o lic ie s. , Question. T h e th ir d p ie c e o f le g is la t io n req u ired d e a ls w it h r e g io n a l a n d s tr u c tu r a l em p lo y m en t p o lic ie s. A n sw er. I n a d d itio n to th e c o u n te r c y c lic a l u n e m p lo y m e n t p ro b lem t h a t w e fa c e , a n e v e n m o re d ifficu lt p ro b lem i s c a u se d by d e c lin in g or c h r o n ic a lly d e p r e sse d re g io n s o f t h e co u n tr y w h e r e p ro d u ctio n f a c i lit ie s a r e in su ffic ie n t to k eep p eo p le em p lo y ed . A s im ila r p rob lem e x is t s w h e r e w e h a v e g r o u p s in th e la b o r fo r c e t h a t fo r o n e r e a s o n o r a n o th e r a r e in a d e q u a te ly p re p a r e d t o f ill th e k in d s o f jo b s t h a t a r e a v a ila b le . T h is c a u s e s p e r s is te n t p o c k e ts o f u n e m p lo y m en t, r e g a r d le s s o f th e g e n e r a l s t a t e o f t h e econ om y. I m ig h t j u s t g o on to a d d t h a t a s a p a r t o f t h e re q u ir e m e n t t o m e e t r e g io n a l str u c tu r a l u n em p lo y m en t p rob lem s, th e fe d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t is re q u ir e d t o d e v e lo p a d o m e stic d e v e lo p m e n t b a n k fo r th e p u rp o se o f e n c o u r a g in g d e v e lo p m e n t in c h r o n ic a lly d ep ressed a r e a s, by m a in ta in in g p u b lic f a c ilit ie s , a n d b y p ro v id in g c r e d it to p r iv a te firm s to lo c a te p la n ts in th o s e a rea s. Question. Y es, I ’v e lis t e d t h a t a s m y fo u r th le g is la t iv e re q u ir e m e n t. A re th e r e n o e x is t in g le n d in g a g e n c ie s t h a t c a n p erfo rm t h is t a s k ? A n sw er. Y ou c a n a lw a y s m o d ify e x is t in g a g e n c ie s to do th is , a n d w e r e a lly h a v e n o t e s ta b lis h e d a b ra n d n e w b a n k h ere. W e sim p ly h a v e g iv e n t h e P r e s i d e n t a m a n d a te to d ev elo p a n in s t itu t io n a l a r r a n g e m e n t fo r p r o v id in g t h is e c o n o m ic a s s ista n c e . I f h e d e c id e s th a t a n e x is t in g in s t itu t io n c a n d o th e job , h is p rop osal, o f co u rse, w ill b e e x a m in e d . Question. T h e fifth p ie c e o f le g is la t io n req u ired is a c o m p r e h e n siv e y o u th em p lo y m en t p rogram . A n sw er. A s y o u k n ow , t h is is o n e o f th e c r itic a l s tr u c tu r a l e m p lo y m e n t p rob le m s w e fa c e . T h e to ta l n u m b er o f te e n a g e r s a n d y o u n g a d u lts w h o w e r e jo b 185 le s s i n J a n u a r y 1 9 7 6 w a s 3 .7 m illio n , a lm o s t h a l f t h e t o t a l n u m b er o f A m eri c a n s u n e m p lo y e d . G iv en th e s iz e a n d sp e c ia l n a tu r e o f th is p rob lem , w e n eed ed to f o c u s o n y o u th a n d p u ll to g e th e r a ll t h e t r a in in g a n d jo b c r e a tio n effo r ts t h a t a r e n e w b e in g m a d e o r c o n te m p la te d in fr a g m e n te d p ro g ra m s. T h e m a n p o w e r s t u d ie s t h a t h a v e b een d on e, n o t o n ly by th e J o in t E co n o m ic C o m m itte e a n d o th e r c o m m itte e s o f C on gress* b u t by o u ts id e p r o fe ss io n a ls , s h o w t h a t y o u th u n e m p lo y m e n t to d a y is to a la r g e d e g r e e a p rob lem s e p a r a te a n d d is t in c t fr o m a d u lt u n em p lo y m en t. I t 's v e r y d ifficu lt to b rin g th e n u m b er o f y o u n g p e o p le t h a t a r e a v a ila b le f o r g a in fu l e m p lo y m e n t in to th e p r iv a te m a r k e t. T h e r e fo r e w e d ir e c t o u r a t te n t io n in t h is b ill to w a r d s a p e r v a s iv e , p e r s is t e n t, n a g g in g p rob lem o f y o u th u n e m p lo y m e n t t h a t i s n o t o n ly a n e c o n o m ic lia b ilit y , b u t a s o c ia l d isa s te r . Question. T h e r e ’s a s e c tio n h e r e th a t lo o k s v e r y m u ch lik e a n e w C iv ilia n C o n s e r v a tio n C orps. I t t a lk s a b o u t jo b o p p o r tu n itie s in a v a r ie ty o f ta sk s, su c h a s c o n s e r v a tio n , p u b lic se r v ic e , c le a n in g u p o u r c it ie s , a n d so fo r th . D id th e s p o n s o r s p a r t ic u la r ly h a v e in m in d so m e th in g lik e t h e C C C ? A n sw e r . Y es, d e fin ite ly . Question, B e fo r e w e co m e t o t h e s ix t h p ie c e o f le g is la t io n req u ired o f t h e P r e s id e n t, l e t ’s d is c u s s t h e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t O ffice a n d th e r e s e r v o ir s o f e m p lo y m e n t p r o je c ts. A n sw e r . T h e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t O ffice a n d r e s e r v o ir s o f e m p lo y m e n t p r o je c ts a r e d e s ig n e d t o p r o v id e a b a ck u p to in s u r e t h a t if, a f t e r a c o m p r e h e n siv e e ffo r t h a s b e e n m a d e to a c h ie v e f u l l e m p lo y m e n t th r o u g h th e p r iv a te se c to r a n d t h r o u g h o th e r p r o v is io n s o f t h is b ill, w e find t h a t th e r e a r e s t i l l so m e p e o p le w h o a r e u n a b le t o o b ta in em p lo y m e n t, th e n t h e s e p eo p le a r e p ro v id ed w ith u s e f u l e m p lo y m e n t o p p o r tu n itie s. T h e P r e s id e n t is r eq u ired t o p h a s e in t h e s e p r o j e c t s in c o n ju n c tio n w it h t h e a n n u a l e m p lo y m e n t r e c o m m e n d a tio n s re q u ir e d in t h e e a r lie r p o r tio n o f t h e b ill, in o rd er to a c h ie v e a r a te o f a d u lt u n e m p lo y m e n t n o t in e x c e s s o f 3 p e r c e n t w it h in fo u r y e a r s . Question. T h e s i x t h p ie c e o f le g is la t io n t h a t t h e P r e s id e n t is re q u ir e d to su b m it t o C o n g r e s s d e a ls w it h t h e in te g r a tio n o f e m p lo y m e n t a n d in co m e m a in te n a n c e p r o g r a m s. A n sw e r . T h is i s a v e r y im p o r ta n t s e c tio n b e c a u s e i t t e lls y o u a g r e a t d e a l a b o u t t h e p h ilo s o p h y o f t h e b ill. T h e s p ir it o f t h i s b ill i s to s u b s tit u te w o rk f o r w e lf a r e . I t ’s d e s ig n e d t o b r in g a h a lt to t h e p r a c tic e o f s im p ly e x te n d in g u n e m p lo y m e n t c o m p e n s a tio n lo n g e r a n d lo n g e r a s a w a y t o b u y o ff th e u n e m p lo y e d a n d t o p r e v e n t th e m fr o m b e c o m in g s o c ia lly d is r u p tiv e . I t r e q u ir e s t h e d e v e lo p m e n t o f p o lic ie s t o s u b s t it u t e w o r k f o r in c o m e m a in te n a n c e t o th e m a x im u m e x t e n t f e a s ib le , g iv e n t h e lim it a t io n s a n d s p e c ia l p r o b le m s o f t h e p e o p le in v o lv e d . Question. B e f o r e w e g o o n t o T it le I I I , l e t m e a s k a s k y o u a g e n e r a l q u e s tio n . T i t l e I I e n v is a g e s s i x r e a lly c o m p r e h e n s iv e a n d fa r - r e a c h in g p ie c e s o f le g is la t io n t h a t a r e to b e s u b m itte d t o C o n g r e s s b y t h e P r e s id e n t b e tw e e n 9 0 a n d 1 8 0 d a y s fr o m t h e t im e o f t h e p a s s a g e o f t h i s b ill. H o w c a n t h e P r e s id e n t a c c o m p lis h s u c h a n e n o r m o u s t a s k w it h in s u c h a s h o r t p e r io d o f t im e ? W h y d id t h e sp o n s o r s th in k i t b e t te r t o o u t lin e t h e p r in c ip le s f o r t h e s e s i x p ie c e s o f le g is la t io n r a th e r t h a n p r o v id in g t h e d e t a ils in t h e p r e s e n t H u m p h rey H a w k in s b ill? A n sw e r . W it h r e s p e c t t o t h e f ir s t q u e s tio n , t h e P r e s id e n t, th r o u g h h i s t h o u s a n d s o f e x e c u t iv e b r a n c h o fficia ls, o u g h t t o b e w o r k in g o n t h e s e p r o b le m s n o w a n d s h o u ld h a v e b een a t w o r k o n th e m in t h e p a s t. S o i t ’s n o t a s i f t h e e x e c u t i v e b r a n c h i s b e g in n in g fr o m p o in t zero . A t le a s t I h o p e n o t. B e y o n d t h a t, t h is b ill w i l l b e d is c u s s e d in C o n g r e s s f o r m a n y m o n th s, g iv in g t h e P r e s id e n t a n d h i s a d v is e r s a m p le tim e t o g e t r e a d y t o m e e t t h e s e r e q u ir e m e n ts . H o w e v e r , I f a n y o f t h e s e tim e t a b le s i s to o tig h t, t h a t 's a s m a ll p ro b lem w h ic h c a n b e r e s o lv e d d u r in g t h e c o u r s e o f c o m m itte e h e a r in g s. W it h r e s p e c t t o t h e s e c o n d q u e stio n , o r ig in a lly t h e r e w a s a n e ffo r t t o w r it e in d e t a i ls o f t h e p r o g r a m m a tic m a n d a t e s t h a t a r e n o w in t h i s b ill. T h a t w a s a b a n d o n e d b e c a u s e i t b e c a m e c le a r t h a t y o u w o u ld lo s e t h e p e r s p e c tiv e t h a t y o u c o u ld g e t b y w r it in g a g e n e r a l e c o n o m ic p o lic y b llL Y o u w o u ld h a v e s o m u c h d e t a i l In e a c h s e c t io n o f t h e le g is la t io n t h a t y o u c o u ld n ’t s e e t h e Im p o r t a n t g e n e r a l f r a m e w o r k t h a t w a s b e in g s e t u p b y t h i s a c t* A n o th e r r e a s o n f o r n o t d o in g I t i s t h a t i f w e h a d w r it t e n In a l l t h e s e d e t a ils , t h e b ill w o u ld h a v e b e c o m e a le g is la t i v e m o n s tr o s ity , r e q u ir in g r e f e r r a l t o m o a t of t h e co m m i t t e e s o f C o n g r e ss, a n d e m b r o ilin g u s in j u r is d ic t io n a l d is p u t e s t h a t w o u ld h a v e p r e v e n te d u s from p a s s in g a n y le g is la t io n a t all* 186 Question. T it le I I I d e a ls w it h p r o c e d u r e s f o r C o n g r e s sio n a l r e v ie w . W ill y o u e lu c id a te t h e s e ? , _ A n sw e r . T it le I I I e s ta b lis h e s g e n e r a l p r o c e d u r e s a n d p o lic e s t o g iv e C o n g r e s s a f u ll p a r tn e r sh ip in t h e f o r m u la tio n a n d e s ta b lis h m e n t o f a l l t h e e c o n o m ic p o lic ie s t h a t a r e r e q u ir e d in t h e e a r lie r s e c tio n s o f t h e b ill. C o n g r e s s m u s t r e v ie w a n d e v e n tu a lly e s ta b lis h e c o n o m ic g o a ls o n a n a n n u a l b a s is , th r o u g h th e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G r o w th P la n , t h e b u d g e t r e s o lu tio n , t h e re p o r ts o f th e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e , an d , o f co u rse, a ll t h e le g is la t io n t h a t w o u ld b e su b m itte d by t h e P r e s id e n t a s p a r t o f T it le I I . T h is r e v ie w w o u ld t a k e p la c e th r o u g h m a n y c o m m itte e s o f C o n g r e ss w it h t h e le a d b e in g t a k e n b y t h e J o in t E c o n o m ic C o m m itte e s p la y in g r o les, d e p e n d in g u p o n t h e p a r t ic u la r j u r i s d ic tio n o f t h e m a tte r in v o lv e d . Question. T h e J o in t E c o n o m ic C o m m itte e p la y s t h e p r in c ip a l p a r t in t h is ? A n sw er. T h e J o in t E c o n o m ic C o m m itte e p la y s t h e p r in c ip a l r o le i n g e n e r a l r e v ie w o f t h e a c t, t h e s e t t in g o f a n n u a l g o a ls, th e r e v ie w o f t h e p la n , a n d t h e su b m iss io n o f c o n c u r r e n t r e s o lu tio n s t o t h e flo o r o f t h e H o u s e a n d t h e S e n a te , a p p ro v in g , r e je c tin g , or m o d ify in g t h e p la n . Question, W h a t h a p p e n s i f t h e P r e s id e n t ’s p ro p o sed p la n i s m o d ifie d o r r e je c te d ? H o w d o y o u g e t c o o r d in a tio n b e tw e e n t h e P r e s id e n t a n d C o n g r e s s? A n sw er. T w o w a y s . F ir s t th e r e s o lu tio n i t s e l f w ill b e s e n t to t h e P r e s id e n t a n d I th in k in m o st y e a r s y o u ’l l h a v e a P r e s id e n t a tte m p tin g , e v e n t h o u g h i t w ill n o t b e r eq u ired b y la w , t o m a k e a n a c c o m m o d a tio n w it h C o n g ress. B e y o n d th a t, a n d in a s e n s e m o re im p o r ta n t, C o n g ress w i l l u s e t h e c o n c u r r e n t r e s o lu tio n s o n a p la n a s a g u id e t o it s le g is la t iv e a c t iv ity , a n d i t 's th r o u g h le g is la t io n th a t C o n g ress c o n tr o ls t h e e x e c u t iv e a s w e ll a s n a tio n a l e c o n o m ic p o licy . A n d so by t h is d e v ic e lo n g -ra n g e p o lic ie s w ill b e b e tte r c o o r d in a te d . Question. H o w m u c h d e t a il or g e n e r a lit y d o y o u s e e in t h e p la n ? A n sw er. W e d o n ’t h a v e a c o m p le te a n s w e r t o t h a t y e t. W e n e e d t o s tu d y th e is s u e c a r e fu lly a s w e s e t u p p la n n in g a p p r o p r ia te f o r t h e U n ite d S ta te s . M y o w n b ia s i s to w a r d a r a th e r s h o r t a n d sim p lifie d p la n to b e t a k e n t o t h e flo o r o f t h e H o u se a n d S e n a te , w ith g r e a te r d e t a il em b o d ie d in a s u p p le m e n t t o th e p la n . I n t h a t w a y , a m em b er o f C o n g ress c a n u n d e r sta n d a n d d e b a te t h e p r io r itie s a n d p o lic ie s in t h e p lan . Question. T h e r e is o n e o th e r in s t it u t io n e s ta b lis h e d in t h is b ill, a D iv is io n o f F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G ro w th in th e C o n g r e s sio n a l B u d g e t Office. A n sw er. T h e p u r p o se i s to b o lste r t h e s t a f f o f C o n g r e ss in d e a lin g w it h t h e c o m p lic a te d s e t o f r e q u ir e m e n ts u n d e r eco n o m ic p la n n in g a n d to e n s u r e t h a t th e r e i s a d e q u a te te c h n ic a l a s s is t a n c e in d e v e lo p in g , r e v ie w in g , a n d m o d if y in g th e p la n . Question. W h a t k in d o f su p p o rt d o e s t h e b ill h a v e ? A n sw er. T h e su p p o rt f o r t h e b ill is a lr e a d y a sto n is h in g . T h e r e i s a c o a lit io n o f lab or, b u sin e ss, ch u rch a n d o th e r g ro u p s in c lu d in g t h e A F L -C IO , t h e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t A c tio n C ou n cil, t h e U A W , th e N a t io n a l F a r m e r s U n io n , a n d m a n y o th e rs. I n C o n g ress w e h a v e su p p o rt o n t h e H o u se s id e fro m t h e S p e a k e r o f t h e H o u se, C o n g ressm en B o llin g , R e u s s, P e r k in s a n d o v e r a h u n d r e d o th e r s. O n th e S e n a te sid e, e v e n th o u g h w e h a v e n o t y e t c ir c u la te d t h e b ill, w e h a v e e ig h t co-spon sors a t th e p r e s e n t tim e , in c lu d in g S e n a to r s W illia m s , N e ls o n , a n d J a v its . Question. M y l a s t q u e stio n is th is . T h is b ill r e a lly a tte m p ts to c h a r t a n e w co u r se f o r e co n o m ic p o licy -m a k in g in t h is c o u n tr y , I th in k y o u a g ree. B u t th e r e a r e m a n y e c o n o m ists w h o u n d o u b te d ly w ill b e sk e p tic a l a b o u t t h e ob j e c t iv e s o r a t le a s t a b o u t th e ir f e a s ib ility . W h a t’s y o u r r e a c tio n t o t h i s k in d o f s k e p tic ism ? A n sw er. T h e r e a r e tw o a n sw e r s. F ir s t , I b e lie v e w e h a v e h a d a c lim a te o f n e g a tiv is m a n d f a ilu r e fo r so m a n y y e a r s t h a t m a n y o f o u r in te lle c tu a l le a d e r s h a v e lo s t th e ir n e r v e a n d s e n s e o f c r e a t iv ity . W e h a v e b een p u ttin g m u c h o f o u r en erg y in to e x p la in in g u n d er-a ch iev em en t a n d to o li t t l e in to a c h ie v e m e n t. T h is b ill d o es c h a r t a n e w c o u r se f o r ec o n o m ic p o lic y t h a t c h a lle n g e s t h e c u r r e n tly a ccep ted id ea s. T h a t c h a lle n g e i s b a d ly n e e d e d i f w e a r e to com e to g r ip s w it h th e eco n o m ic p ro b lem s o u r s y s te m fa c e s . B e y o n d th a t, w e o u g h t t o h a v e t h e g r a c e a n d good s e n s e to b e m o d e s t a b o u t w h a t w e h a v e p resen ted . A n y b ill t h a t h a s j u s t b een in tr o d u ce d c a n b e im p roved . I h o p e w e c a n g e t c o n s tr u c tiv e su g g e s tio n s on th e b ill in t h e c o u r s e o f c o m m itte e h e a r in g s, an d p e r fe c t w h a t h a s b een p rop osed . 187 [ F r o m t h e W a s h i n g t o n P o s t . M a y 14, 1 9 7 6 ] H u b ert H . H u m p h rey— A S tra te g y fob P u t t i n g A m e r ic a B a c k t o W o r k [Mr. Humphrey is a Democratic Senator from Minnesota. This article was written in response to editorials on jobs legislation that appeared in The Post on March SO and M a y S .] M o st A m e r ic a n s h a v e b e g u n to r e a liz e th a t th e r e i s s o m e th in g fu n d a m e n ta lly w r o n g w it h o u r n a tio n ’s eco n o m y . D u r in g t h e p a s t fiv e y e a r s , U .S . e c o n o m ic g r o w th a v e r a g e d l e s s t h a n oneh a l f i t s h is t o r ic a l r a te . A s a resu lt* t h e n a tio n lo s t so m e $ 5 0 0 b illio n in p ro d u c tio n o f g o o d s a n d s e r v ic e s in t h e l a s t fiv e y e a r s a lo n e. A n d w e c a n e x p e c t to lo s e a n o th e r $ 6 0 0 to $ 9 0 0 b ilU on b y 1 9 8 0 . T h a t a s t o u n d in g w a s te l i e s a t t h e c e n te r o f o u r e co n o m ic p rob lem s. A n d c o m in g to g r ip s w it h i t r e q u ir e s fu n d a m e n ta l r e fo r m o f t h e w a y in w h ic h w e m a n a g e o u r eco n o m y . I t r e q u ir e s t h a t t h is n a tio n a n s w e r th e b a s ic q u e stio n o f w h e t h e r o r n o t i t i s a n im p o r ta n t fu n c t io n o f g o v e r n m e n t t o a s s u r e t h a t a ll c it iz e n s w i llin g a n d a b le t o w o r k a r e g iv e n a n o p p o r tu n ity to d o so. T h e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G ro w th A c t o f 1 9 7 6 , a u th o r e d b y R ep . A u g u s t u s H a w k in s a n d m e, i s o n e p ro p o sed a n s w e r t o t h a t q u estio n . T h is m e a su r e , co -sp o n so red b y m a n y o th e r m em b er s o f b o th h o u s e s o f C o n g ress, p r o p o se s a g e n e r a l e c o n o m ic p o lic y fr a m e w o r k a n d a p a c k a g e o f p r o g r a m s t h a t v a r y fr o m y e a r to y e a r d e p e n d in g o n eco n o m ic c o n d itio n s a n d d e c is io n s b y C o n g r e s s a n d t h e P r e s id e n t. T h is f le x ib ilit y i s a m a jo r s tr e n g th o f t h e b ill. T h e A c t i s b a se d on t w o sim p le, y e t p ro fo u n d , p r e m is e s : F ir s t , t h a t w o r k a n d p r o d u c tiv ity a r e b e tte r th a n w e lf a r e a n d w a s t e ; an d , se co n d , t h a t t h e f u l l u s e o f o u r h u m a n a n d c a p it a l r e s o u r c e s i s in t h e b e s t in te r e s t o f a ll t h e A m e r i c a n p eo p le. T h e p r in c ip a l t h r u s t o f t h e A c t i s t o e n c o u r a g e t h e c r e a tio n o f jo b o p p or t u n i t i e s in p r iv a t e e n te r p r is e th r o u g h ta x , c r e d it a n d b u d g et p o lic ie s t h a t w ill s t im u la t e t h e p r iv a t e s e c to r in a b a la n c e d a n d s u s ta in a b le w a y . M a n y o f t h e a u x ilia r y p ro g ra m s, s u c h a s t h e in c e n t iv e s p ro g ra m t o r e v i t a li z e d e p r e s se d a r e a s , t h e sk ills - tr a in in g a n d jo b -p la ce m en t g r a n t s a n d lo a n s fr o m t h e d e v e lo p m e n t fin a n c in g in s t itu t io n s , a r e sp e c ific a lly d e s ig n e d t o c r e a te j o b s in p r iv a t e in d u s tr y . M oreover, t h e p r o g r a m s f o r em e r g e n c y p u b lic w o r k s a n d c o m m u n ity d e v e lo p m e n t w o u ld p r o v id e jo b s in p r iv a t e b u s in e s s by c h a n n e lin g f u n d s t o p r iv a t e c o n tr a c to r s. A d d itio n a l a c t iv it i e s u n d e r t h e b ill w ill su p p le m e n t a n d n o t s u p p la n t t h e p r iv a t e se cto r . I t i s not a p u b lic s e r v ic e j o b s p r o p o sa l. T h e A c t s e t s a n i n it ia l o b je c tiv e o f r e d u c in g u n e m p lo y m e n t a m o n g a d u lts to n o t m o r e t h a n th r e e p e r c e n t w it h in f o u r y e a r s . T h is i s a n a m b itio u s g o a l, b u t i t c a n b e d o n e. T h e P r e s id e n t i s r e q u ir e d t o in fo r m C o n g r e ss o f h is v ie w s o n t h i s g o a l a n d t o reco m m en d a n y c h a n g e s h e b e lie v e s a r e n eed ed . T h e A c t a l s o p r o v id e s f o r a n e w c o o p e r a tiv e r e la t io n s h ip w h e r e b y t h e P r e s i d e n t a n d t h e C o n g ress, w o r k in g w it h t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e B o a r d , w o u ld e s ta b l i s h e x p lic it , n u m e r ic a l g o a ls e a c h y e a r fo r e m p lo y m e n t, p r o d u c tio n a n d p u r c h a s in g p o w e r . T h a t i s t h e m o st c r u c ia l r e fo r m in t h e le g is la tio n . L a s t y e a r , b y c o n tr a st, in s t e a d o f s e t t in g p o s it iv e g o a ls t h a t w o u ld c h a lle n g e e c o n o m ic p o lic y , t h e d e b a te d e g e n e r a te d in t o n o th in g m o re th a n a su p e r fic ia l d is c u s s io n o f t h e s iz e o f t h e fe d e r a l d e fic it a n d t h e r a t e o f in c r e a s e in t h e m o n e y su p p ly . N o p r o g r e s s w a s m a d e a n d p o lic y su ffe r e d . I n a d d itio n , t h e b ill p la c e s n e w r e q u ir e m e n ts o n t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e t o m a k e i t s c r e d it a n d in t e r e s t r a t e p o lic ie s resp o n d t o t h e s e n a tio n a l e c o n o m ic p o lic y d e c is io n s . I f t h e y d o n o t, t h e P r e s id e n t c a n m a k e r e c o m m e n d a tio n s t o t h e B o a r d a n d C o n g r e s s t o e n s u r e c lo s e r c o n fo r m ity . D r . A r th u r B u r n s, F e d e r a l R e s e r v e B o a r d C h a irm a n , h a s s t a t e d r e p e a te d ly t h a t C o n g ress h a s b een r e m is s in f a i l i n g t o s e t sp e c ific e c o n o m ic g o a ls t h a t t h e B o a r d c o u ld s t r iv e to a c h ie v e . T h e A c t f u r t h e r r e c o g n iz e s t h a t r e n e w e d in fla tio n m a y b e c o m e a s e r io u s t h r e a t a s o u r e c o n o m y m o v e s to w a r d f u l l e m p lo y m e n t a n d p r o d u c tio n . T h e r e f o r e , i t r e q u ir e s t h e P r e s id e n t t o su b m it a d e t a ile d a n d c o m p r e h e n siv e s e t o f a n ti- in fla tio n p o lic ie s t o C o n g ress e v e r y y e a r . T h is p ro g ra m m u s t in c lu d e a n in fla t io n in fo r m a t io n s y s t e m t o a le r t t h e P r e s id e n t a n d C o n g r e ss t o e m e r g in g in fla t io n p r o b le m s, a p ro g ra m t o e x p a n d t h e su p p ly o f g o o d s, se r v ic e s , la b o r a n d c a p it a l i n t i g h t m a r k e ts, a n d r e c o m m e n d a tio n s t o s tr e n g t h e n a n tit r u s t e n f o r c e m e n t a n d t o in c r e a s e co m p e titio n . F u r th e r m o r e , t h e P r e s id e n t i s 7 3 - 3 6 5 — 7 6 --------1 8 188 req u ired t o reco m m en d a n y a d m in is tr a t iv e o r le g is la t iv e a c t io n s h e f e e ls a r e n e c e s sa r y t o p r o m o te r e a s o n a b le p r ic e s t a b ility . I d isa g r e e w it h th o s e w h o c la im t h a t lo w u n e m p lo y m e n t m e a n s h ig h in fla tio n . I n t h e 1 9 6 0 s in fla tio n a v e r a g e d o n ly 2 .3 p e r c e n t a n d t h e u n e m p lo y m e n t r a t e a v e r a g e d 4 .8 p e r c e n t. I n t h e l a s t f e w y e a r s w e h a v e s e e n t h a t a s u n e m p lo y m e n t ca m e d o w n fr o m t h e 9 p e r c e n t le v e l, in fla tio n w a s c u t i n h a lf — fr o m a b o u t 1 2 p er c e n t to 6 p er c e n t T h is b ill i s n o t in te n d e d to p r o v id e a ll o f t h e a n s w e r s t o e v e r y e c o n o m ic s it u a tio n t h a t m ig h t d e v elo p . B u t i t d o e s f a c e u p t o t h e c r u c ia l n e e d t o s t r e a m lin e g o v e r n m e n t a n d m a k e i t m o r e efficien t a n d r e sp o n siv e . I t r e q u ir e s t h e C o n g ress a n d t h e P r e s id e n t t o u n d e r ta k e a c o m p le te r e v ie w o f a ll e x is t in g g o v e r n m e n t r u le s a n d r e g u la t io n s t o d e te r m in e w h ic h s t i l l s e r v e t h e p u b lic in te r e s t a n d w h ic h sh o u ld b e e lim in a te d . A n d i t f u r th e r r e q u ir e s th e m to c a r r y o u t e a c h y e a r a n in -d ep th e v a lu a t io n a n d r e v ie w o f 2 0 p e r c e n t o f th e d o lla r v o lu m e o f e x is t in g f e d e r a l p ro g ra m s. T h u s, a i l g o v e r n m e n t p ro g r a m s w o u ld r e c e iv e a s p e c ia l in t e n s iv e e v a lu a t io n a t le a s t o n c e e v e r y fiv e y e a r s , th e r e b y g iv in g C o n g r e ss a n d t h e e x e c u t iv e b ra n ch t h e in fo r m a tio n n e c e s sa r y t o a m en d , e x t e n d o r e lim in a t e p ro g ra m s. A s a r e s u lt, t h e b ill d o e s w h a t m a n y p e o p le o n ly t a lk a b o u t. T h a t is , i t f a c e s u p to t h e p ro b lem s o f o v e r r e g u la tio n , e x c e s s iv e b u r e a u c r a c y a n d p r o g r a m s t h a t d o n ’t w o rk o r c o s t to o m u c h . T h e A c t a ls o c a lls f o r m o r e s y s t e m a t ic a n d str u c tu r e d lo n g -ra n g e p la n n in g . I t b eca m e o b v io u s w ith t h e e n e r g y c r is is a n d f o o d p r ic e e x p lo s io n o f t h e m id1 9 7 0 s t h a t w e m u s t d o a m u c h b e tte r jo b o f a n tic ip a t in g f u t u r e p ro b lem s, t h e ir eco n o m ic im p a c t a n d w h a t t o d o a b o u t th e m . T h e b ill a llo w s u s t o lo o k a h e a d . B e y o n d th e s e m e a su r e s, I a m c o n v in c e d t h a t e c o n o m ic p o lic y m u s t b e b ro a d en ed to t r e a t s y s t e m a t ic a lly s t r u c t u r a l p r o b le m s t h a t im p e d e g r o w th , e m p lo y m e n t a n d p r ic e s t a b ility . T h e b ill r e fle c ts t h is c o n v ic tio n a n d w o u ld r e q u ir e a r a n g e o f su p p le m e n ta l p o lic ie s : — a c o m p r e h e n siv e y o u th e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m t o p r o v id e jo b s , t r a in in g a n d e m p lo y m e n t s e r v ic e s to y o u n g p e o p le w h o a r e u n a b le t o fin d w o r k w it h o u t a ss ista n c e . — a fin a n c ia l in s t itu t io n r e s p o n s ib le f o r e n c o u r a g in g p r iv a t e a n d p u b lic in v e s tm e n t in ec o n o m ic a lly d e p r e s se d r e g io n s, e c o n o m ic s e c to r s a n d in n e r c it i e s ; and — a p ro g ra m d e sig n e d t o c o r r e c t f e d e r a l ta x , sp e n d in g a n d e m p lo y m e n t p o l ic ie s th a t h a v e u n d e r m in e d t h e e c o n o m ic s t r e n g t h o f c e r ta in r e g io n s a n d a r e a s o f th e co u n tr y . T h e A c t r e c o g n iz e s t h a t p u b lic p o lic y h a s r esp o n d ed m u c h t o o s lo w ly d u r in g p erio d s o f eco n o m ic in s t a b ilit y a n d s e e k s to e lim in a t e t h is p ro b lem w it h a co m p r e h e n siv e co u n te r - c y c lic a l m a n p o w e r p ro g ra m , in c lu d in g su c h e le m e n ts a s a c c e le r a te d p u b lic w o r k s, c o m m u n ity d e v e lo p m e n t, a n ti- r e c e ss io n su p p o r t t o s t a t e s a n d lo c a l g o v e r n m e n ts, a n d em e r g e n c y p u b lic s e r v ic e jo b s. T h e s e p r o g r a m s a r e d e sig n e d to b e g in a n d e n d a u to m a t ic a lly a s e c o n o m ic c o n d itio n s w a r ra n t. F in a lly , th e A c t c r e a t e s a n e w F u l l E m p lo y m e n t O ffice in t h e D e p a r tm e n t o f L ab or. I t i s req u ired to a s s is t a ll t h o s e a b le a n d w illin g to w o r k to fin d d e c e n t jo b s. A r e s e r v o ir o f u s e f u l p u b lic a lly fin a n c e d j o b s w ill b e a v a ila b le f o r th o s e w h o h a v e n o o th e r e m p lo y m e n t o p p o r tu n itie s, u p t o t h e lim it s o f t h e a n n u a l n u m e r ic a l e m p lo y m e n t g o a l s e t b y C o n g ress. T h e d ir e c t c o s t o f a u th o r iz in g t h e A c t is le s s t h a n $ 5 0 m illio n t o e s ta b lis h t h e g e n e r a l p o lic y fr a m e w o r k f o r f u l l em p lo y m en t. T h e in d ir e c t c o s ts — t h a t is , th o s e d e te r m in e d by su b se q u e n t le g is la t io n t o f u lfill t h e m a n d a te o f t h e A c t w ili b e a r r iv e d a t e a c h y e a r w it h in t h e g o a l- se ttin g p ro cess. A s su m in g a n o rm a l eco n o m ic reco v e r y , I s e e n o r e a so n t o e x p e c t in d ir e c t b u d g et c o s ts to e x c e e d $ 8 to $ 1 2 b illio n , a f t e r t a k in g in to a c c o u n t t h e d r a s t ic a lly d e c rea sed c o s ts o f w e lf a r e a n d t h e in c r e a s e d r e v e n u e s fr o m t a x e s . I n c o n tr a st, u n d er p r e se n t p o lic ie s, e x c e s s iv e u n e m p lo y m e n t in 1 9 7 6 a lo n e w ill c o s t th e U .S . T r e a su r y m o re th a n $ 5 0 b illio n in lo s t t a x r e v e n u e s a n d in c r e a s e d c o s ts f o r u n em p lo y m en t c o m p en sa tio n , fo o d s ta m p s a n d w e lfa r e . T h e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G ro w th A c t e m b o d ie s t h e b e s t in c u r r e n t th in k in g a b o u t h o w to e n su r e f u l l p r o d u c tio n in o u r eco n o m y a n d m o d ern , co o rd in a ted p o licy -m a k in g in o u r g o v e r n m e n t. U n d o u b ted ly , it w ill b e re fined a n d im p r o v ed d u r in g d e b a te , d is c u s s io n a n d c o m m itte e h e a r in g s. B u t th e 189 s tr a te g y s e t f o r t h in th e A c t p ro v id e s o u r b e st c h an ce f o r su s ta in in g a h e a lth y e c o n o m y w h ile p r o v id in g th e g r e a te s t o p p o rtu n itie s f o r p ro d u c tiv e an d con s tr u c tiv e w o r k to a ll A m e r ic a n s . T h e C h a i r m a n . V e ry good. Th e questions I ’m going to ask I w ant to m ake it clear, as I said at the beginning, I w ant very much to support th is b ill i f I can, and we d id report out o f th is com mittee a b ill th a t w ould have provided a goal o f 4 percent unemployment as w ell as 2 1 4 percent in fla tio n goal back in 1973. I feel more strongly about th a t now than I d id then, but I w ant very much to support this b ill, but I do have some problems w ith it. N o. 1, Senator H u m p h rey, w hy not set a goal fo r inflation? W e set goals o f 3 percent fo r unem ploym ent. W e te ll the President to fo llo w specific detailed policies to achieve it. Y ou have in this measure o f 50 pages, in w hich a great deal o f it is devoted to unem ploym ent— p ro p erly so— you have, fo r exam ple section 202. counter cyclical policies. A section on unem ploym ent, 200 fu ll em ployed office, section 207 income m aintenance and fu ll em ploym ent policies— a ll throu g h i t you have strong, heavy emphasis o n *p ro vid in g jobs. T h ere ’s one section, a n ti-in fla tio n a ry policies, and as you said, it is an eloquent e ffo rt to try to challenge the President to come fo rw ard w ith an a n ti-in fla tio n program , but it doesn't re a lly specify an kind o f program , and there is no goal in here— there’s no specific goal fo r in fla tio n , so th a t you have an asym m etrical, unbalanced kind o f s itu atio n . N ow I th in k th a t D r. G a lb ra ith p u t his fin g er on it when he said i f we’re going to achieve som ething close to 3 percent unem ploym ent or fu ll em ploym ent, we’re going to have to meet this in flatio n prob lem . I t ’s going to in h ib it you every step o f the w ay. Y o ivre not going to be able to p u t this in to effect unless you’re able to hold down prices, and I th in k th a t one step m ig h t be to set a specific goal fo r in flatio n . W h y not do it? Senator H u m p h r e y . I must say, M r. C h airm an, th a t I would have no p a rtic u la r objection to th a t. 1 supported yo u r o rig in a l resolution fro m th is com m ittee. I f 37ou’re going to have an em ploym ent goal, there’s no reason a t a ll th a t you shouldn’t have an a n ti-in flatio n goal. W e say th a t we are convinced in our own m inds here th a t we can reach the level o f 3 percent unem ploym ent rate w ith o u t excessive in fla tio n . I don’t say there w ouldn’t be some in fla tio n a ry im pact, but I w ould not object to th a t. I th in k you have a very v a lid p oint. T h e C h a i r m a n . N o w the other p o in t I ’d like to make in connection with th is, o r the other question I ’d lik e to ask— and perhaps Con gressman H aw kin s , you could deal w ith this. Y o u discussed this very ab ly in y o u r presentation. You discussed th a t p re v a ilin g wage prob lem th a t we have, and we had a discussion o f th a t when the econ omists were before us. Y o u indicated th a t it seems fa ir and it shouldn t be in fla tio n a ry sim ply to pay people the same fo r public service jobs as they w ould be p aid in the p rivate sector. N o w the problem th a t arises i f we do th a t is the fo llo w in g : num ber one, you w ill lim it the available lab or pool fo r p riv a te em ploym ent. Y o u w ill strengthen the bargain in g position o f the person seeking em ploym ent. L e t me g ive you the most recent history o f w hat s hap pened. T h is is a re p o rt on the experience we have had on construc tio n wage settlem ents w ith in the last 2 months last m onth. M ost 190 settlements are com ing in a t less th an 7 ^ percent fo r the firs t year. T h e operating engineers in Boston, 4.2 percent. A num ber o f locals have settled fo r no increase a t a ll. W here locals have th e pow er to do so, they are ro llin g up b ig settlements in B aton Rouge, L ouisiana, construction trades won firs t year increases o f $1.20 to $2.08 an hour, p ipefitters in N ew M exico where energy construction keeps em ploy m ent high calls fo r a tw en ty percent increase. N ow I realize th a t you m ig h t achieve a g reat deal o f justice and achieve it suddenly, as Senator H u m p hrey emphasized so w e ll, by enabling people who are p aid too little now to be p aid m ore, b u t it seems to me th a t we ought to have as o rd erly a tran s itio n here as we can. Senator H u m p hrey emphasized the fa c t th a t it ’s b etter to pay people to w o rk than to pay people to s it around and do no th in g , w hich is w hat we do now. W h y w ouldn’t it be lo g ical to have a modest incentive to work? In other words, pay them m ore than they w ould get unem ploym ent compensation, pay them m ore than they w ould get under w elfare, b u t less than in tn e p riv a te sector so th ere’s an incentive to w o rk in to the p riv a te sector and you don’t have the clear in flatio n ary push th a t you w ould otherwise have on wages in the p rivate sector i f you pay the same am ount fo r people in the public em ploym ent operation ? I realize it ’s d ifficu lt, but I th in k some compromise lik e th a t makes sense and the economists who support th is b ill, Professor G a lb ra ith and Professor U lm e r, agree th a t th a t w ould be logical fro m th e ir standpoint. M r. H a w k i n s . I don’t th in k they have even read the b ill then, because the b ill refers to the occupation by the same em ployer. Th e C h a i r m a n . I ’ve read th a t. M r. H a w k i n s . I t ’s im p ractical, Senator, to believe th a t persons p erfo rm ing the same w o rk are going to be receiving d ifferen t wages. T h e C h a i r m a n . Now look at our experience in the depression. I ju st went over the wages th a t were p aid. C C C wages, W P A wages, P W A wages, and the wages at th a t tim e were substantially below w hat they were p aid in the p riv ate sector— they were outrageously low and they should have been higher than they were, b u t we d id provide jobs and everybody agrees then it was a lo t better to do th a t than to get some k in d o f handout and s it around. M r. H a w k i n s . W e ju st don’t believe th a t we have reached th a t p o in t or w ould reach th a t p o in t under the operation o f this b ill. I th in k w hat you’re assuming is th a t the depression o f the typ e th a t we experienced w ould be brought about, and I th in k th a t o n ly as sumes the continuation o f current policies, not d ifferent policies^ N ow I th in k th a t the past is no real judge about w h at we can achieve in the fu tu re and I th in k we shouldn’t be led in to breaking the wage structure o f A m erica. The C h a i r m a n . W e’re not breaking the wage structure. T h is wouldn’t reduce w hat’s being p aid in the p riv ate sector. W h a t it would do, however, instead o f people now on unem ploym ent com pensation and maybe g ettin g $5,000 a year, i f they go to w o rk they w ould get $6,000 or $7,000 a year and there would be an incentive, but not the $10,000 th a t th ey’d get by m oving into the p riv ate sector. A t the same tim e you say in your b ill th a t this w ill not replace jobs 191 in the p riv a te sector. I th in k it ’s a good provision. I t would seem th a t this is a w ay th a t you can cope w ith w h at w ould seem to be the most expressly and c learly in flatio n a ry elem ent o f the b ill. M r. H a w k i n s . I don’t reach the conclusion th a t you reach th a t th is is a very in fla tio n a ry section o f the b ill. W e are ta lk in g about a t the most— and I th in k you w ould agree w ith this— less than 2 m il lio n persons, even i f th a t m any, th a t would be so employed under these conditions. N ow I can’t see how you can say that" 2 m illio n persons out o f 200 m illio n persons------T h e C h a i r m a n . H e re ’s the problem . M r. H a w k i n s [co n tin u in g ]. In the to ta l economy, th a t these p er sons are going to exert th a t type o f in flatio n ary pressure. I t ju st doesn’t fo llo w . T h e C h a i r m a n . The argum ent is th a t there are 10 or 15 m illio n people in this country th a t are p aid low wages. Now i f they have the option o f ta k in g a lob th a t is more d ig n ified , th a t is perhaps m ore a ttrac tive , th a t w ill pay $8,000, $10,000 a year, because there are people who are p aid th a t fo r doing re lativ ely sim ple w ork, they are going to take th a t and they are going to take the public option ra th e r th an agree to continue to w ork in the p riv ate sector and we have made a lo t o f progress, enormous progress, in the last years in im p ro vin g the wages a fte r taxes and a fte r in flatio n fo r our people, b u t I am a fra id i f you m ake this b ig leap a ll o f a sudden th a t the in fla tio n a ry effects are going to be so great you are going to b u ild up an enormous resistance in the country and the Congress and it ’s going to be v ery, very h ard to provide th is kin d o f w ork. M r. H a w k i n s . I th in k it ’s a m atter fo r fu rth e r exploration. I ’m o n ly g iv in g you m y views th a t I th in k it c ertain ly is a phase o f the b ill w hich addresses its e lf to a d ifficult problem th a t you indicate, but I don’t th in k th a t in try in g to solve th a t problem we should in any w ay do anything th a t m ig h t destroy com parable wages being p aid to in d ivid u als doing the same am ount o f w ork. I th in k th a t the th ru st o f the b ill is to increase p ro d u ctivity and to make an in d i v id u a l productive. T h ere’s nothing in the b ill w hich w ould say to an em ployer, fo r exam ple, th a t a person who’s not productive has to be em ployed. T h e whole thrust o f the b ill is to im prove produc tiv ity . T h e C h a i r m a n . T h a t’s rig h t. W h a t concerns me is th a t an em p lo yer m ig h t have difficu lty h irin g workers i f you have a situation w here the w orkers are g ettin g as much as it seems to me th a t this b ill m ig h t provide. . Senator H u m p h rey , w ould vou lik e to comment on this? Senator H u m p h r e y . D r. G insberg, in his rep ort to us fro m the N a tio n a l Commission fo r M anpow er P o licy , touched on this item , M r. C h airm an . H e said as follow s: moves A s th e n a tio n to w a r d a fu U e m p lo y m e n t p o lic y , i t is d e s ir a b le th a t it e x p e r im e n t w it h th e f o llo w in g c o m p le x issu e s a n d le a r n a s it go es : H o w to c r e a t e p r o d u c tiv e jo b s in t h e p u b lic s e c to r a n d th e o u tp u t o f w h ic h th e p u b lic r e c o g n iz e s a s b e in g w o r th w h ile a n d i t w illin g to p a y f o r ; secondly— th is is to w h at you have directed you r attention t h e e s ta b lis h m e n t o f w a g e s a n d w o r k in g c o n d itio n s o n p u b lic je o p a r d is e t h e s ta n d a r d s a c h ie v e d b y th e r e g u la r w o r k fo r c e b u t a t th e s a m e tim e d o n o t p u ll w o r k e r s o u t o f th e ir p re se n t jo b s b e ca u se th e p u b lic jo b s p a y b e tte r . 192 The C h a ir m a n , That’s right Senator H u m p h r e y . T h is is I th in k a m a tter th a t requires o u r very carefu l attention here in this com m ittee and in other com mittees. I th in k w hat we were concerned about is th a t w ith the numbers o f unemployed now being low er th an we had to endure in the g reat depression and w ith the lim ite d num ber o f people th a t w ould lik e ly be on public service jobs under this b ill, it is our judgm ent th a t there w asn't this danger o f the p u ll th a t you’re ta lk in g about. B u t I ’m not unaware o f it and we are prepared to w ork w ith you to see i f we can’t refine th a t provision. The C h a i r m a n . Senator Tow er? Senator T o w e r . T h an k you, M r. C hairm an. I w ant to commend m y colleagues on th e ir very lu cid testim ony. H ow ever, I th in k it raises some questions th a t have not heretofore been raised. I w ould note th a t most o f the witnesses th a t have ap peared before the com m ittee have pointed out th a t th is proposal would be in flatio n ary. Now I ’m wondering i f you gentlem en are prepared to support the im position o f wage and price controls to contain w hatever explosive in flatio n ary effect th is m ig h t have. Senator " H u m p h r e y . W e ll, Senator, know ing your strong opposi tion to wage and price controls, and know ing o f your splendid rec ord and your unwillingness to impose such burdens upon the econ omy, we hesitated to include th a t specific provision in this b ill. W e thought th a t it w ould be much b etter to leave the language more flexible so that we could approach the problem o f in flatio n in a much more comprehensive m anner. Fm no addict o f wage and price controls, Senator. Y o u and I are not fa r ap art on th a t subject as a m atter o f fact. I know o f yo u r real resistance to it and I d id n ’t w ant to have anything in th is b ill th at would engender your im m ediate opposition. Senator T o w e r . I ’m touched by your concern fo r m y concern. Senator H u m p h r e y . I fe lt th a t you w ould be, b u t I see no tears yet. B u t I do th in k th a t the provision th a t wo have m ig h t be m ore clearly spelled out, M r. C hairm an, but I don’t w ant to appear here as an irresponsible m an in any w ay. I ’m not unaware o f the im p o r tance o f the in flatio n and the tragedy o f in flatio n . M y own judgm ent is th a t p ro d u ctivity is the best answer to in flatio n and I noticed again— and I ’m sure you are a ll fa m ilia r w ith the outstanding w o rk o f D r. Ginsberg who is possibly the N atio n ’s forem ost m anpower specialist— lie says as follo w s: “The present in flatio n a ry pressure d id not arise from a shortage o f workers and th e ir am elioration should not be sought and cannot be achieved by continuing h ig h levels o f unem ploym ent.” H e says: “T h e commission is convinced, as is H .B . 50, th a t the danger o f renewed k in d lin g o f in flatio n a ry pressures cannot ju s tify a m acropolicy th a t w ill leave us w ith such excessive h igh unem ploym ent rates as has been calculated by O M B , and so fo rth . Now there are some o f us th a t believe, fo r example— and I speak only now fo r m yself— th a t the W ag e-P ricc S ta b ility C ouncil w ith investigative powers, powers o f subpoena, can be very h e lp fu l; th a t guidelines can be very h e lp fu l. There m ay be even specialized indus tries in which there’s such control both ’in prices and wages where 19 3 there needs to be some delay, where public opinion can be brought to bear. B u t I w ant to say th a t the step o f imposed wa^e-price control is a very serious step and I d id not w ant to p u t th a t in the b ill and affix m y name to it. I thought th a t an adm inistration should be able to ome up here w ith more flexible policies than th a t. There are m any ways to address the problem o f in flatio n , as you know, Senator* Senator T ower . One witness touched on the question o f em ploy a b ility and I th in k th a t fro m tim e to tim e most o f us have acknow l edged th a t un em p lo yab ility is a p a rt o f the problem o f unem ploy m ent. Y o u r b ill doesn’t in any w ay address its e lf to this problem o f e m p lo yab ility, o f m anpower tra in in g . Senator H u m p h r e y . Yes, it does. I t relates to m anpower tra in in g re la tin g to skills, the developm ent o f skills and the tra in in g th a t is nccessary fo r w ork. A n d i f i t ’s not sufficiently specific on it, it is a fac to r th a t should surely be added. There are, as has been said here, the w o rkin g poor and then there are those th a t are re a lly unem ploy able and there are those th a t need the kin d o f tra in in g th a t make them em ployable. W e can be more specific, Senator. S enator T ower . C e rta in ly , there are a lo t o f jobs going begging in th is country. P ick up the w ant ads every day and I th in k we fa il, not because we haven’t trie d , but because perhaps we have been un able to come up w ith solutions, but certain ly this is a problem th a t I ’m prepared to address m yself to and th a t is th a t question o f un e m p lo ya b ility because we have to elevate the m argin o f em ployable out o f th a t category they are in now. S enator H u m p h r e y . I th in k the C E T A program in m any ways has been h e lp fu l in it. Senator T ow er . Some o f our program s have. Senator H u m p h r e y . I th in k we m aybe need more emphasis upon it. I w ould encourage th a t th a t emphasis be placed in any type o f leg islatio n th a t relates to fu ll em ploym ent. Senator T ower . N ow a num ber o f economists have expressed the concern th a t one o f the economic crises th a t we are going to have to face up to in this country is the s h o rtfa ll o f cap ital. I th in k everybody agrees th a t expanded c ap ital investm ent is an u ltim ate producer o f jobs because it expands our capacity to produce or to produce m ore efficiently or to raise per m an p ro d u ctivity . W h a t in your b ill w ould serve as any k in d o f stim ulus to ex panded c a p ita l investm ent and w ould it involve a m a tter o f cred it allocation ? I remem ber one tim e th a t you said yourself, Senator H u m p h rey; som ething to the effect th a t a lo t o f o u r c ap ital invest m ent is going where it should not go, perhaps in ham burger stands and p izza parlo rs when it should be going in to in d u stria l production o r d is trib u tio n o r communications and th is sort o f th in g . W h a t k in d o f comment do you have on th a t ? . Senator H u m p h r e y . W e ll, firs t o f a ll, the^ title I o f the b ill re lates to economic p o licy. H o p e fu lly the adm inistration,^ whoever is in charge, w ill try to develop the p riv a te sector by g iv in g free en terp rise its so-caued M agna C arta. Its expression o f v ita lity and freedom w ould have consideration in the ta x program s fo r the de velopm ent o f c ap ital— w h at .we call cap ital fo n a atio iu C a p ita l fo rm a tio n , o f course, is helped by increased p ro d u ctivity . I t 8 helped by a more prosperous economy. There isn’t any doubt about that* 194 The best w ay to get c ap ital is to do business and to have a p ro fit in the business th a t you do, b u t F m not unaw are o f and, in fa c t, I ’m fu lly cognizant o f the tremendous needs fo r investm ent c a p ita l. I f we w ent only in to the energy field, we w ould fin d incredible needs. T herefore, since investm ent is so v ita l to job fo rm atio n , you w ould have to have ta x policies, s ir, and cred it policies th a t w ould allo w cap ital form ation in much la rg e r amounts than we have had up to date. I th in k I understand the th ru st o f your question and I do not find m yself in any opposition to th a t im p o rtan t developm ent; nam ely, o f cap ital form atio n . Senator T ower . N ow title I I I o f the b ill w ould assign some ra th e r sweeping powers to the J o in t Econom ic C om m ittee. A s a m a tter o f fact, committees o f the Congress w ould be required to subm it th e ir comments to the J E C and Governors o f the States w ould, and J E C would make recommendations on m onetary policy. T h e B udget Com m ittee w ould be required to carry out J E C recommendations. A re we not in effect establishing the J E C as a v irtu a l economic czar w ith in the Congress ? Senator H u m p h r e y . N o. M y judgm ent is th a t it should be a com m ittee th a t is sufficiently developed in every w ay— m em bership, staff and so on— to give broad economic counsel and advice to the Con gress. I f it isn’t so a t the present tim e, then we can m ake it so. H ow ever, I am not addicted to a p a rtic u la r com m ittee ju risd ictio n . I don’t th in k th a t’s the most im p o rtan t p a rt o f the b ill. I do th in k th a t the J o in t Econom ic C om m ittee can p la y a very significant role and it ought to. I t was set up under the Em ploym ent A c t as the counterpart to the President’s C ouncil o f Econom ic A dvisers. I t is supposed to be the economic advisory body to the Congress. W h e th e r it has fu lfille d th a t function p ro p erly o r not is subject to debate and argum ent, but I th in k it could be. A g ain , m ay I say th a t’s a p a rt o f the b ill th a t I look upon as sub ject to amendment or adjustm ent as you m ay deem necessary. Th e im p o rtn t p a rt o f this b ill is title i , the economic policy mechanism, and those features in title I I th a t I th in k are supple m entary to m aking this b ill re a lly produce the results th a t it ’s designed to achieve. Senator T ower . M r. W achter’s name has come in to question. B y w av o f identification, he’s a member o f Jim m y C a rte r’s economic advisory team and he estimates— g ettin g back to *in flatio n w hich robs the pockets o f the poor fa r more than it does the pockets o f the rich— M r. W achter estimates th a t an attem pt to get down to 3percent unem ploym ent by 1980 or so chiefly w ith aggregate dem and stim ulus could cause in flatio n o f 15 percent or more. H e re ’s a man who m ay be the chief economic adviser to the next D em ocratic can didate fo r the Presidency o f the U n ite d States, unless you are success fu l in ganging up on him and stopping him . So I just wonder i f a statement com ing fro m a m an who is lik e ly to have a great deal o f influence gives you any pause ? Senator H u m p h r e y . W e ll, we m ay exact a price out o f M r. C a rte r and say th a t he doesn’t have M r. W achter, th a t possibly M r. W ach ter is^ subject to plausible argum ent. I ’m not at a ll sure about M r. W achter’s background or his role. Y o u ju st have to bear w ith me. M r. C arter d idn’t consult w ith me on his economic adviser, but I ’m 195 sure th a t he w ill consult w ith both o f us, Senator To w er, i f lie gets to be P resident. I w ill tr y m y best to see th a t he gives you good advice. Senator T ower . W e ll, i f he arrives a t the convention w ith less th a n enongh delegates to nom inate on the firs t b allo t, I ’m sure a g re at num ber o f people w ill have considerable influence over w hat he does. I th in k m y tim e is up, M r. C hairm an. T h e C h a ir m a n ’. Senator Stevenson. S enator H u m p h r e y . W o u ld you p erm it me to make a call ? Address y o u r question firs t to Congressman H aw kin s and I ’l l be rig h t back, i f you w ill. Is th a t a ll rig h t? Senator S te v e x s o x . B y a ll means, go ahead, but m y question was fo r you. I could y ie ld to Senator H elm s i f he has some questions. I have a question fo r both o f these gentlem en, M r. C hairm an. T h e C h a ir m a n . Senator H elm s. Senator H e lm s . W e ll, suppose you ask your question o f M r. H a w kins. I have one fo r h im also, and then I also have one fo r Senator H u m p h rey . Senator S t e ve x s o x . Congressman H aw kin s, w ith changes o f the k in d th a t you and Senator H u m p hrey were discussing w ith the chairm an, 1 th in k I can support this b ill, but I have some problem s w ith i t and I have read it . Y o u have both spoken fo rc e fu lly about unem ploym ent, and the unem ploym ent levels o f the U n ite d States are a n a tio n al disgrace, and as you and Senator H u m p hrey— Sena to r H u m p h rey in d ig n an tly — have indicated, the Governm ent should act. M y problem w ith th is legislation is th a t it contains no action and I have read it more than once. M y question to you and also to Sena to r H u m p h rey is : W h a t action does th is legislation take? A s I read it , i t requires the President to propose to the Congress action to be taken in the fu tu re — and you and Senator H u m p h rey have some v ery strong ideas I th in k about w h at action needs to be taken and— action needs to be taken to d ay, n o t years fro m now— a fte r rec om m endations fro m whoever th a t P resident is. Y o u spell some o f these actions out here—developm ent o f energy, tran sp ortation , food, sm all business, and environm ent im provem ent policies. W e know w h a t k in d o f actions. I agree w ith you about the tradeoff. I don’t th in k there’s anv coincidence th a t the N atio n suffered sim ultaneously th e w orst recession since the G reat Depression and the worst in fla tio n since the C iv il W a r a t about the same tim e the o il prices were q u ad ru p lin g . So w h y don’t we adopt an energy policy now instead o f w aitin g ? . . . . . M y question to both o f you is, w hat action does th is b ill take and i f i t takes none, as I th in k , then is it wise to sim ply establish more goals— w e have done th a t before— goals w hich m ay o r m ay n o t be re alistic w h ich in a ll likelih o o d w ould be disappointed and w hich could pass as a substitute fo r action? In other w ords, postpone action and action th a t we should have taken a lo n g tim e ago? . , , , M r. H a w k in s . Senator, I don’t th in k there are tw o in d ivid u als who have been m ore id en tified w ith action than the tw o authors o f the b ill. 196 Senator S t e v e n s o n . T h a t’s correct. M r. H a w k in s . C e rta in ly Senator H u m p h rey hasbeen re a lly id e n ti fied w ith m ore action than I have in m y career, and I agree w ith you in p rin cip le. The b ill as we have indicated is called a po licy b ill and I th in k w h ile the b ill its e lf does not si>ell out the action p ro grams th a t I th in k you and I w ould c ertain ly agree on, the b ill would require those action program s. The reason we don’t have action today is th a t i t ’s easy fo r the Con gress, fo r the C h ie f E xecutive, to get off the hook by not ta k in g any action. N ow in setting specific goals th a t we m ust accom plish, in cluding the 3 percent w ith in 4 years fo r w hich we have been c r iti cized tim e a fte r tim e, this is an action goal. T o reach th a t goal cer ta in ly means th a t we w ould begin to act to do so. I t w ould place responsibilities on the President, responsibilities th a t he doesn't have a t the present tim e or doesn’t assume. T h e President can sit back and do nothing. T h e Congress can, in its com plexity, sim ply fool around w ith legislation perhaps passed in one House and not passed in the other. These things take place now. T h ere’s no re sponsibility placed on anyone in term s o f any objective or to effecuate the purposes o f the act. N ow we could obviously spell out in more d etail some o f the action program s to w hich you have re ferred . T h is is s tric tly a problem o f ju risd ictio n . I f we were to begin doing th a t— and we have been criticized already because we have trie d to spell out as specifically as possible some o f the program s th a t could be operated— this b ill is not intended to bind the P resident, o r the Congress fo r th a t m atter, to a specific program . I t sim ply says th a t as o f a given space in tim e, given certain eco nomic conditions, then the Congress and the President w ould decide w hat is most appropriate a t th a t tim e in term s o f specific program s. I f we were to spell out action program s I ’m quite sure th is b ill w ould have been referred to every standing com m ittee in the House and probably the same in the Senate. So we could not invade the ju risd ictio n o f other committees. W e sim ply say th a t the President is to subm it legislation along the general lines w hich we have out lin e d ; the Congress is dutybound to consider them . W e place g reater responsibility on the J o in t Econom ic C om m ittee fo r w hich some people have objected. W e have placed the g reater responsibility on the committees o f the Congress to handle this legislation and it seems to me th a t’s as fa r as we could go. I f we attem pted to spell out the action program s, th is b ill w ould take 10 years to be passed because everybody w ould say, w e ll, look, I disagree w ith this p ro visio n ; I disagree w ith th a t provision, and we feel in spelling out the p olicy, m aking specific goals, saying th a t w ith in 4 years you have to get unem ploym ent down to 3 percent, th is is going to require the type o f action th a t I th in k you and I w ould agree to. Senator S tevenso n . W e ll, you m ay not have answered the ques tion. I ’m not suggesting th a t they be spelled out. I ’m suggesting th a t we take them and not run the ris k o f establishing more goals and be disappointed, o f ta k in g an action w hich is not an action, deceiving the A m erican people and in v itin g fu rth e r delays. Senator H um phrey, when you were out o f the room I m entioned— I know m any o f your ideas and you have spelled them out very 197 fo rc e fu lly . T h ere are references in th is b ill to food policies and we know w h at action needs to be taken. A ll th is does it seems to me, and I have read it, is th a t the President w ould propose to Congress actions th a t w ould be taken by the President. A ll I ’m saving is th a t I share your in d ig n atio n . I th in k the unem ploym ent levels in the U n ite d States are a disgrace and the Governm ent should act now to prom ote the general w elfare and------Senator H u m p h r e y . Senator, there are tw o levels th a t I th in k we have to look a t, tw o levels o f action. One is to update the E m ploy m ent A c t o f 1946. I t is not only a policy com m itm ent by the Congress, but also the establishm ent, h o p efu lly, o f a mechanism fo r the im provem ent o f the design o f economic policy, a more coordinated and in teg rated economic policy. N ow th a t is in section 1 o f this b ill. Section 2 o f this b ill, or title I I I should say, relates to a num ber o f m atters which have been before the Congress from tim e to tim e— countercyclical aid , public service jobs, emergency public works, to m ention some. T here is nothing at a ll that should fo restall the Congress o f the U n ite d States m oving on those as it wants to in a tim ely fashion. F o r exam ple, we have b ills rig h t now to provide public service jobs. W e surely ought to have action fo r emergency public works. I t is ju s t m y judgm ent th a t we w ould be better off looking down the road here a period o f years to have our fiscal and budget policy, our tax policy and m onetary policy more closely coordinated w ith our em ploym ent goals. Therefore w hatever we have to do in the natu re o f emergency public works or even long-term public works or countercyclical aids or public service jobs w ould be better designed. I th in k we’d get more fo r our money. I th in k you’d get better re sponse. B u t you r point o f g ettin g at the problem o f unem ploym ent w ith action now is w ell taken. T h is b ill, s ir, I ’ve got to be honest w ith you, is w h at I call a policy b ill not fo r tom orrow m orning, but fo r next year. T hen we w ill gear up this country in a concerted attack upon w h at I consider to be the pervasive and lin g e rin g problem o f unem ploym ent. I believe there’s sufficient evidence to te ll us th a t we are in a different b a ll game today than we were 10 years ago. S tru c tu ra l changes have taken place in our economy, as you a ll know, and there are problems o f em ploym ent w ith m in o rity groups, w ith you th , w ith women and others, as Congressman H aw kin s has said, th a t are d ifferen t and unique. P a rtic u la rly in these tim es o f greater awareness, there is a greater desire on the p a rt o f people to p a rtic i pate and m aybe a greater need. So we have to deal w ith those problem s, but I don’t w ant to be put in the box o f saying we should w ait to do som ething on unem ploy m ent problem s w h ile Congressman H aw kin s and Senator H u m p hrey argue about th e ir b ill. Th e answer is no. W e do have to approach the problem s now as best we can. Y o u and I have supported tax reductions. W e have supported public service job and a ll o f tin s. M y concern has been, and X th in k I have sensed th is fro m a num ber o f o th er Mem bers o f Congress, th a t somehow o r another the re a lly w o rried me so m uch is th a t --------, in g to n and then we get a ta x increase out a t the States, n e have a 198 stimulated tax policy in the Congress and the Executive and then we have a restrictive policy from the point of view of the Federal Re serve Board, I remember so well Dr. Burns saving to us— and I think you were there that day, Senator Proxmire— I asked him, “ Now if you had a mandate from the Congress as to goals”— this is 2 years ago, before this bill had ever seen the light of day— in fact, it was one of the reasons I got interested in this legislation. I said, “Mr. Burns, I have been complaining about you and the Federal Reserve Board and sometimes I feel like I have been unfair because we have never rally told you what we wanted.” I said, “ I f the Congress and the President were to tell you that we ought to achieve a certain degree of or have as a goal a certain degree of production and a certain degree of employment and a certain, as you have indicated today, rate of inflation, would you and the Fed eral Reserve Board cooperate? And what was his response? I think I can almost remember his words exactly. “We are a law abiding agency, Senator, and if the Congress will give us guidance, if the Congress will specifically say what it wants as its goals, we will do our level best to try to achieve those goals within an overall policy.” That’s exactly what we have got here. That’s what we’re trying to do. Again, to go back to Senator Stevenson, as far as tomorrow morning immediate relief, this bill is not directed to that purpose as you know. Senator S t e v e n s o n . Mr. Chairman, I think that’s a very helpful statement by Senator Humphrey and if this bill can be made more comprehensive with the changes of the kind that you and the chair man have been discussing, then I think I could support it, as a state ment of goals and of their general policies and with the hope that there are no illusions in the country that this is not action and with the hope that it doesn’t become a substitute for action. Senator H u m p h r e y . It is not a substitute for action. Senator S t e v e n s o n . It’s nothing more than a general policy state ment. Senator H u m p h r e y . It is an incentive for action. It is a blueprint for action and it will require action by the President and the Con gress and it lays out a structure in which that action can take place and I ’ll tell you quite honestly, none of this legislation is going to work— I don’t care what kind it is—if there isn’t a will to make it work. I f you’ve got people that have got the dead hand of indiffer ence and apathy on this legislation, it just isn’t going to work. That’s one of our problems today. Indeed, the best legislation with poor administration is not very good, and bad legislation with good administration is better. We just simply have got to have the will and the push to get the job done. I think Senator Stevenson’s description is very proper and fair. This isn’t a miracle. If you pass it, it doesn’t mean you’re going to get full employment by the fact that you pass it. But it does say, “Mr. President, how about living up to the law and the law states the following,” I consider that even with what we have done under the Employ ment Act of 1946, it could be argued that the administration is in violation of the law. That’s not unusual in government, however. 19 9 W e have been having a lot of that over a long period of time, but the Employment Act laid down maximum employment, maximum production, and maximum income. They didn't say full. And that was supposed to be a directive to the Government. The directives to the Government are oftentimes avoided or evaded. The directive to the citizen when the IR S says “ Pay your tax”— they mean it. When we say to the President of the United States, “ Present us with a program, even under the Employment Act of 1946, for maxi mum production.” He says, “W ell, you know, that was a nice thought.” They make a speech on that. But I think this refines the Employment Act of 1946. Mr. H a w k in s . Senator, I would say if this bill had been in opera tion effective as a law at the time the $6.2 billion program submitted by the Congress to the President was submitted to the President, that the President would have been hardpressed not to have signed that bill. That, to me, is the significance of it because the President could not have justified that veto of a bill that had been worked out by the Congress in violation of the principles contained in this bill. * Senator Stevenson. W ell, my time has expired. The C h a irm a n . Senator Heims. Senator H elm s. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Hawkins, I ’m perfectly willing to award you and my dis tinguished colleague from Minnesota, Senator Humphrey, a gold star for your foreheads for having the best of intentions. But I really wonder, when I hear a proposal such as this, whether we really believe in the free enterprise system that we boast about in this coun try. This bill is a flat contradition of that system. "Let me ask you, as a man who’s represented a fine district for many years, how many small businssmen have come to you and said, “ Look, I could hire more people if I could just get the government off my back.” I would dare say you have had this experience day after day, week after week, haven’t you? Would that be a fair state ment? Mr. H a w k in s . I think it would be a fair statement. I ’m not going to tell you what I told them, however, at this time unless you so request, but I certainly think it is a problem and I agree with you that that is the attitude of innumerable small business persons. Senator H e lm s . I think it’s the attitude of practically all of them. Certainly I know of no businessman in ISorth. Carolina who would not come here and testify under oath that he could hire more people if it weren’t for all of the Federal regulations, and all o f the laws and all o f the programs that have been enacted and instituted with great fanfare and publicity by the Congress— and then largely turned over to bureaucrats to administer. I was interested in Senator Humphrey s comments, something to the effect, “if we don’t let the dead hand of apathy run this pro gram.” I imagine he’s talking about the bureaucrats I don’t know any dead hands of apathy in the bureaucracy downtown They go gung-ho downtown, harrassing and badgering the small business Pe£ t ° o r Senator H elm s, le t me te ll you s o m e th in * I was a m ayor o f a c ity o f a h a lf a m illio n . T h a t’s p re tty good sized. 200 T h a t’s bigger th an some States. A n d I had the same c iv il servants th a t the predecessors had. I got tw ice as much w o rk out o f them and got five tim es more done, to be immodest about it. I made them w o rk and le t me te ll vou, the firs t th in g we d id w as go through o u r w e lfa re rolls and start a t the firs t vocational re tra in in g program and bv the tim e I got through, in 4 years o f being m ayor, we p ra c tic a lly had no welfare program because we put them to work. W e had the first alcohol and drug abuse center in the United States. W e took the police department and gave them a 40-hour week and got more work out of them than we had on the 50-hour week. You want to know a small businessman who doesn’t say— 1 11 take you right on out to Humphrey’s drug store. You know what I found out ? Those folks that are getting a little social security are our customers. They like it. Those folks that even got unemployment compensation out there are our customers and you want to know what would have happened without them? W e would have gone broke. A lot of people are here talking about the dead hand of Gov ernment. I f they didn’t get their social security, if they didn’t get their unemployment compensation, if they didn’t get their S S I and some of these "things, they would have had more trouble than they even know of. Don’t misunderstand me. Senator H e l m s . I ’m sure you’ve also heard about O S H A and other agencies which have gone to absurd lengths to harrass the small business men and women of America. Senator H u m p h r e y . Don’t misunderstand me I understand the importance of private enterprise and I ’m here to tell you that private enterprise has benefited when they got income. That’s the only thing that keeps private enterprise going, not these speeches. W hat mv old dad said is, “ Son, when they come into the store with money in the pocket we got a chance to get it in the cash register, period,” That’s it. Senator H e l m s . That’s very interesting and I appreciate that en lightenment about the Senators dad. Let’s turn to the reference made to C E T A here, Mr. Chairman. Now this is one of these programs that ivas going to do such great things. But what is the record? In North Carolina, Senator and Mr. Hawkins, $9.5 million of the Federal Government money— that is to say the taxpayers of the United States— was spent to produce precisely 73 jobs— costing $130,000 per job. The director of the C E T A program said— and I think he’s correct in this— “ the majority of Congress must realize that the answer to our economic problems cannot be found simply by pouring money into public sector employment and emergency jobs.” Now that’s the meat of the coconut when we start considering proposals such as the Humphrey-Hawkins bill. Now. Senator Humphrey can talk about his fine father and the checks that go in the cash register and all that, but I ’m absolutely persuaded that the small businessmen in this country are fed up to here with all the regulations, guidelines and other forms of Federal liarrassment. Mr. H a w k i n s . Senator, on that point------Senator H e l m s . J ust 1 minute, please. Sir. H a w k i n s . I don’t know whether you were in the room or not but we attempted to address that problem on page 14 of the bill, 201 section B , and I call yo u r p a rtic u la r attention to paragraphs one and tw o in w hich it is required th a t a review o f existing Governm ent rules and regulations to determ ine i f they s till serve a public purpose and are p ro p erly designed; and tw o, an annual evaluation o f 20 percent o f the d o lla r volum e o f existing F ed eral program s. In this b ill, fo r the firs t tim e, not in rhetoric, we begin to address ourselves to the problem o f fu lly review ing those rules and regulations about w hich you speak and also an evaluation o f w asteful program s so we can elim in ate them . T h is is not rhetoric. I t ’s in the b ill and I suggest th a t th is is the proper w ay to address ourselves to th a t problem . I t ’s v ery easy fo r us, as elected officials, to make an appeal to those business persons who are com plaining, but this fo r the firs t tim e does som ething concrete about it and I suggest th a t a carefu l reading o f th a t p a rtic u la r section, i f there are any m odifications, any strength ening th a t you w ould suggest, it certainly is our in ten t to do this and 1 w ould certain ly be, fo r one, in fa v o r o f strengthening th a t p ro vision o f the b ill. S enator H e lm s . I re iterate, s ir, th a t I give you and Senator H u m p h rey a gold star fo r your good intentions. N ow I notice in S enator H u m p h rey ’s statem ent, page 3, he alludes to “over the period o f 1962 to 1973 w h ile the U n ite d States had an average o f unem ploy m ent rate o f 5 percent, the countries o f Japan, France, U n ite d K in g dom , Sweden, and G erm any had an average unem ploym ent rate o f 1.8 percent.” S enator H u m p h r e y . R ig h t. S enator H e lm s . W h a t was th e ir in flatio n ra te , Senator? Senator H u m p h r e y . I t depends on w hich country you’re ta lk in g about. S enator H e lm s . Y ou take any country you lik e . Senator H u m p h r e y . G erm any’s was less th an ©ill’s. Senator H elm s . I beg your pardon. Senator H u m p h r e y . I th in k th a t’s tru e. Senator W e’l l get it and p u t it in the record. Senator H u m p h r e y . A n d the Swiss m ark is a better currency than ours, Senator, i f you w ill pardon me, and they also had below 1 percent unem ploym ent. Th ey had to im p o rt a m illio n and a h a lf w orkers, a m illio n and a h a lf fo rig n workers and up even as h ig h as 2 m illio n . Senator H e lm s . A ll rig h t, but S w itzerlan d was not included in yo u r statem ent th a t I quoted. N ow we have had discussion here th is m orning about d ie things we have done— such as ta x reduction, w hich is a very appealing th in g . Everyone w ould lik e to have a ta x reduc tio n every tim e, pay day rolls around. P u b lic service jobs are voted on th e Senate floor and in the House o f Representatives, bu t. sad to say, th is in e vita b ly leads to g reater deficits. T h e F ed eral debt today is in excess o f $600 b illio n and i t ’s going to cost between $43 and $47 b illio n th is year to pav the interest alone. Now th a t’s w h at’s w rong. W e can pass a ll sorts o f b ills w ith a ll sorts o f fancv title s , b u t i t ’s the same th in g as standing in th a t w indow and huffing and puffing to blow down the W ashington m onument. I say u n til we get th is F e d e ra l G overnm ent straightened o u t W r e n o t going to accom p lish a n y th in g . 202 Senator H u m p h r e y . Senator, I think you’re making a wonderful argument for our bill. Senator H e lm s . In all candor, your logic escapes me. I certainly have said nothing on behalf of your bill. Senator H u m p h r e y . I don’t agree with you. Let me tell you, the President’s own Manpower Commission points out it’s been estimated that every percentage point increase in tne unemployment rate above 4 percent the Federal deficit incrass by almost $16 billion, $14 billion because of reduced tax receipts and $2 billion because of increased transfer payments. So here’s the Commission on which the Secretary of Defense, Agriculture, Commerce, Labor, H E W , Administrator of the Veterans’ Affairs and a large number of others served, and they come in here and tell you why you’ve got the deficit. You and I know why we have the deficit. The deficit is due to the fact that the economy has been in the doldrums. That’s why the State and local governments in 1975 lost $27 billion worth of revenue. When you’re not making it, you can’t have it. Senator H elm s. Senator, I would suggest that we have deficits because we have had an irresponsible Congress for a generation that has spent far more each year than it’s taken in. That’s been the name of the political game and that’s why we have such a staggering deficit, and such stifling inflation. Now I wish it were possible to pass a law to solve the unemploy ment but it’s not that simple. W e ’ve got to let this free enterprise system work and get the Government off the backs o f the people who can create— the only people who can create jobs in this country. The Federal Government can’t do it and your bill can’t do it, and won’t do it. Senator H u m p h rey . Senator, I wouldn’t disagree with a word that you just said in terms of giving the free enterprise system a chance to create the jobs. That’s the whole purpose here. One of the ways you get it is with investment, with credit, with budget policies and tax policies to give the free enterprise system a chance to work, and that’s what we’re trying to do. Senator H elm s. Senator, I respect you, and our disagreement, as always, as a friendly one, but if you believe your bill will do that, you’ll believe anything. Senator H u m p h rey . W ell, maybe you should believe a little more. Senator H elm s. Thank you very much. The C h a irm a x . W ell, thank you gentlemen very much, not only for your statements but your superb responsiveness to our questions. Our final witnesses will be Mr. Andrew Biemiller, A F L -C I O ; Dr. Carl Madden, Chahber of Commerce of the United States: and Dr. Leon H . Keyserling, one of the best economists in the country and one of the authors of the legislation. Mr. B ie m ille r. Mr. Chairman, I regret that I have other appoint ments that I must keep. I have some of my colleagues here with me who will speak for the A F L -C I O . The C h a irm a x . A ll right, sir. Fine. Your statement will be delivered by one of your colleagues? Mr. B ie m ille r. Rudolph Oswald, the Acting Director of our Office of Research, and Henry Schechter, of our Department of Housing and Urban Affairs. 203 T h e C h a ir m a n . Supposing then we s tart off w ith M r. Oswald. Y o u ’re R udolph O swald and w hat is your position again? M r. O sw ald . A c tin g D ire c to r o f Research fo r the A F L -C IO . T h e C h a ir m a n . A ll rig h t, sir. STATEMENT OF RUDOLPH OSWALD, ACTING DIRECTOR OP RESEARCH, AFL-CIO; ACCOMPANIED BY HENRY SCHECHTER, DEPARTMENT OF HOUSING AND URBAN AFFAIRS, AFL-CIO The C h a ir m a n . I w ant to apologize to you gentlemen fo r keeping you so long but you can understand we started at 9 :30 this m orning. I w ould suggest i f you can do so th a t you sum marize your statements as b rie fly as possible and then we w ill have some questions. M r. O sw ald . T h an k you, Senator. M r. C h airm an , we are happy to te s tify in support o f the revised H u m p h rey -H a w kin s F u ll Em ploym ent B ill, S. 50. F u ll em ploym ent has a lw a j’s been a top p rio rity goal o f organized labor. W e define fu ll em ploym ent as a job at a decent wage fo r every A m erican who is able to w ork and who is seeking work. S. 50 aims a t tran s latin g fu ll em ploym ent rhetoric in to fu ll em ploym ent re a lity . I t sets up a reasonable, practical, and w orkable mechanism to tu rn the prom ise o f fu ll em ploym ent in to jobs. W e don’t look at fu ll em ploym ent as some philosophically correct abstraction. F u ll em ploym ent to us is an economic necessity. Jobs are the lifeb lo o d o f the A m erican economic system. A job is a key measure o f a person’s place in society— w hether th a t person is a fu ll-fled g ed p artic ip a n t in society or on the outside look in g in . W o rk is the basic source o f income in our society. F ro m jobs come the wages th a t generate mass purchasing power— mass b u ying power th a t stim ulates increasing output o f goods and services and raises fa m ily liv in g standards. U n fo rtu n a te ly , the A m erican economy too often fa lls fa r short o f fu ll em ploym ent. H ig h and persistent joblessness condemns m il lions o f A m ericans to the economic scrap-heap. T h is is m o rally w rong, socially w rong, and econom ically w rong. U nem ploym ent statistics represent people. T h ey represent fam ilies. E v e ry 1 percent o f our unem ploym ent rate represents almost one m illio n people. T o these people unem ploym ent is personal tragedy and fa m ily tragedy. T h e fa c t th a t the loss o f job and steady income is tem p o rarily alle via te d by unem ploym ent compensation, public assistance, and food stamps is no consolation to those who w ant steady w ork. A n d most workers are in debt fo r th e ir homes, cars, refrigeratoi-s, television sets and other appliances— and the fe a r o f harassment, g u ilt fo r b ills unpaid, and the shame o f possible bankruptcy haunt the unem ployed. Prolonged in vo lu n tary unem ploym ent causes other changes w inch are not alw ays evident. There is the loss o f the h ab it o f w o rkin g , the loss o f self-esteem , often accompanied by stresses and strains in fa m ily relationships. Tensions between husband and w ife , caused by unem ploym ent, o ften lead to divorce courts, and tensions between parents and child ren often result in alcoholism , drug abuse and crim e. T h e trag ed y o f unem ploym ent causes social and com m unity problems as w e ll as personal and fa m ily tragedies. A n d the economic 73-363— 76------- 14 204 waste o f productive hum an resources is a loss w h ich can n ever be recaptured. In 1975 the gap between A m erica’s p o te n tia l f u ll em ploym ent o u tp u t and . actual o u tp u t o f goods and services— con servatively estim ated by the U .S . Commerce D ep artm en t— was m ore than $225 b illio n . T h is staggering loss o f o u tp u t was m ore th a n $1,000 p er m an, wom an and c h ild in the U n ite d States. Th e C h a ir m a n , M r. O sw ald, I hate to in te rru p t, b u t th is is a 15-page statem ent and as I tim e you it w ill take you m ore th a n h a lf an hour to read it. I w ould appreciate i t i f you could sum m arize it . W e w ill p rin t the w hole statem ent in th e record. I had a chance to read it last n ig h t and i t ’s a fine statem ent. C ould you go over i t b riefly ? M r. O s w a l d . Yes, Senator. T h ere are a few item s th a t I ’d p a r tic u la rly lik e to h ig h lig h t. O ne item th a t we emphasize is th a t f u ll em ploym ent is a precondition fo r price s ta b ility and a h ea lth y, b a l anced expanding economy th a t produces g ro w in g revenues to p ay fo r fu ll em ploym ent. T h is refers to some o f the e a rlie r questions o f the previous witnesses and I th in k th a t our testim ony here shows th a t the huge deficits in recent years were not the cause out ra th e r th e re su lt o f the N atio n ’s economic problem s. In d o lla r term s, the 1975 calendar yea r fed e ral deficit w ould have been only $7.5 b illio n instead o f the actual $73.4 b illio n th a t existed according to the C ouncil o f Econom ic A dvisers, and th a t is a t an estim ate o f 4 percent unem ploym ent ra th e r th an 3 percent the goal sets fo rth . In com bining F ed e ral, state and local governm ents, the d eficit w ould not have been. In stead o f a d eficit o f $63.5 b illio n , there w ould have been a surplus o f $29.9 b illio n . S im ila rly , w hat I w ould lik e to h ig h lig h t is th a t w h ile c u rre n tly the A d m in is tra tio n talks o f a 7Vz percent unem ploym ent, ra te , a tru e r picture we feel w ould be an unem ploym ent rate o f 10.2 p e r cent, i f one included the discouraged w orkers and the w orkers who are required to w o rk p a rt-tim e because fu ll-tim e jobs are not a v a il able. W e have been p u blishing in the A F L - C IO a m ore realists level o f unem ploym ent in those term s th an the figures th a t are h ig h lig h ted by the B ureau o f L ab o r S tatistics, although the Com m issioner has been rep o rtin g a s im ila r figure in his rep ort m o n th ly to the J o in t Econom ic C om m ittee. In our statem ent we indicate the series o f recom mendations adopted by the A F L -C IO last Decem ber in supporting a feasible fu ll em ploy m ent act and m any o f these elements are included in S. 50 and is in f u ll accord w ith our endorsement o f S. 50. W e emphasize our concern w ith the F ed eral Eeserve B o ard and its fa ilu re to emphasize the setting fo rth o f fu ll em ploym ent as one o f its goals. In th is respect, Senator H u m p h rey in d i cated, th a t M r. B urns had said th a t he was interested in a declara tio n o f policy fo r the F ed eral Reserve B oard. W e feel th a t S. 50 sets fo rth th a t policy in term s o f h avin g the F ed eral Reserve B oard m ake regular reports to Congress, and rep o rtin g how its actions w ould be in conjunction w ith the other actions o f the A d m in is tra tio n , in terms o f setting fo rth the goal o f m eeting f u ll em ploym ent. 205 W e feel th a t some o f the actions o f the Federal Reserve B oard in recent years were p a rt o f the cause o f the current h ig h unem ploy m ent and therefore it ’s absolutely necessary fo r the inclusion o f the F ed e ral Reserve B oard reference in S. 50. Then the Fed w ill act in its role o f co n tro llin g money cred it to b rin g about fu ll em ploym ent and w ill consult w ith the Congress, th a t is the elected body, to set fo rth the objectives and plans th a t w ould b rin g about fu ll "employ m ent. Th e other item s th a t I ’d lik e to h ig h lig h t in term s o f our testi mony is th a t the emphasis in section 3 (A ) requires the P resident to prepare and tran sm it to the Congress annually a fu ll em ploym ent and balanced gro w th p lan , inclu d in g n ational goals and p rio ritie s. I t ’s this sort o f emphasis on the to ta l program fo r fu ll em ploym ent and b al anced grow th th a t we th in k is the h ig h lig h t o f S. 50. x h e fa c t th a t it requires the various adm in istrative bodies to set fo rth a program th a t w ill reflect the specific targets and goals th a t the b ill sets fo rth in term s o f b rin g in g the economy to a 3 percent unem ploym ent rate. W h a t has us concerned is the most recent projections by the C ouncil o f Econom ic A dvisers th a t w ould leave us a t a 5 percent unem ploym ent level in 1980, whereas the goal o f S. 50 w ould direct the C ouncil o f Econom ic A dvisers and the A d m in istratio n to set fo rth a program to lead to a 3 percent unem ploym ent level fo r a fu ll em ploym ent economy. T h e curren t actions o f the F ed eral Reserve B oard— and we h ig h lig h t these in our prepared statem ent— would seem to im p ly th a t they are m oving tow ards a new tig h t money and hig h interest rate policy. W e are p a rtic u la rly concerned th a t this sort o f a policy w ill choke the m ortgage money supply a t a tim e when the construction industry is s till not recovered fro m the depression, w ith the housing starts rate s till at only 55 percent o f the prerecession h ig h and to ta l un em ploym ent rates in the construction in d u stry o f over 15 percent. A t th is p o in t we are equally concerned th a t th e actions o f the F e d th a t seem to im p ly tig h te n in g the money supply and raisin g interest rates are going to choke o ff th e a b ility o f the housing in d ustry to recover and also in term s o f its im pact on u tilitie s , w ith m edium q u a lity u tility bonds already m oving back up to 10 percent, in d ic atin g a real concern fo r th is v ita l energy elem ent in the economy to adjust to the cu rren t needs o f our economy, and we are concerned th a t the F ed is not responsive to the to ta l direction o f the needs o f the economy as voiced often by Congress. T h e emphasis th a t we place on the need fo r selective c red it regulations th a t are m entioned in section 3B o f S , 50 w ould be useful in designing fiscal and m onetary policies th a t w ould be consistent w ith r a il em ploym ent and balanced g ro w th plans. W e feel th a t the flexib le use o f such tools in economic policy w ould allo w fo r g reater fle x ib ility and w ould take the restrictive general m onetary policies’ s tra itja c k e t aw ay fro m the other tools th a t we have to fig h t in fla tio n ana recession and th a t the curren t dependency upon m onetary p o licy has resulted in re stra in t on g ro w th and in savings and c a p ita l fo rm atio n in general. The emphasis that is exemplified in S. 50— is that monetary policy alone cannot solve America’s economic problems. The economy is too 206 b ig and too com plex. M o n etary policies affecting the supply and a v a il a b ility o f money and cred it and the level o f interest rates are o f g reat im portance- O th er tools o f economic policy are im p o rtan t also. T h u s, we m ust be concerned about fiscal p o licy, the G overnm ent’s ta x , investm ent and spending policies, and m anpow er policies w hich deal w ith the broad range o f job related program s, in clu d in g public service jobs, m anpower tra in in g , unem ploym ent com pensation and so fo rth . In essence, our view o f S. 50 is th a t S. 50 coordinates the efforts to achieve economic grow th and f u ll em ploym ent. I th in k the other th in g th a t I ’d lik e to emphasis is th a t in our view S. 50 is not a job creating b ill in and o f its e lf, b u t i t ’s a general economic policy b ill th a t coordinates the activities o f the President, the Congress and the F ed eral Reserve to develop and act on the n atio n al goals and p rio ritie s fo r fu ll em ploym ent. Th e other item th a t we w ould lik e to emphasize som ewhat in keeping w ith the emphasis o f Congressman H a w k in s e a rlie r is in term s o f the social needs o f A m erica. W e are concerned w ith the emphasis o f fig h tin g fo r hum an w elfare and social progress and m eeting the problems th a t unem ploym ent causes fo r people. W e are concerned th a t c iv il rig h ts, m inim um wage and other leg islatio n m ay not re ally provide the prom ise unless there are the jobs fo r people. S. 50 would give the country the o p p o rtu n ity to provide the economic grow th and social progress th a t accompanies fu ll em ploy m ent. The emphasis th a t we see is th a t S. 50 is an investm ent in the fu tu re and provides fo r the w e lfare o f people. I t ’s im p o rtan t in term s o f our outlook fo r the next 5 years and the decades th e re a fte r by em phasizing the im portance o f hum an life and jobs in term s o f th a t social recognition in our economy. I th in k th a t’s the emphasis o f our statem ent, Senator, T h e C h a i r m a n . T h an k you very much, M r. O sw ald. Y o u d i d a n expert job o f sum m arizing the statem ent tersely and very w e ll. T h e entire statem ent w ill be p rin ted in fu ll in the record, M r. O s w a l d . T h an k you, Senator. [Com plete statm ent o f the A F L - C IO fo llo w s :] S t a t e m e n t o f A n d r e w J . B ie m t ix e b , D ir e c t o r o f L e g is l a t io n , A m e r ic a n F e d e r a t io n o f L a b o r a n d C o n g r e s s o f I n d u s t r i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n s Mr. C h a irm a n , w e a r e h a p p y to t e s t if y in su p p o rt o f th e r t v ie s d H u m p h rey H a w k in s F u ll E m p lo y m e n t B ill, S, 5 0 . F u ll e m p lo y m e n t h a s a lw a y s b een a to p -p rio r ity g o a l o f o r g a n iz e d lab or. W e d efin e f u ll e m p lo y m e n t a s a jo b a t a d e c e n t w a g e fo r e v e r y A m e r ic a n w h o is a b le to w o rk a n d w h o is s e e k in g w ork . S. 5 0 a im s a t t r a n s la t in g f u l l e m p lo y m e n t r h e to r ic in to f u ll e m p lo y m e n t r e a lity . I t s e t s u p a r e a so n a b le , p r a c tic a l, a n d w o r k a b le m e c h a n ism to tu r n th e p r o m ise o f f u ll e m p lo y m e n t in to jo b s. W e d o n ’t lo o k a t f u l l e m p lo y m e n t a s so m e p h ilis o p h ic a lly c o r r e c t a b s tr a c tio n . F u ll em p lo y m e n t to u s is a n e c o n o m ic n e c e s s ity . J o b s a r e t h e life b lo o d o f th e A m erica n eco n o m ic sy ste m . A jo b is a k ey m e a su r e o f a p e r s o n ’s p la c e in s o c ie ty — w h e th e r t h a t p erso n is a fu ll-fled g ed p a r tic ip a n t in s o c ie ty o r o n th e o u ts id e lo o k in g in . W o rk is th e b a sic so u rc e o f in co m e in o u r s o c ie ty . F ro m jo b s co m e th e w a g e s t h a t g e n e r a t e m a ss p u r c h a sin g p o w e r — m a s s b u y in g p o w er th a t s tim u la te s in c r e a s in g o u tp u t o f g o o d s an d s e r v ic e s a n d r a is e s f a m ily liv in g sta n d a rd s. 207 U n f o r tu n a t e ly , th e A m e r ic a n eco n o m y to o o fte n f a lls f a r s h o r t o f f u l l e m p lo y m e n t. H ig h a n d p e r s is t e n t jo b le s s n e s s co n d em n s m illio n s o f A m e r ic a n s to t h e e c o n o m ic scrap -h eap . T h is is m o r a lly w ron g, so c ia lly w ro n g , a n d ec o n o m ic a lly w ro n g . U n e m p lo y m e n t s t a t i s t i c s r e p r e s e n t p eop le. T h e y r e p r e s e n t f a m ilie s . E v e r y o n e p e r c e n t o f o u r u n e m p lo y m e n t r a te r e p r e s e n ts a lm o s t o n e m illio n p eop le. T o t h e s e p eo p le, u n e m p lo y m e n t is p e r s o n a l tr a g e d y a n d fa m ily tr a g e d y . T h e f a c t t h a t th e lo s s o f jo b a n d s te a d y in co m e i s te m p o r a r ily a lle v ia te d by u n e m p lo y m e n t c o m p e n sa tio n , p u b lic a s s is ta n c e , a n d fo o d s ta m p s i s n o c o n s o la t io n to t h o s e w h o w a n t s te a d y w ork . A n d m o st w o r k e r s a r e in d e b t f o r t h e ir h o m es, ca rs, r e fr ig e r a to r s , t e le v is io n s e t s a n d o th e r a p p lia n c e s— a n d th e f e a r o f h a r a ss m e n t, g u ilt fo r b ills u n p a id , a n d t h e s h a m e o f p o s s ib le b a n k ru p tcy h a u n t th e u n em p lo y ed . P r o lo n g e d in v o lu n t a r y u n e m p lo y m e n t c a u s e s o th e r c h a n g e s w h ic h a r e n o t a l w a y s e v id e n t. T h e r e is t h e lo s s o f t h e h a b it o f w o rk in g , t h e lo s s o f s e lf e s te e m , o f te n a c c o m p a n ie d b y s t r e s s e s a n d s t r a in s in fa m ily r e la tio n s h ip s . T e n s io n s b e tw e e n h u sb a n d a n d w ife , c a u se d b y u n em p lo y m en t, o f te n le a d to d i v o r c e c o u r ts, a n d te n s io n s b e tw e e n p a r e n ts a n d c h ild r e n o f te n r e s u lt in a lc o h o lism , d r u g a b u se an d crim e. T h e tr a g e d y o f u n e m p lo y m e n t c a u s e s s o c ia l a n d c o m m u n ity p ro b lem s a s w e ll a s p e r s o n a l a n d f a m ily tr a g e d ie s. A n d t h e e co n o m ic w a s te o f p r o d u c tiv e h u m a n r e s o u r c e s i s a lo s s w h ic h c a n n e v e r b e r eca p tu red . I n 1 9 7 5 t h e g a p b e tw e e n A m e r ic a ’s potential f u l l e m p lo y m e n t o u tp u t a n d actual o u tp u t o f g o o d s a n d s e r v ic e s — c o n s e r v a tiv e ly e s tim a te d by t h e U .S . C om m erce D e p a r tm e n t— w a s m o r e th a n $ 2 2 5 b illio n . T h is s t a g g e r in g lo s s o f o u tp u t w a s m o r e th a n $ 1 ,0 0 0 p e r m a n , w o m a n , a n d c h ild in th e U n ite d S ta te s . T h e A m e r ic a n eco n o m y i s s t i ll o p e r a tin g in 1 9 7 6 w it h t h e sa m e o u tr a g e o u s w a s t e o f p r o d u c tiv e p o te n tia l. I n t h e fir s t q u a r te r o f 1 9 7 6 t h e eco n o m y was o p e r a tin g w it h o n ly 7 1 p e r c e n t o f m a n u fa c tu r in g c a p a c ity b e in g u tiliz e d — so t h a t 2 9 p e r c e n t o f m a n u f a c t u r in g w a s id le . T h e g o v e r n m e n t’s u n em p lo y m en t fig u r e s in d ic a te d a n u n e m p lo y m e n t r a t e o f 7 .6 p e r c e n t in t h e fir s t q u a rter, b u t t h e m o r e r e a lis t ic c a lc u la t io n s o f t h e A F L - C I O in c lu d in g d isc o u r a g e d w o r k e r s a n d h a l f t h e in v o lu n ta r y p a r t- tim e w o r k e r s, in d ic a te a first-q u a r ter d o u b le d ig it u n e m p lo y m e n t r a t e o f 1 0 .5 p e r c e n t— m o r e t h a n o n e o u t o f e v e r y 1 0 w o r k e r s s t i l l s u ffe r in g u n em p lo y m e n t. T h e r e i s s t i l l a v a s t a m o u n t o f sla c k in t h e k e y m a n u fa c tu r in g a n d c o n str u c tio n s e c to r s o f t h e A m e r ic a n eco n o m y . I n A p r il o f t h is y e a r e m p lo y m e n t in m a n u f a c t u r in g w a s 1 8 .9 m illio n — s t il l m o r e t h a n a m illio n jo b s b e lo w t h e prer e c e s s io n 1 9 7 3 p e a k o f 2 0 .2 m illio n j o b s in m a n u fa c tu r in g . A n d A p r il e m p lo y m e n t in c o n tr a c t c o n s tr u c tio n w a s 3 .3 m illio n — s t i l l 7 0 0 ,0 0 0 jo b s sh o r t o f th e p r e - r e c e ssio n p e a k o f 4 m illio n c o n s tr u c tio n jo b s. I n h o u s in g co n str u c tio n , n e w s t a r t s a r e s t i l l o n ly 5 5 p e r c e n t o f t h e p re- r e c e ssio n h ig h , in s p it e o f t h e n a t i o n ’s d ir e n e e d f o r m o re h o m es. M u ch o f t h e o p p o sitio n t o t h e H u m p h r e y - H a w k in s f u ll e m p lo y m e n t le g is la tio n s t e m s fr o m b a s e le s s m y th s a b o u t in fla tio n , b u d g e t d e fic its, a n d g o v e r n m e n t sp e n d in g . T h e h u g e d e fic its in r e c e n t y e a r s w e r e n o t t h e c a u s e b u t r a th e r t h e r e s u lt o f t h e n a t io n ’s e c o n o m ic p rob lem s. L a s t y e a r , t h e P r e s id e n t in h is b u d g e t m e s s a g e c a n d id ly n o te d t h a t i f u n e m p lo y m e n t in 1 9 7 5 a n d 1 9 7 6 w e r e a t 1 9 7 4 le v e ls , t h e r e w o u ld be n o d eficit. T h e P r e s id e n t s t a t e d t h a t " lo w e r t a x r e c e ip ts a n d p a y m e n t s t o t h e u n em p lo y e d a lo n e m o re t h a n a c c o u n t f o r th e d e fic its e x p e c te d in b o th 1 9 7 5 a n d 1 9 7 6 .” I f t h e U .S . e c o n o m y h a d b een o p e r a tin g a t f u l l em p lo y m e n t, a c c o r d in g t o t h e C o u n c il o f E c o n o m ic A d v ise r s, t h e 1 9 7 5 c a le n d a r y e a r f e d e r a l d e fic it w o u ld h a v e b e e n o n ly $ 7 .5 b illio n in s te a d o f t h e a c t u a l d e fic it o f $ 7 3 .4 b illio n . T h e C o u n c il fig u r e s a r e b a se d on a d e fin itio n o f f u ll e m p lo y m e n t a s 4 p e r c e n t u n em p lo y m e n t. W e c o n s id e r 3 p e r c e n t u n e m p lo y m e n t t h e o n ly a c c e p ta b le fo r m u la . A n d f o r f e d e r a l, s t a t e a n d lo c a l g o v e r n m e n ts com b in e d , in c a le n d a r y e a r 1 9 7 5 t h e r e w o u ld h a v e b e e n a co m b in ed s u r p lu s o f $ 2 9 .9 b illio n in s t e a d o f a c o m b in e d d e fic it o f $ 6 3 .5 b illio n , th e C o u n cil rep o rted . S o i t i s c le a r fr o m t h is A d m in is tr a tio n ’s e s t im a t e s in t h e 1 9 7 6 R e p o r t o f t h e C o u n c il o f E c o n o m ic A d v is e r s t h a t g o v e r n m e n t b u d g e t d e fic its w ill b e s h a r p ly r e d u c e d a n d u lt im a t e ly e lim in a t e d e n tir e ly w h e n t h e A m e r ic a n e c o n o m y i s o p e r a t in g a t f u l l e m p lo y m e n t. A I n f a c t , t h e T a b le on p a g e 5 5 o f t h e 1 9 7 6 C o u n c il's R e p o r t s h o w s t h a t i f th e r e h a d b e e n f u l l e m p lo y m e n t fr o m 1 9 6 9 th r o u g h 1 9 7 5 t h e f e d e r a l t r e a s u r y 208 w o u ld h a v e h a d a $ 3 4 , 2 b illio n s u r p lu s — w h e r e a s h ig h u n e m p lo y m e n t a n d t h e r e s u ltin g lo s s o f f e d e r a l t a x r e v e n u e s r e s u lte d in a n a c t iia l 1 9 6 9 - 1 9 7 5 c u m u l a t iv e f e d e r a l d e fic it o f $ 1 3 4 . 9 b illio n . T h e tr u e c o s ts o f S. 5 0 f u l l e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m s w o u ld b e f a r l e s s t h a n o p p o n e n ts o f S. 5 0 h a v e c o n te n d e d . T h e y ig n o r e in c r e a s e d t a x r e v e n u e s a n d re d u c e d u n e m p lo y m e n t c o s ts a n d r e d u c e d w e lf a r e c o s ts . A n d th e y ig n o r e t h e s tim u la t io n to p r iv a te - se c to r jo b - c r e a tio n t h a t r e s u lt s fr o m f u l l e m p lo y m e n t. T h ir ty y e a r s a g o , o r g a n iz e d la b o r p a r t ic ip a t e d in t h e e ffo r t t h a t p r o d u c e d t h e E m p lo y m e n t A c t o f 1 9 4 6 . T h a t A c t c o m m itte d t h e TLS. g o v e r n m e n t to c r e a te c o n d itio n s “u n d e r w h ic h th e r e w ill b e a ffo r d e d u s e f u l e m p lo y m e n t op p o r tu n itie s , in c lu d in g se lf- e m p lo y m e n t, f o r t h o s e ab le, w illin g a n d s e e k in g to w o rk , a n d t o p r o m o te m a x im u m e m p lo y m e n t, p r o d u c tio n a n d p u r c h a s in g p o w e r .” U n fo r tu n a te ly , t h e g o o d in te n t io n s o f t h a t le g is la t io n w e r e j u s t t h a t — g o o d in te n tio n s . I t la c k e d t h e m a c h in e r y a n d p r o c e d u r e s to t r a n s la t e t h e c o m m it m e n t in to r e a lity . D u r in g m o s t o f t h e y e a r s s in c e 1 9 4 6 , t h e A m e r ic a n e c o n o m y h a s o p e r a te d s u b s t a n t ia lly b e lo w “m a x im u m e m p lo y m e n t, p r o d u c tio n a n d p u r c h a s in g p o w e r .” S in c e 1 9 6 9 , t h e A m e r ic a n e c o n o m y h a s m o v e d f u r th e r a w a y fr o m t h a t 1 9 4 6 c o m m itm e n t th a n e v e r b efo re. L a s t m o n th t h e r e w e r e s e v e n m illio n u n e m p lo y e d a c c o r d in g t o t h e g o v e r n m e n t’s officia l rep o rt, w h ic h w e o f t h e A F L - C I O b e lie v e is g r o s sly u n d e r sta te d . M ore a c c u r a t e u n e m p lo y m e n t c o u n t w o u ld a d d u p t o 9 .7 m illio n p e o p le o r 1 0 .2 p e r c e n t o f t h e la b o r fo r c e — in c lu d in g c lo s e to o n e m illio n d isc o u r a g e d u n e m p lo y e d w h o h a v e g iv e n u p h o p e o f fin d in g w o r k a n d o n e- h a lf o f th o s e w o r k e r s w h o a r e c o m p e lle d to w o r k p a r t- tim e b e c a u s e fu ll- tim e jo b s a r e n o t a v a ila b le . T h e n eed f o r f u ll e m p lo y m e n t h a s g r o w n g r e a t e r o v e r t h e p a s t 3 0 y e a r s . T h a t n e e d h a s n e v e r b een g r e a t e r t h a n it i s to d a y . F o r m a n y y e a r s , th e A F L - C I O h a s b een s e e k in g a r e a lis tic , f e a s ib le f u l l e m p lo y m e n t m e a su r e — a b ill t h a t is w o rk a b le, t h a t c a n b e a d o p te d , t h a t c a n b e im p lem en ted . W e c o n sid e r th e r e v is e d IIu m p h r e y - H a w k in s b ill, S. 5 0 , i s t h a t m e a su r e . W e a r e p ro u d to h a v e p la y e d a p a r t in w o r k in g on t h e b ill. W e c o m m e n d th e c o o p e r a tiv e s p ir it o f t h e s p o n s o r s o f t h e b ill a n d th e ir s ta ffs , w h o w o r k e d to g e th e r o v e r m a n y w e e k s to a c h ie v e t h is r e v is e d F u ll E m p lo y m e n t B i l l w h ic h i s b e fo r e y o u n ow . T h e A F L - C IO C o n v e n tio n in O cto b er 1 9 7 5 d ir e c te d t h e A F L - C I O E c o n o m ic P o lic y C o m m itte e to s tu d y f u ll e m p lo y m e n t p r o p o sa ls p e n d in g in t h e C o n g r e ss a n d to id e n tif y th e e s s e n t ia l e le m e n ts in a n a c h ie v a b le a n d w o r k a b le F u l l. E m p lo y m e n t A ct, On D e c e m b e r 5 , t h a t C o m m itte e s p e lle d o u t t h e f o llo w in g n in e e s s e n t ia l e le m e n ts f o r a f e a s ib le F u ll E m p lo y m e n t A ct. T h e s e p r in c ip le s w e r e en d o r se d in F e b r u a r y by th e A F L - C I O E x e c u t iv e C ou n cil. 1. F u ll E m p lo y m e n t m u s t m ea n , in f a c t , jo b o p p o r tu n itie s, a t d e c e n t w a g e s , fo r a ll th o s e w h o a r e a b le to w o r k a n d se e k e m p lo y m e n t. T h is m e a n s t h a t t h e u n e m p lo y e d a t a n y tim e , w o u ld b e o n ly p e r s o n s w h o a r e te m p o r a r ily j o b le s s — s u c h a s e n tr a n ts in to t h e la b o r fo r c e , p e o p le m o v in g fr o m o n e jo b to a n o th e r o r fr o m o n e p a r t o f t h e c o u n tr y to a n o th e r , or p e o p le w h o a r e t e m p o r a r ily jo b le s s a s a r e s u lt o f se a s o n a l flu c tu a tio n s in th e ir sp e c ific in d u s tr y . 2. T h e C o n g ress m u s t d e c la r e , a s w e do, t h a t th e A d m in is tr a tio n f o r e c a s t s o f u n e m p lo y m e n t— 7 .9 p e r c e n t in 1 9 7 6 , 7 .2 p e r c e n t in 1 9 7 7 , 6 .5 p e r c e n t in 1 9 7 8 , 5 .8 p e r c e n t in 1 9 7 9 , a n d 5 .1 p e r c e n t in 1 9 8 0 — a r e c o m p le te ly u n a c c e p ta b le . T h e C o n g r e ss m u s t u n d e r ta k e a n im m e d ia t e a n d s u s ta in e d c a m p a ig n t o r e d u c e u n e m p lo y m e n t to 3 p e r c e n t o f t h e c iv ilia n la b o r f o r c e a n d k e e p i t fr o m i n c r e a s in g , in t h e fu tu r e , to m o re th a n 3 p ercen t. 3. T h e C o n g ress m u s t r e q u ir e t h e P r e s id e n t a n n u a lly to s u b m it to it t a r g e ts , p o lic ie s a n d p r o g r a m s to a c h ie v e f u ll e m p lo y m e n t a n d to m e e t n a tio n a l n e e d s. 4. T h e P r e s id e n t m u s t b e r e q u ir e d t o p r o p o se sp e c ific f e d e r a l ta x , e x p e n d i tu re, b u d g et a n d m o n e ta r y p o lic ie s a n d p r o g r a m s to m e e t t h e ta r g e t s h e prop o se s f o r f u ll em p lo y m en t, b a la n c e d e c o n o m ic g r o w th a n d n a tio n a l n eed s. 5. T h e C o n g ress sh o u ld e s ta b lis h a c o n s u lt a tiv e bod y, c o m p o se d o f m a jo r g ro u p s, in th e eco n o m y , to r e v ie w t h e P r e s id e n t 's g o a ls a n d p o lic ie s. 6. T h e C o n g ress sh o u ld p r o v id e p r o c e d u r e s fo r p ro m p t C o n g r e s sio n a l r e v ie w a n d a c tio n on th e P r e s id e n t's e c o n o m ic g o a ls a n d p o lic ie s. 209 7. T h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e , a s a k e y g o v e r n m e n t a g e n c y in t h e eco n o m ic a r e a , sh o u ld b e r e q u ir e d to j u s t if y to th e P r e s id e n t a n d t h e C o n g ress th e m a n n er in w h ic h i t s p o lic ie s c o n c e r n in g in te r e s t r a te s, th e m o n e y su p p ly a n d a v a ila b ilit y o f c r e d it w ill h e lp m e e t t h e t a r g e t s a n d o b je c tiv e s t h a t a r e e sta b lish e d . 8. T h e fu ll- e m p lo y m e n t g o a l m u s t be good jo b s a t good p a y . T o th e e x t e n t t h a t t h e e c o n o m y ’s r e g u la r c h a n n e ls o f p r iv a t e a n d p u b lic e m p lo y m e n t f a i l t o a c h ie v e t h a t g o a l, th e g o v e r n m e n t m u s t m a in t a in a p u b lic e m p lo y m e n t p ro g r a m to p r o v id e a d d itio n a l jo b s a t p r e v a ilin g r a t e s o f p ay, b u t in n o c a s e le s s t h a n t h e f e d e r a l m in im u m w a g e . S u ch a p ro g ra m sh o u ld b e o f su ffic ien t s iz e t o k e e p u n e m p lo y m e n t b e lo w 3 p ercen t. 9 . T h e C o n g r e ss m u s t e s ta b lis h f u ll e m p lo y m e n t a s th e to p -p rio r ity o b je c tiv e o f n a tio n a l e c o n o m ic p o lic y to m a in ta in th e s tr e n g th o f A m e r ic a n so c ie ty . T h e C o n g r e s s m u s t r e a liz e t h a t a n o b se s sio n w ith b u d g e t d e fic its ig n o r e s th e b e n e f its o f a f u l l e m p lo y m e n t eco n o m y — in c r e a s e jo b s a n d in c r e a s e d e a r n in g s, re d u c e d u n e m p lo y m e n t b e n e fits a n d w e lf a r e c o sts, in c r e a s e d s a le s fo r b u sin e ss, in c r e a s e d s a v in g s a n d in v e stm e n t, a n d in c r e a s e d t a x re c e ip ts. W e b e lie v e t h a t t h is r e v is e d S. 5 0 is in f u l l a cco rd w ith th e s e e s s e n t ia l p r in c ip le s. T h is is a b ill t h a t s e t s fo r th th e g o a l o f r e d u c in g u n em p lo y m e n t to 3 p e r c e n t a s p r o m p tly a s p o ss ib le , b u t w it h in no m o re th a n fo u r y e a r s a f te r th e d a te o f e n a c tm e n t. I t is a ta n g ib le a n d f e a s ib le g o a l, a n d i t p r o v id e s t h e m a ch in e ry t o a c h ie v e t h a t g o a l. T h is is a b ill t h a t s a y s to th e P r e s id e n t : “Y o u a r e r eq u ired to su b m it a f u ll e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m t o t h e C o n g ress e a c h y e a r .” T h is is a b ill t h a t s a y s to t h e C o n g r e ss: “ Y ou m u s t r e v ie w a n d a c t on th e P r e s id e n t ’s f u ll e m p lo y m e n t p r o p o sa ls." A n d v e r y im p o r ta n tly , S. 5 0 s a y s to t h e B o a r d o f G o v ern o rs o f th e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e S y s t e m : “Y ou m u s t su b m it to tlie P r e s id e n t a n d th e C o n g ress a s t a t e m e n t o f in te n d e d m o n e ta r y p o lic ie s f o r t h e c o m in g y e a r . A n d y o u m u s t d em on s t r a t e h o w t h o s e p o lic ie s w ill su p p o rt a c h ie v e m e n t o f th e f u ll em p lo y m en t p ro g r a m o r a f u l l j u s t if ic a t io n fo r a n y s u b s ta n t ia l v a r ia t io n fro m th e f u ll e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m .” T lie A F L - C I O h a s a v e r y c le a r a n d f o r th r ig h t p o s it io n on th e r o le an d th e f u n c t io n s o f th e F e d e r a l R ese r v e . I n 1 9 7 5 t h e A F L - C I O C o n v en tio n a d o p te d a s tr o n g s t a t e m e n t w h ic h s a i d : “ C o n g r e s s m u s t d ir e c t t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e to r e d u c e in te r e s t r a te s on b oth lo n g - te rm a n d sh o rt-term lo a n s a n d to p r o v id e su ffic ie n t e x p a n sio n o f m on ey a n d c r e d it to e n c o u r a g e b a la n c e d e c o n o m ic g r o w th . T h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e sh o u ld a l s o be d ir e c te d t o a llo c a te a s u b s ta n t ia l p o r tio n o f a v a ila b le c r e d it f o r su ch h ig h - p r io r ity p u r p o se s a s h o u sin g , c o m m u n ity f a c i lit ie s a n d e s s e n t ia l c a p ita l i n v e s t m e n t a n d to cu rb th e flo w o f c r e d it f o r s u c h a c t iv it i e s a s la n d sp e c u la tio n , in v e n to r y - h o a r d in g , fo r e ig n s u b s id ia r ie s a n d c o n g lo m e r a te ta k e o v ers. “T h e e n t ir e s t r u c t u r e o f t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e S y ste m m u s t be c h a n g e d — t h r o u g h su c h e s s e n t ia l a c tio n s a s a y e a r ly a u d it by t h e G e n e r a l A c c o u n tin g O ffice, a b o litio n o f t h e b a n k er-d o m in a ted O p en M a r k e t C o m m itte e a n d a b so rp t io n o f i t s f u n c t io n s b y th e B o a r d o f G o v ern o rs, r e d u c tio n o f t h e te r m o f office o f t h e g o v e r n o r s to se v e n y e a r s a n d t h e c h a ir m a n t o f o u r y e a r s , a n d e x te n s io n o f m e m b e r sh ip o n t h e g o v e r n in g b o d ie s an d a d v is o r y c o m m itte e s o f t h e e n tir e s y s t e m t o r e p r e s e n t a tiv e s o f m a jo r g ro u p s in t h e eco n o m y , in c lu d in g o r g a n iz e d la b o r .” T h e e x t r a o r d in a r y p o w e r o f t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e s y s t e m c o m e s fr o m t h e p o w e r o f t h e “F e d ” to c o n tro l th e n a tio n 's su p p ly o f m o n e y an d c r e d it a n d i t s p o w e r t o d o m in a te t h e s e tt in g o f in te r e s t r a te s. T h e h e a lt h o f t h e A m e r ic a n e c o n o m y a n d j o b s o f A m e r ic a n w o r k e r s a r e d ir e c t ly a ffe c te d b y t h e F e d 's m o n e y , c r e d it a n d in te r e s t r a te p o lic ie s. F o r o v e r t w o d e c a d e s , t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e h a s o p e r a te d a s i f i t w e r e a f o u r th b r a n c h o f g o v e r n m e n t— co-eq u al to t h e E x e c u tiv e , t h e C o n g ress a n d th e J u d ic ia r y . Y e t t h e r e i s n o p r o v isio n in th e C o n s titu tio n f o r su c h a b ra n ch o f t h e U .S . g o v e r n m e n t. T h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e s y s te m i s a c r e a tu r e o f t h e C o n g r e ss, c r e a te d b y th e C o n g r e ss. A n d y e t , in o u r o p in io n , t h e C o n g r e ss h a s n o t p r o v id e d e f fe c tiv e g u id a n c e o r e f fe c tiv e o v e r s ig h t on th e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e , w h ic h is a k ey f a c t o r i n d e t e r m in in g t h e c o u r s e o f d e v e lo p m e n ts o f t h e A m e r ic a n eco n o m y . 210 I n 1 9 6 9 , t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e , In ta n d e m w it h t h e N ix o n A d m in is tr a t io n , e n g in e e r e d a r e c e s s io n c o m b in e d w it h in fla tio n . T h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e ’s m o n e y c r u n c h w a s a m a jo r f a c t o r in c r e a t in g a r e c e s s io n a r y d e c lin e in s a le s , p r o d u c tio n , a n d e m p lo y m e n t a n d in g e n e r a t in g a r a p id r is e o f u n e m p lo y m e n t. T h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e ’s p o lic y s e n t i n t e r e s t r a t e s u p to t h e ir h ig h e s t le v e ls i n 1 0 0 y e a r s — d ir e c tly in c r e a s in g c o s t s a n d p r ic e s . T h is p o lic y a ls o b o o ste d th e m in d ir e c tly , th r o u g h t h e r e c e s s io n a r y c o n d itio n s w h ic h su p p r e s s e d t h e a d v a n c e o f p r o d u c tiv ity a n d th e r e b y a d d e d t o u p w a r d p r e s s u r e s o n u n it c o s ts . T o w a r d s t h e e n d o f 1 9 6 9 , t h e C o n g r e ss a d o p te d t h e C r e d it C o n tr o l A c t, w h ic h g iv e s th e P r e s id e n t a n d th e F e d b r o a d p o w e r to r e g u la te a n d c o n tr o l t h e e x te n s io n o f c r e d it in o r d e r to fig h t in fla tio n . B u t t h i s g r a n t o f a u th o r it y w a s p e r m is s iv e ; i t w a s n o t a d ir e c t iv e a n d n o th in g h a p p e n e d to c h a n g e t h e F e d ’s co u rse. I n s te a d o f u s in g s e le c tiv e c r e d it r e g u la t io n p o w e r s g r a n te d u n d e r t h e 1 9 6 9 C r e d it C o n tro l A ct, t h e A d m in is tr a t io n a n d t h e F e d h a v e in s is t e d u p o n r e ly in g u p o n t ig h t m o n e y p o lic ie s a n d h ig h in t e r e s t r a t e s a s t o o ls f o r a l l se a s o n s . W h e n e v e r th e y th in k t h e eco n o m y is o v e r h e a tin g , th e y tu r n to so - c a lle d g e n e r a l m o n e ta r y p o lic y t h a t h a s r e p e a te d ly d e m o n s tr a te d a s e le c t iv e in ju r io u s a d v e r s e e ffe c t u p o n h o u s in g a n d S t a t e a n d lo c a l g o v e r n m e n t c o n str u c tio n . I n su b se q u e n t r e c e ss io n s , t h e F e d h e ld d o w n t h e g r o w th o f t h e m o n e y su p p ly a n d th e A d m in is tr a tio n h a s v e to e d jo b - c r e a tio n b ills . W ith m isg u id e d , m is p la c e d z e a l th e y a r g u e th a t r a p id p r o g r e s s to w a r d f u ll e m p lo y m e n t w o u ld b rin g in fla tio n . S u ch in fla tio n , in t h e ir v ie w , c o u ld o n ly b e f o u g h t w it h g e n e r a l m o n e ta r y p o lic y a n d h ig h in t e r e s t r a t e s , w h ic h , in tu r n , w o u ld b r in g o n t h e n e x t r e c e ss io n a n d m o r e u n e m p lo y m e n t. A s a r e s u lt, t h e A d m in is tr a t io n a n d t h e F e d a r e w illin g t o a c c e p t h ig h u n e m p lo y m e n t f o r y e a r s in to t h e f u t u r e . T h e A d m in is tr a t io n ’s fis c a l 1 9 7 7 b u d g e t p r o je c ts 6 .9 p e r c e n t u n e m p lo y m e n t in 1 9 7 7 , 6 .4 p e r c e n t in 1 9 7 8 , 5 .8 p e r c e n t in 1 9 7 9 , a n d 5 .2 p e r c e n t— m o re t h a n 5 m illio n p eo p le— s t i ll u n e m p lo y e d in 1 9 8 0 . T h e r e c e ss io n o f 1 9 6 9 - 7 0 c o s t th e A m e r ic a n p e o p le b illio n s o f d o lla r s o f lo s t in c o m e an d m illio n s o f w o r k e r s su ffe r e d t h e in d ig n it y o f u n e m p lo y m e n t. B u t th e C o n g ress d id n o th in g to in t e r f e r e w it h t h e s e d e s t r u c t iv e p o lic ie s o f th e F e d e r a l R e se r v e . In e a r ly 1 9 7 3 , o n ce a g a in , t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e , in lo ck -step w it h t h e N ix o n A d m in is tr a tio n , b e g a n a s h a r p ly r e s t r ic t iv e p o lic y — fo llo w in g t h e r e la t iv e ly e a s ie r m o n e ta r y p o lic y o f 1 9 7 2 , w h ic h h a p p e n e d t o b e a p r e s id e n t ia l e le c t io n y ea r. T h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e , th r o u g h i t s m o n e y -cru n ch p o lic y — p a r t ic u la r ly t h e te r r ib le s e v e r e cru n ch b e tw e e n t h e e a r ly s p r in g a n d a u tu m n o f 1 9 7 4 — w a s a m a jo r f a c to r in m a n u fa c tu r in g t h e s t e e p e s t a n d m o s t p ro lo n g e d r e c e s s io n s in c e th e 1 9 3 0 ?s c o m b in e d w it h in fla tio n . A b y-p rod u ct o f t h is p o lic y h a s b een a s h i f t in in co m e d is tr ib u tio n to m o n e y le n d e r s. I t b ro u g h t th e e co n o m y to t h e e d g e o f d is a s t e r in t h e la t t e r p a r t o f 1 9 7 5 , I t b ro u g h t h u g e lo s s e s in in c o m e t o t h e A m e r ic a n p eop le. I t b r o u g h t e v e n h ig h e r in te r e s t r a t e s th a n in 1 9 6 9 - 7 0 . I t b r o u g h t u n e m p lo y m e n t to t h e h ig h e s t le v e l s in c e 1 9 4 1 , w h e n t h e c o u n tr y w a s c o m in g o u t o f th e G r e a t D e p r e s s io n . Y et, o n ce a g a in , t h e C o n g ress d id n o th in g to in te r fe r e w it h t h e d e s t r u c t iv e p o lic ie s o f th e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e . T h e U .S . C o n stitu tio n g iv e s C o n g r e ss t h e r ig h t to “c o in m o n e y a n d r e g u la t e th e v a lu e t h e r e o f.” T h is p o w e r h a s b e e n d e le g a t e d to t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e a s a n a g e n t o f C o n g ress, B u t t h e d e le g a t io n o f p o w e r h a s b een p e r v e r te d b y t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e in to a m y th o f in d e p e n d e n c e , w h ic h th e C o n g ress h a s p e r m itt e d to p e r sist. In 1 9 7 5 t h e l e g is la t iv e h is to r y o f H o u s e C o n c u r r e n t R e s o lu t io n 1 3 3 — w h ic h c a lls on t h e F e d t o “c o n s u lt ” w it h t h e H o u s e a n d S e n a te B a n k in g C o m m itte e s — a n d a c tio n s on H o u se a n d S e n a te p r o p o s a ls w h ic h p re c e d e d c o n g r e s s io n a l a p p r o v a l o f t h is r e s o lu tio n , r e fle c t a la c k o f d e te r m in a tio n b y t h e C o n g r e s s t o c h a lle n g e t h e F e d ’s c a r e f u lly c u lt iv a t e d m y th o f in d e p e n d e n c e a n d i t s d isa s tr o u s s o c ia l a n d e co n o m ic p o lic ie s. W h a t s ta r te d o u t in t h e H o u s e a s a p ro p o sed co m m a n d fr o m C o n g r e s s t o t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e to b rin g a b o u t lo w e r in t e r e s t r a t e s to s t im u la t e t h e econ omy— a n d w h a t s ta r te d o u t in t h e S e n a te a s a s t a t e m e n t o f h o p e t h a t t h e F e d w o u ld e x p a n d m o n e y a n d c r e d it to h e lp b r in g a b o u t ec o n o m ic r e c o v e r y fr o m t h e r e c e ssio n — en d ed u p a s a s im p le r e q u e s t f o r c o n s u lta tio n b y t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e B o a r d w it h t h e S e n a te a n d H o u s e B a n k in g C o m m itte e s on t h e F e d ’s 211 “o b je c tiv e s a n d p la n s w it h r e s p e c t to th e ra n g e s o f g r o w th o r d im in u tio n o f m o n e ta r y a n d c r e d it a g g r e g a t e s in t h e u p co m in g tw e lv e m o n t h s / ’ O n F e b r u a r y 2 5, 1 9 7 5 , D r. B u r n s to ld th e c h a ir m a n o f th e S e n a te B a n k in g C o m m itte e : “I t h in k t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e sh o u ld be in s u la te d fro m t h e p o l i t i c a l p r o c e ss, a s i t h a s b een th r o u g h th e y ea rs. I th in k it h a s b een b e tte r f o r t h e c o u n tr y t h a t i t h a s b een .” S e n a to r P r o x m ir e a s k e d D r. B u r n s : “A r e y o u s u g g e s tin g C o n g ress is le s s d e d ic a t e d t o f ig h tin g in fla tio n com p ared to th e m em b ers o f th e F e d e r a l R e serv e B o a rd ?” D r. B u r n s r e p l i e d : “I so m e tim e s th in k s o ; y e s .” F r o m t h i s e x c h a n g e , o n e c a n o n ly d r a w th e c o n c lu sio n t h a t D r. B u r n s d o e s n o t t r u s t t h e d e m o c r a tic p r o c e ss a n d p rob ab ly d o e s n o t t r u s t th e m em b er s o f t h e C o n g ress. T h is b r ie f s u m m a r y c le a r ly in d ic a te s th e n e e d f o r th e la n g u a g e n o w in th e H u m p h r e y F u ll E m p lo y m e n t B ill, S. 5 0 , a s f o l l o w s : “ T h e B o a r d o f G o v e r n o r s o f th e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e S y ste m s h a ll tr a n s m it to t h e P r e s id e n t a n d th e C on gress, w ith in fifte e n d a y s a f t e r th e tr a n s m is s io n o f t h e E c o n o m ic R e p o r t or th e F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G ro w th P la n , w h ic h e v e r m a y co m e e a r lie r , a n in d e p e n d e n t s t a t e m e n t s e t t in g fo r th it s in t e n d e d p o lic ie s fo r th e y e a r a h e a d w ith re sp e c t t o i t s fu n c tio n s , th e e x t e n t to w h ic h t h e s e p o lic ie s w ill su p p o rt th e a c h ie v e m e n t o f th e g o a ls in s e c tio n 3 a n d s e c tio n 3A , a n d a f u ll ju s tific a tio n f o r a n y s u b s ta n t ia l v a r ia t io n s fr o m th e P r e s id e n t ’s g o a ls a n d reco m m en d a tio n s. I f th e P r e s id e n t d e te r m in e s th a t th e B o a r d ’s p o lic ie s a r e in c o n s is te n t w it h th e a c h ie v e m e n t o f th e g o a ls an d p o lic ie s p r o p o se d u n d e r t h is A ct, th e P r e s id e n t s h a ll m a k e r e c o m m e n d a tio n s to t h e B o a r d a n d to t h e C o n g ress to in s u r e c lo s e r c o n fo r m ity to th e p u r p o se s o f t h is A c t .” I t i s e s s e n t ia l f o r e ffe c tiv e a n d co-ord in ated e co n o m ic p o licy -m a k in g t h a t C o n g r e s s r e c e iv e s th e sp e c ific ta r g e ts, g o a ls a n d a ss u m p tio n s o f th e F ed 's B o a r d o f G o v e r n o r s a n d O pen M a rk et C o m m itte e— c o n c e r n in g th e r a te o f e c o n o m ic g r o w th , t h e u n e m p lo y m e n t ra te , t h e fe d e r a l fu n d s r a te an d o th e r in t e r e s t r a te s , a s w e ll a s t h e r a te o f g r o w th o f t h e m o n e y su p p ly a n d p a c e o f in fla tio n . S in c e t h e F e d is a c r e a tu r e o f th e C o n g ress, th e r e i s n o r a tio n a l r e a s o n f o r p e r m itt in g n o n -resp o n ses fr o m it s officia ls. T h e re c o r d o f t h e p a s t s e v e n y e a r s c le a r ly in d ic a te s t h e u r g e n t n e e d o f th e C o n g r e s s to a s s e r t it s e lf , n o t m erly in th e o v e r s ig h t f u n c tio n on th e F e d w h ic h h a s b een s o r e ly n e g le c te d , b u t a ls o a d o p tin g le g is la t io n to b r in g th e F e d m o r e d ir e c t ly in to t h e str u c tu r e o f th e U .S . g o v e r n m e n t. T h is r e c o r d a ls o u n d e r sc o r e s th e n eed f o r t h e F e d , u n d e r d ir e c t m a n d a te o f t h e C o n g ress, to u t i li z e s e le c tiv e c r e d it r e g u la tio n so t h a t th e r e w ill be an a llo c a t io n o f a v a ila b le c r e d it on th e b a s is o f s o c ia l p r io r it ie s a n d so t h a t exh o r b ita n t ly h ig h in te r e s t r a te s ca n b e a v o id e d a n d la s t in g e c o n o m ic s t a b ility a c h ie v e d . S e c t io n 1 0 4 o f S. 5 0 w o u ld ad d a n e w s e c tio n 3 A t o t h e E m p lo y m e n t A c t o f 3 9 4 6 . T h e n e w S e c tio n 3 A r e q u ir e s t h e P r e s id e n t to p r e p a r e a n d t r a n s m it to t h e C o n g r e s s a n n u a lly a F u ll E m p lo y m e n t an d B a la n c e d G r o w th P la n , in c lu d in g n a t io n a l g o a ls a n d p r io r itie s. S u c h p r io r itie s a r e to b e in c lu d e d f o r p e r s p e c t iv e a n d g u id a n c e o f a ll co n cern ed , r a th e r t h a n in a n y p r o g r a m a tic d e t a i l. P r io r it ie s w o u ld in c lu d e su ch e s s e n t ia ls a s e n e r g y d e v e lo p m e n t, tr a n sp o r t a t io n , fo o d , h e a lt h c a r e a n d h o u sin g . T h e la c k o f a n a d e q u a te su p p ly o f f a c ilit ie s a n d r e s o u r c e s in t h e s e a r e a s lia s c o n tr ib u te d s ig n if ic a n tly to ec o n o m ic in s t a b ilit y , to a p a tte r n o f in fla tio n a n d r e c e ss io n . I t i s f o r t h a t r e a so n , t h a t S e c tio n 1 0 6 o f S. 5 0 w o u ld a d d a n e w S e c tio n 3 B t o t h e E m p lo y m e n t A ct. T h e n e w S e c tio n 3 B d ir e c t s t h e P r e s id e n t to s e t f o r th in h i s a n n u a l E c o n o m ic R ep o rt, fisc a l a n d m o n e ta r y p o lic ie s t h a t w o u ld b e c o n s is t e n t w i t h a b a la n c e d g r o w th p la n , w it h d u e c o n s id e r a tio n fo r t h e a f o r e m e n tio n e d p r io r it ie s . T h e s e t o o ls o f f ic s a l a n d m o n e ta r y p o lic y co u ld b e e m p lo y e d w it h m u c h g r e a t e r f le x ib ilit y a n d v a r ia b ilit y th a n h e r e to fo r e , a s t h e o c c a s io n w a r r a n ts. A s a p r a c t ic a l m a tte r , w e h a v e r e lie d o n ly u p o n t h e u s e o f g e n e r a l m o n e ta r y p o lic y t o f ig h t in fla tio n . T h e r e s u lt h a s b een r e p e a te d p e r io d s o f t ig h t m o n e y a n d h ig h i n t e r e s t r a te s , sh a r p d e c lin e s in r e s id e n tia l c o n s tr u c tio n a n d in s t a t e a n d lo c a l c o n s tr u c tio n , f o llo w e d b y g e n e r a l ec o n o m ic r e c e s s io n a n d h ig h u n e m p lo y m e n t 212 F u r th e r m o r e , t h e fin a n c ia l a n d b u s in e s s c o m m u n ity h a s ] * * o m e _ » o m od> a w a r e o f t h e r e lia n c e a p a n g e n e r a l m o n e ta r y p o lic y a n d «> a b o u t i t s im p a c t, t h a t t h is b u sin e s s- fin a n c ia l c o m m u n ity a c t s i n a n tic ip a t io n o f t ig h t m o n e y a n d h ig h in t e r e s t r a t e s . A t t h is t im e , in M a y 1 9 7 6 , w h i le w e s t i l l h a v e v e r y h ig h u n e m p lo y m e n t a n d th e r e i s tr e m e n d o u s e x c e s s i v e liq u id it y fn o u r fin a n c ia l in s t itu t io n s , t h e F e d h a s a lr e a d y g iv e n s o m e d g n s < t i g h t e n ^ * t h e m o n e y su p p ly a n d r a is in g in te r e s t r a t e s , a n d t h e m a r k e t h a s r e a c t e d . W e a r e b a ck t o d o u b le -d ig it in te r e s t r a te s , 1 0 p e r c e n t, o n m e d iu m q u a lit y u t ilit y b on d s. A n d la s t w eek , F.VM A ( t h e F e d e r a l N a t io n a l M o r tg a g e ^ s o c i a t l o n , is s u e d fou r-m o n th c o m m itm e n ts to p u r c h a s e h o m e m o r tg a g e s a t p r ic e s t h a t " °Let m ^ p o i n t * t o ^ j u s T t s v o t y p e s o f m e a s u r e s t h a t h a v e b e e n a d o p te d b y th e c o u n tr y w h ic h p ro b a b ly h a s t h e s t r o n g e s t eco n o m y in t h e W e s te r n w o r ld . W h en in fla tio n a r y p r e s s u r e s w e r e m o u n tin g in G er m a n y in 1 9 < 2 - 7 3 , a n 1 1 p e r c e n t t a x w a s im p o se d o n p r iv a t e c a p it a l e x p e n d itu r e s . O n t h e m o n e ta r y p o lic y sid e , d u r in g t h e t ig h t m o n e y p e r io d s o f 1 9 ^ 4 —1 9 t5, to h o ld d o w n in te r e s t r a te s, t h e G e r m a n a u t h o r it ie s im p o s e d a te m p o r a r y m o r a to r iu m on fo r e ig n b o n d is s u e s in t h e G erm a n m a r k e t, a n d a ls o p r o h ib ite d G erm a n fin a n c ia l in s t it u t io n s fr o m u n d e r w r it in g E u r o b o n d i s s u e s t h a t w e r e to be re p a id in G erm a n m a rk s. S u ch m e a su r e s a n d o th e r s e le c t iv e c r e d it r e g u la t io n c o u ld b e e x e r c is e d in t h e U n ite d S t a t e s w it h th e t o o ls t h a t a r e m e n tio n e d in S e c tio n 3 B f o r u s e in d e s ig n in g fisc a l a n d m o n e ta r y p o lic ie s t h a t w o u ld b e c o n s is te n t w it h t h e f u ll e m p lo y m e n t a n d b a la n c e d g r o w th p la n . W ith t h e f le x ib le u s e o f s u c h to o ls, eco n o m ic p o lic y co u ld b e ta k e n o u t o f t h e r e s t r ic t iv e g e n e r a l m o n e ta r y p o lic y s tr a ig h t ja c k e t w h ic h h a s p r e v e n te d a c t io n s t h a t c o u ld a l l e v i a t e t h e p a tte r n o f in fla tio n a n d r e c e ss io n , t h e g r e a t e s t r e s tr a in t u p o n g r o w th in in c o m e , s a v in g s an d c a p ita l fo r m a tio n . T h e A m e r ic a n e co n o m y w ill n o t b e a b le t o a c h ie v e f u l l r e c o v e r y f r o m th e tw o back-to-back r e c e s s io n s d u r in g th e l a s t se v e n y e a r s , u n le s s m o n e ta r y p o lic y p r o v id e s a su ffic ien t e x p a n s io n o f m o n e y a n d c r e d it to b o o st s a le s , p r o d u c tio n a n d em p lo y m en t r a p id ly . A n d a v a ila b le c r e d it m u s t b e a llo c a t e d o n t h e b a s is o f n a tio n a l p r io r itie s, r a th e r th a n t h e d is c r im in a to r y p o lic y w h ic h p r o v id e d c r e d it d u rin g r e c e n t sq u e e z e s f o r in v e n to r y - h o a r d in g , f o r e ig n in v e s t m e n t an d g a m b lin g c a sin o s, w h ile r e s tr ic tin g f o r h o u sin g , s m a ll b u sin e s s, a n d s t a t e an d lo c a l g o v e r n m e n ts. . In a d d itio n , th e reco rd s h o w s t h a t t h e e co n o m y c a n n o t r e a c h a n d m a in t a in p ro sp er o u s c o n d itio n s u n le s s th e s t r u c t u r e o f in t e r e s t r a t e s i s b r o u g h t d o w n s ig n ific a n tly to a 3 p ercen t-6 p e r c e n t o r a t le a s t a 4 p ercen t-7 p e r c e n t ra n g e. T h e m a jo r d e te r r a n t to a str o n g r e v iv a l o f h o m e -b u ild in g — w h ic h i s s t i l l in th e F e d e r a l R e s e rv e-in d u ced d e p r e s sio n — is t h e m o r tg a g e r a t e w h ic h lin g e r s in t h e n eig h b o rh o o d o f $¥2 to 9 ^ 4 p e r c e n t f o r h o m e s a n d 9 to 1 0 p e r c e n t fo r a p a r tm e n ts. H o w e v e r , m o n e ta r y p o licy , a lo n e, c a n n o t s o lv e A m e r ic a ’s e c o n o m ic p ro b lem s. T h e eco n o m y is to o b ig a n d to o co m p le x . M o n eta ry p o lic ie s a f fe c tin g t h e su p p ly a n d a v a ila b ilit y o f m on ey a n d c r e d it a n d th e le v e l o f in t e r e s t r a t e s a r e o f g r e a t im p o r ta n ce. O th e r to o ls o f eco n o m ic p o lic y a r e im p o r ta n t a lso . T h u s, w e m u st be co n c e r n e d a b o u t fisc a l p o lic y , t h e g o v e r n m e n t’s ta x , in v e s t m e n t a n d sp e n d in g p o lic ie s. M a n p o w er p o lic y d e a ls w it h a b ro a d r a n g e o f jobr e la te d p ro g ra m s, in c lu d in g p u b lic s e r v ic e jo b s, m a n p o w e r tr a in in g , u n e m p lo y m en t c o m p e n sa tio n a n d so fo r th . A ll th e to o ls o f e c o n o m ic p o lic y m u s t b e u se d to g e th e r , a s w e in t h e A F L C IO se e it, in a c o o r d in a te d e ffo r t to a c h ie v e e c o n o m ic g r o w th a n d f u l l em p lo y m e n t. T h is co u ld b e a c h ie v e d u n d e r S. 5 0 . S. 5 0 is n o t a jo b -c rea tin g b ill in it s e lf . I t is a g e n e r a l e c o n o m ic p o lic y b ill. I t e s ta b lis h e s t h e p r o c e d u r e s a n d in s t it u t io n a l s tr u c t u r e w h ic h w o u ld r e q u ir e th e P r e sid e n t, t h e C o n g ress an d t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e to d e v e lo p a n d a c t on l l ie n a tio n a l g o a ls a n d p r io r itie s fo r f u l l e m p lo y m e n t a n d b a la n c e d eco n o m ic gro w th . T h e b ill a lso p r o v id e s to o ls to go f u r th e r th a n t h a t w h e n n e c e s s a r y . I f th e fu ll u se o f o v e r a ll fisc a l a n d m o n e ta r y p o lic ie s sh o u ld f a i l to c lo s e t h e e m p lo y m e n t gap, T it le I I o f S. 5 0 e s t a b lis h e s t h e b a s is f o r su p p le m e n ta r y e m p lo y m e n t m e a su r e s— su c h a s a c c e le r a te d p u b lic w o rk s, c o u n te r - c y c lic a l g r a n ts to s t a t e s an d lo c a l g o v e r n m e n ts a n d y o u th e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m s, a s w e ll a s im b lic se r v ic e job s. 213 S o t h e m a jo r f o c u s o f t h e b ill is o n th e c r e a tio n a n d m a in te n a n c e o f jo b o p p o r tu n it ie s in t h e n o r m a l o p e r a tio n s o f th e econ om y. P u b lic S e r v ic e jo b s a r e a r e s id u a l p ro g ra m , d e p e n d in g on t h e s iz e o f t h e n e e d s t o re a c h a n d m a in t a in f u l l e m p lo y m e n t. T h e r e a r e so m e m e m b e r s o f th e C o n g ress w h o a r e lo u d in t h e ir c a lls f o r a b a la n c e d b u d g et. S. 5 0 is th e b ill to a c h ie v e a b a la n c e d b u d g e t I t i s u n iv e r s a lly a c c e p te d t h a t e a c h p e r c e n ta g e p o in t o f u n e m p lo y m e n t c o s ts t h e f e d e r a l tr e a s u r y $ 1 6 b illio n — $ 1 4 b illio n in lo s t t a x r e v e n u e s a n d $ 2 b illio n in a d d e d s o c ia l c o s ts . F u l l e m p lo y m e n t, th e r e fo r e , is t h e o n ly r a t io n a l w a y t o b a la n c e t h e b u d g et. A n d to t h o s e w h o a sk , “H o w m u c h w ill i t c o s t ? ” w e a s k : “H o w m u c h i s th e c o s t o f u n e m p lo y m e n t i n te r m s o f w a s te d h u m a n s k ills , in te r m s o f s o c ia l p ro b le m s? ” T h o s e w h o p u t b u d g e t d e fic its b e fo r e p eo p le h a v e n o f a it h in A m erica . T h e y w o u ld c o n d e m n A m e r ic a to c o n tin u e d id le p la n ts , id le m a c h in e r y , id le p ro d u c tiv e e q u ip m e n t, a n d id le m a n p o w e r. T h e r e i s p le n ty o f w o r k to be d o n e in A m e r ic a , a n d t h e r e a r e p le n ty o f w o r k e r s r e a d y , w illin g a n d a b le to d o t h a t w o rk . T h e o n ly t h in g m is s in g i s t h e jo b s. T h e f r o n t ie r s o f t h e 1 8 t h a n d 1 9 th c e n tu r ie s a r e n o w gon e. B u t t h e r e a r e s t i l l f r o n t ie r s a n d c h a lle n g e s w h e r e t h e s k ills a n d t a le n ts o f t h e A m e r ic a n p e o p le a r e s o r e ly n eed ed . A m e r ic a m u s t m o v e fo r w a r d to m e e t th e e n e r g y c r is is, w h ic h c a n p r o v id e s c o r e s o f th o u s a n d s o f jo b s in t h e c o m in g d eca d e, i f th e fe d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t w o u ld o n ly p r o v id e t h e p o lic y a n d t h e p ro g ra m s. A m e r ic a m u s t p u sh o n t o m e e t t h e m a s s iv e b a c k lo g o f n e e d s o f i t s p e o p le f o r e d u c a tio n , h e a lth , h o u sin g , tr a n sp o r ta tio n , a c le a n a n d s a f e e n v ir o n m e n t, a n d w id e r o p p o r tu n it ie s f o r r e c r e a tio n a n d c u ltu r e . T h e r e ’s m o re t h a n e n o u g h w o r k h e r e t o k e e p A m e r ic a b u sy f o r a lo n g tim e t o com e. T h e r e i s n o la c k o f a w ill to w o r k in A m e r ic a . T h e r e i s o n ly a la c k o f jo b s. T h e A m e r ic a n la b o r m o v e m e n t h a s b een f ig h tin g f o r h u m a n w e lf a r e a n d s o c ia l p r o g r e s s s in c e t h e e a r lie s t d a y s o f o u r c o u n tr y . I n t h i s B ic e n t e n n ia l y e a r w e j o in in c e le b r a t in g t h e a c h ie v e m e n ts o f t h e p a s t 2 0 0 y e a r s . F r o m S o c ia l S e c u r it y t o c iv il r ig h ts, fr o m m in im u m w a g e t o M ed ica re, fr o m t h e e c o n o m ic b a t t le s o f t h e 1 9 3 0 ’s t o t h e fig h t f o r e q u a lity in t h e 1 9 0 0 ’s, t h e A m e r ic a n la b o r m o v e m e n t h a s b een h e lp in g t o c h a n g e t h e f a c e o f A m e r ic a f o r t h e b e tte r . N o w w e h a v e in t h i s c o u n tr y a n o p p o r tu n ity t o m o v e f o r w a r d o n le g is la t io n to a c h ie v e f u l l e m p lo y m e n t— w it h t h e k in d o f h e a lt h y e c o n o m ic g r o w th a n d s o c ia l p r o g r e s s t h a t a c c o m p a n ie s f u l l e m p lo y m e n t. W e r e c o g n iz e t h a t t h e r e is n o s in g le p ro g r a m t h a t w il l a c h ie v e f u l l em p lo y m en t. R e ly in g o n b u s in e s s a lo n e w o n 't d o it . N e it h e r w i ll r e ly in g o n g o v e r n m e n t. E s t a b lis h in g a f u l l e m p lo y m e n t eco n o m y w i l l r e q u ir e t h e c o n c e r te d e ffo r t o f all s e g m e n t s o f t h e eco n o m y — b u t i t m u s t s t a r t w it h t h e g o v e r n m e n t. G o v ern m e n t m u s t h a v e a n a r s e n a l o f w e a p o n s d e s ig n e d f ir s t t o r e d u c e to d a y 's h ig h u n e m p lo y m e n t a n d t h e n t o k e e p i t d o w n . A ll t h i s c o m e s u n d e r t h e b ro a d h e a d in g o f a n in v e s t m e n t in t h e f u t u r e — a n in v e s t m e n t i n A m e r ic a t h a t w ill b u ild a h e a lt h y e co n o m y . T h a t i s w h y w e u r g e e a r ly a c t io n b y C o n g ress o n t h e H u m p h r e y - H a w k in s f u l l e m p lo y m e n t b ill, S. 5 0 . T h e C h a ir m a x . N e x t is M r. C a rl M adden. STATEMENT OF CARL MADDEN, CHAMBER OF COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA; ACCOMPANIED BY RICHARD S. LANDRY, STAFF EXECUTIVE, BANKING AND MONETARY-FISCAL POLICY COMMITTEE M r. M a d d en . T h a n k you, M r. C hairm an. I have w ith m e accom panying me D r. R ic h a rd S . L a n d ry , staff executive o f the C ham ber’s B an kin g and M o n eta ry -F is ca l P o licy C om m ittee. 214 W e very much appreciate th e o p p o rtu n ity to appear before th e com m ittee. I w ould lik e to subm it o u r testim ony fo r th e record and tr y to sum m arize very in fo rm a lly and as b rie fly as I can th e position th a t the cham ber takes concerning S. 60. T he Cham ber is, as n early every o th er elem ent o f A m erican society today, 30 years a fte r th e passage o f the E m ploym en t A c t o f 1946, com m itted to h ig h levels o f em ploym ent and to the p o licy d eclaratio n o f the E m ploym ent A c t, and I th in k i t is exactly fo r th is reason th a t we oppose S. 50. I t seems to us th a t S. 50 is inconsistent w ith the common wisdom and the good sense o f the A m erican people. A s to its p lan n in g m echanism, i t seems to us th is imposes a new la y e r o f in s titu tio n a l com plexity on the G overnm ent w ith o u t solvin g the problem w hich it is the G overnm ent’s jo b to solve. I t does not seem to us th a t the mere im position o f p lan n in g m achinery to deal with^ the g reat problems^ o f p o licy th a t the TJ.S. Congress and the President m ust face is going to reduce one w ith the disagreem ent and the debate and the d ifficu lty o f resolving these questions. _ .^ ® r exam ple, energy p o licy is m entioned as a p a rt o f the p la n . j th in k we w ould a ll agree th a t we have debated energy p o licy and we have debated it , and we have been unable to come to "a reasonable conclusion on a long-range energy po licy despite th a t debate. T h e mere im position o f p lan n in g m achinery is not lik e ly to change th a t situ ation and, fu rth erm o re, it is, i f a n yth in g , e litis t, it seems to us, in the sense th a t the representatives o f consumer, lab o r, business and others who are called on fo r advice do not necessarily represent the views o f the A m erican people, but thev w ould be b u ilt in to the m achinery o f th is b ill in such a w ay th a t they m ig h t come to th in k th a t they represent the view s o f the A m erican people. w e fav o r, instead, the open debate, the ju ris d ic tio n a l arran g e ments fo r Congress, the current process by w hich we reach decisions m the U n ite d States, w hich is a fo rm o f governm ent to w hich AVinston C h u rc h ill’s euphemism s till applies. I t m ay be “the w orst in the w o rld except fo r a ll the rest,” but it w o rk s ‘b etter than the p lann ing o f dem ocratic societies w hich have been accompanied by in flatio n and chronic unem ploym ent in lead in g nations and it cer ta in ly works b etter th a n an a u th o rita ria n p lan n in g w hich has fa ile d to brin g the socialist countries o f E astern E u ro p e, o f Russia and o f C hina w ith in h a ilin g distance o f the standard o f liv in g in the U n ite d States. Second, there’s an assum ption in the p lan n in g process in the b ill, lh a t assumption is there’s som ething chronically w rong w ith tlio processes o f the m arketplace as they are now conditioned by a very significant sector o f our m ixed economy devoted to w e lfare . T h is assumption is not any surprise to the Cham ber o f Commerce. T h is was the assumption o f the M u rra y F u ll Em ploym ent b ill introduced ; fi. T?gres? i n 1945’■ and SO"16 o f the same people w ho fe lt then th a t the U nited States free enterprise system was stagnating s till feel th a t w ay, although in the in te rim th a t system has created 30 m illio n jobs m the p riv ate sector, not counting the num ber o f jobs created m the public sector, and i t has doubled the re al per cap ita o f A m e ri cans once more in a generation, as o u r p er capita income has been doubled each generation fo r the last 200 years. 215 N orm an M acrae, the deputy edito r o f the London Econom ist— Septem ber 25, 1975— pointed out in the year o f the b irth o f Jesus th ere were about 250 m illio n people in the w o rld and they had a pei^ cap ita income o f $100. T h ere are 700 m illio n people in the w o rld 1,976 years la te r, and they had a per capita real income o f about $100 in c u rren t d o lla r equivalent. In the last 200 years o u r income has risen to the p o in t where today we have a real G N P per cap ita o f over $6,000 p er person in the U n ite d States and we have doubled the real standard o f liv in g in the country per person in every generation in these 200 years. N ow the notion th a t such a system is somehow chronically unable to supply the goods and services needed by the A m erican people is ludicrous. I t ’s not ju s t wrong. I t ’s ludicrous and I w an t to call the chairm an’s atten tio n to the false assumption in this b ill th a t there is a chronic pool o f unem ployed w hich results fro m the chronic stagnation o f the TJ.S. economy w hich is the philosophy behind the b ill. T h a t philosophy violates the common sense o f Am ericans a ll over the country. T h e re a l problem o f unem ploym ent, i t seems to us, w hich we would lik e to deal w ith , is the problem o f excess unem ploym ent in good tim es and th a t em ploym ent problem is very d ifferen t fro m the as sum ption about unem ploym ent th a t is contained in th is b ill, but I w o u ld lik e to postpone th a t fo r a m inute and tu rn now to the politics o f the b ill ju s t b rie fly . I t seems to us th a t th is b ill is a series o f em pty shells and it orders the President, somewhat in the s p irit o f K in g C anute to h o ld back the tides, to solve the unem ploym ent problem w ith in a 90-day p eriod a fte r the b ill is passed. I th in k Senator Stevenson’s question was extrem ely apropos when he pointed out th is b ill doesn’t c a ll fo r any action. I t calls fo r the P resident to solve the unem ploym ent problem and to do so by creating six o r eig h t new pro gram s w hich have not yet been designed, b u t the substance o f w hich has been debated in the Congress and in the J o in t Econom ic Com m ittee and th is com m ittee fo r some tim e and studies concerning w hich are available and proposals to deal w ith w hich have been discussed and are m entioned in o u r testim ony. A n o th e r p o litic a l indication o f the b ill is a tire d old p o litic a l im p lica tio n th a t we in the business com m unity have been fa m ilia r w ith now fo r a least a generation. I t is th a t one puts in to the hopper a p o o rly designed b ill— and th is is one o f the w orst d ra fte d pieces o f le g islatio n in m odem tim es in economic p o licy in m y personal ju dgm ent— and then those who oppose the b ill on the grounds th a t it is p o o rly d ra fte d are labeled w ith the accusation th a t because they oppose th is p a rtic u la r piece o f leg islatio n th ey, therefo re, oppose the goals o f the leg islatio n . , , . N o th in g could be fu rth e r fro m the tru th in respect to the business com m unity in th e U n ite d States. W e are in fa v o r o f h ig h levels o f em ploym ent, reasonable price s ta b ility , sustainable g ro w th , and p rotection o f A m ericans against the ris k o f in d u s tria l and urban life , and we are in fa v o r o f those goals together, and we w ould lik e to pursue those goals in a reasonable sensible w ay together, and we th in k th is b ill does n o t do th a t. 216 X o w , as fo r the economics o f th e b ill, we were d elig h ted to h ear the questions asked o f the authors o f th is b ill by th is com m ittee, by its chairm an and its members, because w e th in k those are cru cial questions to the success o f the b ill. W h y is there no in fla tio n goal in the b ill? W e ll, i f there were an in fla tio n goal and one set a 2 V i percent ra te o f in fla tio n vis-a-vis w hatever rate o f unem ploym ent was app ro p riate, you w ould be no b etter o ff than we are now w ith the E m ploym ent A c t o f 1946 because the very issue is th a t the re lation sh ip between in fla tio n and unem ploym ent has to be faced. I t isn’t a question o f the P h illip s curve, to be sure. T h a t trad eo ff has been somewhat and p ro p erly I th in k discredited by the evidence. B u t there is a d ifficu lty o f m olding those tw o goals together, w hich is unassailably the g reat problem o f the in d u s tria l w o rld and the dem ocratic cap italist w o rld and has been fo r the last generation, and th is b ill, by leavin g th a t question m oot, trie s to avoid the issue. B u t i f the issue were made e x p lic it, I th in k i t w ould m erely come head on to where we are now. T h e p re va ilin g wage question in S. 50 is equ ally im p o rta n t and equally poorly thought out in the b ill, as the question and the discussion to th a t question v ery c learly and p ro p erly illu s tra te d . Y esterd ay I was in Chicago a t the N a tio n a l Association o f R estaurants. T h ere are 500,000 food establishm ents in the U n ite d States, the largest single nuum ber o f re ta il establishm ents in the country. I t is claim ed bv th a t in d u stry th a t th ey em ploy 9 percent o f the la b o r force, w hich is the largest p ro p o rtion o f the lab o r force em ployed by any branch o f the re ta il trad e, and they provide larg e amounts o f em ploym ent to youngsters, to people who are inexperienced, who are learn in g the discipline o f w o rk and a ll the rest th a t goes w ith th a t, and they are deeply concerned about the in a b ility o f the U n ite d States to face up to" the question o f youth unem ploym ent. T h ey see the prospects o f a m inim um wage b ill w hich is not only going to be indexed b u t the tip cred it in present la w is going to be removed according to the proposed leg islatio n and there w ill be no d istinc tio n to be made between youth em ploym ent and ad u lt em ploym ent in th is crucial in d u stry. A n d they p o in t out i f th is happens and they have to liv e under th is k in d o f regim e, th a t they w ill surely add a 15 o r 20 percent service charge to th e ir b ills and they w ill control the tip s o f th e ir employees and they w ill have to tu rn fro m young people whom they b rin g in to the lab o r force fo r the firs t tim e to ad u lt workers who are m ore productive and, therefo re, could m ore ju s tify the wage raise. H ow ever, in add itio n , the fas t food in d u stry, w hich is one o f the fastest grow ing industries in the U n ite d States w ill get faster and it w ill get faster because there w ill be few er people and more machines and God knows w h at the food w ill be lik e as a consequence. B u t th a t’s the w ay this in d u stry feels and it feels this w ay because o f the im pact o f the m inim um wage on youth em ploym ent and th is b ill doesn’t come close to discussing th a t question in reference to p re va ilin g wage rates. Y ou have already said th a t it w ould induce employees to s h ift fro m the p riv ate to the public sector, and one o f the reasons th a t ought to be brought out is the wages o f the Governm ent workers in 217 the U n ite d States are h ig h er than the wages in the p riv ate sector and th a t’s because o f th e m ix o f the labor force in the Governm ent sector versus the p riv a te sector. B u t you know th is is not a poor p u b lic sector, a poverty stricken public sector facin g a luxurious p riv a te sector. On^ the con trary, the people who labor in p riv ate enterprise in the U n ite d States are actu ally receiving less in actual wages than in G overnm ent and so p re va ilin g wages in public em ploy m ent as set fo rth in S. 50 w ill surely s h ift em ploym ent fro m p rivate jobs to p u b lic jobs. In a d d itio n to th a t, as we a ll known, and we have heard testim ony here and before Senator Nelson’s com m ittee and elsewhere, it is im possible to th in k th a t you can create 1 m illio n public service jobs and increase em ploym ent by a n et 1 m illio n jobs because o f displacem ent o f public service jobs fo r already auhorized local gov ernm ent jobs on the rolls w hich cannot be financed by hardpressed local governm ents a ll over the countrv. A n d S ar L e v ita n him self, who was the leading exponent o f p ublic service em ploym ent, has p u b lic ly acknowledged th a t the displacem ent o f w orkers resulting fro m p ublic service em ploym ent m ay be as much as on e-h alf o f the to ta l num ber o f jobs created. B u t w ith respect to the question o f creating jobs, do you know th a t it costs $40,000 o f c ap ital in the U n ite d States p riv ate sector these days on the average to creat a single productive job? A n d th a t is because we have to use c a p ita l and knowledge and managem ent s k ill and m arketin g techniques in order to give people w hat they w a n t against the com petition o f the b rillia n t Germ ans and the F ren ch and th e Japanese and the Swedes, who are no slouches in p roducing goods and services th a t people w an t. A n d the notion th a t one can m erely wave a m agic wand o f $10,000 and create a job w h ich is going to lie productive violates the notion not m erely o f the fre e enterprise system but o f the w hole in d u s tria l revolution w hich was developed to y ie ld the increases in standard o f liv in g th a t have occurred a ll over the w o rld because it was realized exactly th a t one jo b is m ore productive than another. A n d critics o f the corporate w o rld even say th a t the one advantage w e have in b ig business is th a t the ch ief executive can reorganize the corporation fro m tim e to tim e in order to change the m ixtu re o f jobs and, th erefo re, increase the p ro d u ctivity o f th e corporation. W ag e and p rice controls are a very im p o rtan t question. T h ere is weasel language in the b ill w hich w ould lead easily to the auth o riza tio n o f w age and price controls except the words aren’t used. N o th in g is said about em p lo yab ility. N o goals indeed are offered fo r investm ent, one o f the most im p o rta n t questions fac in g us as against our com petitor nations. I f we are going to have goals in this b ill, w hy not goals fo r in vestm ent o r taxation? W h y not goals fo r energy sufficiency t W liv not goals fo r th is, th a t and the other th in g w hich are slid over m th is 1F in a lly , I w ould lik e to say th a t there is a w ay to deal w ith th e cru cial question o f persistent and perm anent unem ploym ent above desired levels d u rin g good tim es. B y the w ay, Senator, as jo u know , the forecast fo r 1977 are p re tty w ell in , and we are going to have 218 a stronger recovery t W was expected before. W e have' created 3,300,000 jobs since A p r il o f 1975 w ith o u t th is b ill, 700,000 I believe in the firs t q u arter o r th is y ea r, and because o f th e increase in th e num ber in the la b o r force, because people are com ing back in to the lab o r force, the unem ploym ent ra te has not declined as m uch as we w ould lik e it to , b u t the la b o r force its e lf, as o u r frien d s fro m th e A F L -C IO agree, is a flex ib le , v a ria b le q u a n tity and one could get a g reat deal o f increase in em ploym ent b y w hatever means w ith o u t necessarily g ettin g to th e c ru cial question o f the perm anent em ploy m ent ra te in good tim e . T h a t cru cial question concerns yo u th unem ploym ent and i t con cerns the unem ploym ent o f people w ho are given a disincentive to •work b y a w elfare mess th a t has existed on the books o f th e C on gress fo r a t least a decade. T u rn in g to you th unem ploym ent, we have th e testim ony o f the J o in t Econom ic C om m ittee studies themselves. H a rfo rd Professor o f Economics M a rtin F eld stein d id a study fo r th e J o in t Econom ic Com m ittee in 1973, a b rillia n t piece o f w o rk ; and i t id e n tifie d th e nature o f unem ploym ent as being th e result o f an active lab o r m arket in w hich there was a w eak jo b attachm ent o f people to th e ir jobs and n o t a perm anent pool o f unem ployed. A n d he pointed o u t th a t i f you do not lik e a s p lit level m in im um wage ra te, w hich some o f our friend s in W ashington oppose w ith vehemence and have done fo r 30 years, despite evidence th a t i t does delay and reduce the em ploym ent o f young people, then you could go fo r a voucher system whereby you give th e non-coUege you th a scholarship, as it were, corresponding to the subsidy given to college students in p riv a te u n i versities by p h ila n th ro p y and p u b lic universities b y u n d erp ricin g . ,You could give the young person a tic k e t by w hich he goes to a p riv a te em ployer and gets a subsidy fo r his wage w ith o u t the prob lem arisin g as to w hether th e p riv a te em ployer is abusing a ta x cred it th a t m ig h t be granted as another alte rn ativ e. O r one can re surrect the CCCs i f one could g et the youth o f today to go o u t in the country, although the evidence o f th e u n filled jobs, the dead-end jobs, th a t young people won’t take, suggests th a t young people o f today are less lik e ly th a n th e poorer people o f the 1930s to be w ill in g to go out and do h a rd w o rk on th e farm s and in th e forests o f the U n ite d States. I was in the CCCs personally and I saw the value o f th a t program in th e 1930s to poor kids in A p p a la ch ia and P ittsb u rg h . I w orked in the Shenandoah V a lle y d ig g in g post holes fo r farm ers to s trin g w ire, and th a t was a g reat program , b u t we have seen no such p ro posals in th is legislation. W e see a bunch o f em pty shells. A s to the w e lfare system, there has been a b rillia n t study by M a rth a G riffith s o f the w e lfa re system fo r the J o in t Econom ic Com m ittee, and she reveals the exact sense in w hich reasonable people who are on w elfare are w e ll advised not to go to w o rk because th e tax ra te on th e ir sm all a d d itio n a l earnings is som ething lik e 80 o r 90 percent. W e even had recommended to the Cham ber misViiwg out the w elfare system and o th er w e lfa re reform s. I ju s t m ention those to show you th a t it ’s o u r view th a t, i f I m ay, this b ill rem inds me o f a poem by D r . B u m s o f the Sm ithsonian In s titu tio n . L e t me quote it. H e s aid : L e t us dam n the stu p id , eager 219 beaver who doesn’t know his Aspen fro m a pole in the ground and so persists in b arkin g up the w rong tree.” T h a n k you. T h e C h a i r m a n . T h a n k you very much. [C om plete statem ent fo llo w s :] St a t e m ent of t h e Cham ber of Commerce of t h e U n it e d St a te s (B y C arl H . M ad d en ) M y n a m e Is C a r l H . M ad d en . I a m C h ie f E c o n o m ist o f t h e C h a m b er o f C om m e r c e o f t h e U n ite d S ta te s . T h e N a t io n a l C h a m b er a p p r e c ia te s t h e o p p o r tu n ity t o p r e s e n t i t s v ie w s o n S. 5 0 , t h e “ F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G ro w th A c t o f 1 9 7 6 / ' d a te d M a rch 1 6 , 1 9 7 6 . T h e m a jo r in te r e s t o f t h i s biU i s t o a c h ie v e , w it h in f o u r y e a r s o f e n a c tm e n t, t h e g o a l o f fu U e m p lo y m e n t f o r a ll a d u lt A m e r ic a n s a b le , w illin g a n d se e k in g , to w o rk . F u ll e m p lo y m e n t i s c o n str u e d a s c o n s is t e n t w it h a n u n e m p lo y m e n t r a t e o f n o t m o r e t h a n t h r e e p ercen t. S. 5 0 i s t h e w r o n g w a y to in c r e a s e e m p lo y m e n t. W e o p p o se is. THE NEW PLANNING MACHINERY T o a c h ie v e a t h r e e p e r c e n t u n e m p lo y m e n t r a t e w it h in f o u r y e a r s f o r a d u lt A m e r ic a n s, t h e b ill c r e a t e s e la b o r a te g o v e r n m e n ta l m a c h in e r y t h a t w o u ld p re p a r e e a c h y e a r a n e w F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G ro w th P la n , to b e su b m itt e d t o t h e C o n g r e s s b y t h e P r e s id e n t in h is a n n u a l E c o n o m ic R ep o rt. I n sh o r t, t h e b ill w o u ld in s t it u t e a s y s te m o f lo n g a n d s h o r t r a n g e n a tio n a l e c o n o m ic p la n n in g a s i t s m a jo r a p p ro a ch t o a c h ie v in g f u l l e m p lo y m en t. W h a t i s t h e n a tu r e o f t h e p la n n in g m a c h in e r y ? F ir s t , t h e P r e s id e n t ’s p la n , s u b m itte d e a c h y e a r to t h e C o n g ress, w o u ld p ro p o se, in q u a n t it a t iv e a n d quaUt a t i v e te r m s, lo n g -te rm g o a ls f o r fu U e m p lo y m e n t, p r o d u c tio n , p u r c h a s in g p o w er, a n d o t h e r p r io r it y p u rp o ses. I t w o u ld , in e s s e n c e f o r e c a s t f u t u r e g r o w th , f u t u r e u n m e t e c o n o m ic a n d s o c ia l n e e d s, a n d t h e h u m a n , c a p it a l, a n d n a tio n a l r e s o u r c e s a v a ila b le t o a c h ie v e i t s g o a ls. W h a t's m ore, i t w o u ld f u r n is h n o t o n ly “a n in t e g r a t e d p e r s p e c tiv e o f o u r n e e d s a n d c a p a b ilitie s ,” b u t s e r v e a s a lo n g ru n g u id e to “o p tim u m F e d e r a l, s t a t e a n d lo c a l g o v e r n m e n t a c tio n .” I t w o u ld r a n g e o v e r su c h p r io r it y p r o g r a m s a n d p o lic ie s t o su p p o r t fu U e m p lo y m e n t g o a ls a s en e r g y , t r a n s p o r t a tio n , fo o d , s m a ll b u sin e s s, e n v ir o n m e n ta l im p r o v e m e n t, t h e q u a n tity a n d q u a lity o f h e a lt h ca re, e d u c a tio n , d a y c a r e , h o u sin g , f e d e r a l a id to s t a t e a n d lo c a l g o v e r n m e n ts , n a tio n a l d e fe n se , o t h e r n e e d e d in te r n a tio n a l p ro g ra m s, a n d “s u c h o t h e r p r io r it y p o U cies a n d p r o g r a m s a s t h e P r e s id e n t d e e m s a p p r o p r ia te .” A n d it w o u ld m a n d a t e sp e n d in g on “priority p o lic ie s a n d p r o g r a m s t h a t co m p r is e a f u l l e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m ,” in so m e o r a l l o f t h e s e sp e c ific fie ld s— sp e n d in g t h a t “ sh a U n o t in g e n e r a l b e red u ced , a llo w in g f o r so m e v a r ia t io n f o r c o u n te r c y c U c a l p u r p o se s ,” e v e n w h e n t h e e c o n o m y “i s o p e r a t in g a t f u l l p ro d u c tio n a n d e m p lo y m e n t, o r su b je c te d to e x c e s s iv e o v e r a ll s t r a in .” S ec o n d , t h e P r e s id e n t w o u ld h a v e to c o o r d in a te t h e p la n w it h in t h e E x e c u t iv e B r a n c h b e fo r e su b m iss io n to t h e C o n g ress. A p u b lic - p r iv a te A d v is o r y C o m m itte e o n F u l l E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G ro w th t o t h e P r e s id e n t w o u ld b e s e t u p , a u th o r iz e d t o s e t u p in tu r n r e g io n a l o r in d u s t r ia l a d v is o r y su b c o m m itte e s t o a d v is e t h e A d v is o r y C o m m itte e, a n d t o in c lu d e b u sin e s s, la b o r, a n d c o n su m e r in te r e s t s . A ll t h e s e p e o p le w o u ld f u r n is h a d v ic e to t h e C o u n c il o f E c o n o m ic A d v is e r s to t h e P r e s id e n t “on t h e v ie w s a n d o p in io n s o f b ro a d s e g m e n t s o f t h e p u b lic o n m a t t e r s in v o lv e d in t h e fo r m u la tio n a n d im p le m e n ta tio n o f g o a ls a n d p o U c ie s f o r f u l l e m p lo y m e n t a n d b a la n c e d g r o w th .” T h e n t h e C o u n c il w o u ld t a k e t h e s e v i e w s in t o a c c o u n t in p r e p a r in g t h e P r e s id e n t ’s F u U E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G r o w th P la n , l a t e r su b m itte d t o C o n g r e ss a n d t o t h e 0 0 g o v e r n o r s, f o r t h e ir c o m m e n t a n d r e c o m m e n d a tio n s w it h in 6 0 d a y s, b e fo r e i t w o u ld b e su b s e q u e n tly r e v ie w e d o n b e h a lf o f C o n g r e ss b y a p p r o p r ia te s t a n d in g c o m m itte e s a n d th e j o i n t E c o n o m ic C o m m itte e . T h ir d , t h e B o a r d o f G o v e r n o r s o f t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e S y s te m w o u ld su b m it to t h e P r e s id e n t a n d t h e C o n g r e s s e a c h y e a r a n in d ep e n d e n t s t a t e m e n t s e t t in g fo r t h i t s in te n d e d p o U c ie s f o r t h e y e a r a n d h o w t h e p o U c ie s su p p o r t fu U e m p lo y m e n t. I f t h e P r e s id e n t a d ju d g e d t h e su p p o rt in a d e q u a te , h e w o u ld m a k e r e c o m m e n d a tio n s t o t h e B o a r d o f G o v e r n o r s t o s e t t h e ir p o lic ie s in t o " c lo se r c o n f o r m it y t o t h e p u r p o se o f t h i s A ct." I n t h i s o o n t t M t a , a s e c t io n in 8 . 0 0 7!-3#6 O - 7* - 15 220 m a n d a t e s t h a t t h e P r e s id e n t ’s E c o n o m ic R e p o r t e a c h y e a r s h o u ld in c lu d e “a c o m p r e h e n siv e s e t o f a n ti- in fla tio n p o lic ie s ,” in c lu d in g a r e p o r tin g s y s t e m o n in fla tio n a r y tr e n d s, m o n e ta r y a n d f ls c a l p o lic ie s , a p la n to in c r e a s e t h e s u p p ly o f g o o d s, s e r v ic e s, lab or, a n d c a p ita l, e x p o r t l ic e n s in g , . p r o d u c tiv ity p r o g r a m s f o r m a n a g e m e n t a n d lab or, a n d w a g e a n d p r ic e c o n tr o l p ro g ra m s. N e x t , t h e b ill s e t s u p s t il l f u r th e r g o v e r n m e n ta l m a c h in e r y . T h e r e i s t o b e, in p la c e o f t h e e x i s t i n g U .S . E m p lo y m e n t S e r v ic e , a F u ll E m p o y m e n t O ffice in th e L a b o r D e p a r tm e n t t o h e lp t h e S e c r e ta r y p r o v id e Job o p p o r tu n itie s. T h e r e i s to b e a n e w C o n g r e s sio n a l r e v ie w p r o c e ss, w h e r e b y “t h e a p p r o p r ia te c o m m it t e e s o f t h e C o n g r e ss s h a ll r e v ie w a n d r e v is e , t o t h e e x t e n t d e e m e d d e sir a b le , t h e ec o n o m ic g o a ls, p r io r itie s , p o lic ie s, a n d p r o g r a m s ” o f b o th t h e P r e s id e n t a n d t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e S y ste m , p lu s a n “o v e r a ll” r e v ie w by t h e J o in t E c o n o m ic C om m it t e e a n d a b u d g e t r e v ie w by t h e S e n a te a n d H o u s e C o m m itte e s o n t h e Q u d g et. T o h e lp t h e B u d g e t c o m m itte e s, t h e r e i s to b e a n e w d iv is io n o f t h e C o n g r e s s io n a l B u d g e t Office, c a lle d t h e D iv is io n o f F u ll E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G ro w th . F in a lly , t h e b ill p r o p o se s t h a t e a c h y e a r t h e C o n g ress, th r o u g h c o n c u r r e n t r e s o lu tio n s o f e a c h H o u se , sh o u ld v o t e t o a p p r o v e o r d is a p p r o v e t h e P r e s id e n t ’s p la n , in c lu d in g w h a t e v e r “a lt e r n a t iv e s to, m o d ific a tio n s of, o r a d d itio n s t o t h e P r o p o se d P la n ,” t h e J o in t E c o n o m ic C o m m itte e d e e m s a p p r o p r ia te . THE NEW PLANNING PROCESS A rm ed w it h t h e n e w g o v e r n m e n ta l p la n n in g m a c h in e r y s e t u p b y t h is b ill, e a c h y e a r t h e N a t io n a l E c o n o m ic P la n , b o th s h o r t r a n g e a n d lo n g r a n g e , a f t e r b e in g v o te d on b y t h e C o n g ress n o t m o re t h a n 1 0 5 d a y s a f t e r t h e P r e s id e n t su b m it s it, w o u ld r e ly on c e r ta in p r o c e s se s t o a c h ie v e i t s g o a ls. F ir s t , t h e r e i s a c o u n te r c y c lic a l e m p lo y m e n t p o licy , to b e su b m itte d b y t h e P r e s id e n t to C o n g r e ss w ith in 9 0 d a y s o f t h i s b ill’s e n a c tm e n t. I t sh o u ld be c o m p r e h e n s iv e a n d in c lu d e c o u n te r c y c lic a l p u b lic s e r v ic e e m p lo y m e n t, a c c e le r a te d p u b lic w o rk s, s t a t e a n d lo c a l c o u n te r c y c lic a l g r a n t p ro g ra m s, u n e m p lo y m e n t in su ra n ce , s k ill tr a in in g , y o u th e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m s, c o m m u n ity d e v e lo p m e n t p ro g ra m s, a n d i t sh o u ld a ls o “a u g m e n t a c t io n o f * o th e r e m p lo y m e n t a n d m a n p o w e r p ro g ra m s. S eco n d , th e r e i s a p e r m a n e n t c o u n te r c y c lic a l g r a n t s p r o g r a m (m e n tio n e d a b o v e ) to b e s e t u p by th e P r e sid e n t. T h e p r o g r a m i s in te n d e d t o s t a b iliz e c y c lic a l flu c tu a tio n s in s t a t e a n d lo c a l b u d g ets, w it h a u to m a tic im p le m e n ta tio n ( a “t r ig g e r ” ) t ie d to a sp ec ified u n e m p lo y m e n t r a te . T h ir d , th e r e i s a c o m p r e h e n siv e r e g io n a l a n d s t r u c t u r a l e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m to b e s e t u p by t h e P r e sid e n t. I t s p u rp o se i s to “r e d u c e t h e c h r o n ic u n d e r u tiliz a tio n o f h u m a n a n d c a p it a l r e so u r c e s in c e r t a in a r e a s o f t h e c o u n tr y a n d in g r o u p s w it h in t h e la b o r fo r c e .” T h e P r e s id e n t in d e s ig n in g t h is p ro g r a m sh o u ld “e n c o u r a g e p r iv a t e se c to r p ro d u c tio n a n d e m p lo y m e n t to lo c a t e w it h in d e p r e s se d r e g io n s a n d in n e r c it ie s .” T h e p ro p o sed e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m o f th e P r e s id e n t a ls o sh o u ld in c lu d e “a n in s t it u t io n a l m e a n s ” (p r e su m a b ly a b a n k ) d e sig n e d to e n c o u r a g e p u b lic a n d p r iv a t e in v e s t m e n t in su c h a r e a s a n d to p r o v id e a n a lt e r n a tiv e so u r c e o f c a p ita l f u n d s fo r lo c a l a n d s t a t e g o v e r n m e n ts to fin a n c e p u b ic f a c ilit ie s , in c lu d in g p r o v isio n fo r lo n g te r m lo a n s a t lo w in te r e s t r a te s, b on d p u r c h a se by p u b lic a n d p r iv a t e in s t itu t io n s , a n d c r it e r ia f o r p r io r i t i e s in a s s is t in g p u b lic a n d p r iv a te a g e n c ie s . F o u r th , th e r e i s a n e w c o m p r e h e n siv e y o u th e m p lo y m e n t p ro g ra m , to b e s e t u p b y t h e P r e sid e n t. I t w o u ld c o o r d in a te a l l su c h e x is t in g p ro g ra m s, d e v e lo p a sm o o th e r t r a n s it io n fr o m sc h o o l to w o rk , e s p e c ia lly h e lp tr a in d is a d v a n ta g e d y o u th , d e v e lo p “r e a lis t ic ” m e th o d s o f c o m b in in g t r a in in g w ith w o rk , a n d p ro v id e jo b o p p o r tu n itie s fo r y o u th in c o n s e r v a tio n , p u b lic s e r v ic e a c t iv it ie s , in n e r c it y c lea n u p , a n d “o th e r jo b s o f v a lu e to s ta te s , lo c a l c o m m u n itie s a n d th e N a tio n .” F if t h , t h e r e i s a p ro p o sa l to in te g r a te in c o m e m a in te n a n c e an d e m p lo y m e n t p o lic ie s, t o b e m a d e by th e P r e sid e n t. T h e p r o p o sa l sh o u ld recom m en d “h o w th e in c o m e m a in te n a n c e an d e m p lo y m e n t p o lic ie s ca n b e in te g r a te d to in s u r e t h a t e m p lo y m e n t i s s u b s titu te d f o r in c o m e m a in te n a n c e to t h e m a x im u m e x t e n t f e a s ib le .” I t i s t h e in te n t o f C o n g ress to p r o v id e q u a lity jo b s t h a t im p r o v e th e w o r k en v ir o n m e n t, str e n g th e n in com e, a n d e lim in a t e su b s ta n d a r d e a r n in g s ; in te g r a te in c o m e m a in te n a n c e an d e m p lo y m e n t p o lic ie s ; a n d s u b s tit u te w o rk f o r in c o m e m a in te n a n c e a s m uch a s p o ssib le . 221 S ix th , a n d fin a lly , t h e r e is a p ro p o sa l f o r eco n o m y in g o v ern m en t, to be m a d e b y t h e P r e s id e n t. T h e p ro p o sa l fo r im p r o v in g t h e efficien cy a n d eco n o m y o f t h e f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t w o u ld in c lu d e a r e v ie w o f “e x is tin g G o v ern m en t r u le s a n d r e g u la t io n s ” a n d a n a n n u a l e v a lu a tio n o f 2 0 p e r c e n t o f t h e d o lla r v o lu m e o f e x i s t i n g f e d e r a l p ro g ra m s an d w o u ld r e q u ir e th e P r e s id e n t to su b m it to C o n g r e s s “a f o r m a l a n a ly s is o f t h e eco n o m ic a n d s o c ia l im p a c t a n d v a lu e o f e a c h p r o g r a m .” T h e b ill in c lu d e s a fin d in g o f “w id e sp r e a d d u p lic a tio n a n d c o n t r a d ic tio n ’* a m o n g f e d e r a l d e p a r tm e n ts a n d a g e n c ie s. T h e H u m p h r e y - H a w k in s b ill is su b je c t to t h e ju r is d ic tio n o f t h e S e n a te C om m it t e e o n B a n k in g , H o u sin g , a n d U rb a n A ffa ir s in t h e fo llo w in g s e v e r a l rep e c ts, a t l e a s t : 1. S e c t io n 1 0 3 a m e n d s t h e E m p lo y m e n t A c t o f 1 9 4 6 to r e q u ir e t h e P r e sid e n t t o s e t f o r th , n u m e r ic a l g o a ls fo r p u r c h a sin g p ow er, a n d a ls o d e a ls w it h c a p ita l r e s o u r c e s a n d e c o n o m ic g o a ls. 2. S e c tio n 1 0 4 r e q u ir e s lo n g term g o a ls f o r h o u sin g a n d d e fe n s e p ro d u ctio n . 3 . S e c tio n 1 0 6 d ir e c t s t h e P r e sid e n t to e n s u r e t h a t p o lic ie s o f t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e B o a r d c o n fo r m t o t h e m a n d a te d n a tio n a l p lan . 4. S e c tio n 1 0 7 m a n d a t e s a c o m p r e h e n siv e se t o f a n ti- in fla tio n p o lic ie s. 5. S e c t io n 2 0 2 r e q u ir e s a c o m m u n ity d e v e lo p m e n t p ro g ra m to p r o v id e e m p lo y m e n t. 6. S e c t io n 2 0 4 p r o v id e s fo r a n e w fin a n c ia l m e a n s f o r fin a n c in g p u b lic f a c il i tie s , in c lu d in g lo n g -te rm lo a n s a t lo w in te r e s t ra te s. S. 50 IS A GOVERNMENT POWEB GRAB T h i s c o m m it t e e h a s a s k e d t h e N a t io n a l C h a m b er t o t e s t if y o n t h e p o litic a l a n d e c o n o m ic im p lic a t io n s o f S. 5 0. W e su p p o r t t h e a im s o f t h e E m p lo y m e n t A c t o f 1 9 4 6 — o f b a la n c e d a n d s u s ta in a b le eco n o m ic g r o w th a t h ig h em p lo y m en t le v e ls , o f e f f e c t iv e la b o r m a rk ets, o f e a s in g t h e b u r d e n s o f jo b le ssn e s s, an d o f im p r o v in g e d u c a t io n a n d s k ills . W e o p p o se S. 5 0 p r e c is e ly b e c a u se o f it s p o liti c a l a n d e c o n o m ic im p lic a tio n s . S. 5 0 , p o litic a lly , r e p r e s e n t s a m is ta k e n a t te m p t to a r r o g a te to g o v e r n m e n t a la r g e a m o u n t o f a d d e d p o w e r o v e r A m e r ic a n c o n s u m e r s a n d b u s in e s s e s in th e n a m e o f p la n n in g f o r f u l l e m p lo y m en t. T h e p r e m is e o f t h a t m is ta k e n a tte m p t i s t h a t t h e e x i s t i n g m a r k e t eco n o m y , t h e c o m p e tit iv e e n t e r p r is e sy stem , c a n n o t s u s t a in i t s e l f w it h o u t t h e g u id a n c e o f n u m e r ic a l g o a ls a n d p r io r it ie s fro m g o v e r n m e n t. T h e b u rd en o f j u s t if y in g s u c h a n a r r o g a tio n o f p o w e r i s o n th o s e w h o p r o p o s e su c h p la n n in g in t h e f a c e o f e x p e r ie n c e in a u th o r it a r ia n so c ie tie s , w h ic h f a i l t o p e r fo r m a t A m e r ic a n s ta n d a r d s e it h e r o f fr e e d o m o r o f w e a lth c r e a t io n . T h e b u r d e n i s on th o s e w h o p r o p o se p la n n in g in t h e f a c e o f t h e u n im p r e s s iv e re c o r d o f p la n n in g in d e m o c r a tic s o c ie tie s s in c e W o rld W a r I I , su ch a s t h e U n ite d K in g d o m . T h e m a jo r p o lit ic a l t h r u s t o f S. 5 0 — to w a r d f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t eco n o m ic p la n n in g w i t h t h e f o r c e o f la w , p lu s, c o n g r e s s io n a lly m a n d a te d p r io r ity fe d e r a l sp e n d in g p r o g r a m s, p lu s fe d e r a lly d e sig n e d p u b lic jo b c r e a tio n e x p lic itly to c o v e r e m p lo y m e n t s h o r t f a lls — i s c lea r. T h e m a jo r t h r u s t i s to w a r d m o r e d o m in a t io n o f t h e l i v e s o f A m e r ic a n f a m ilie s a n d b u s in e s s e s fr o m B ig B r o th e r in W a s h in g to n . T h e r e a r e o t h e r p o lit ic a l im p lic a tio n s o f S. 5 0 b e s id e s t h a t o f a W a sh in g to n d o m in a t e d p o w e r g ra b . S . 5 0 i s lo n g o n p r o m is e s a n d w is h f u l t h in k in g a n d e x c e s s iv e ly v a g u e , i f n o t s ile n t, o n h o w t o g e t fr o m g o o d in te n t io n s t o r e a lis tic p e r fo r m a n c e . C le a r ly , S. 5 0 p r o m ise s a jo b a s a m a tte r o f r ig h t t o aJI A m e r ic a n s a b le a n d w i l l i n g t o w o rk , a n d s e e k in g w ork , a t f a i r w a g e s . C lea rly , S. 5 0 p le d g e s t o r e d u c e t h e u n e m p lo y m e n t r a t e t o th r e e p e r c e n t f o r a d u lt A m e r ic a n s w it h in f o u r y e a r s- T h e s e , M r. C h a irm a n , a r e b ig p r o m ise s, in d eed . B u t S . 5 0 ig n o r e s m a n y im p o r ta n t q u e s tio n s a b o u t h o w to g e t u n e m p lo y m e n t t o t h r e e p e r c e n t f o r a d u lt A m erica n s. T h e y in c lu d e ( 1 ) w h a t i s a n a d u lt, ( 2 ) t h e P r e s id e n t ’s .m a n d a te d b u t u n d e sig n e d p la n , ( 3 ) i t s e v e n t u a l a p p r o v a l b y C o n g r e s s, ( 4 ) t h e p o s t u r e o f t h e F e d e r a l R ese r v e , ( 5 ) t h e n a t u r e a n d p e r fo r m a n c e s * p o lic ie s a n d p r o g r a m s n o t y e t d e s ig n e d b y t h e P r e s id e n t I n s t e a d , o f p r o p o s in g w a y s to d e a l w ith p r o ty le m s o f u n e m p lo y m e n t, t h e b ill g i v e s u s a la u n d r y l i s t o f p o s s ib le a r e a s of* W d w a y s t o d e a l w it h , u n e m p lo y m e n t . B* 50 th e n c a l l s o n t h e P re sid e n t t o c o m e u p w ith a c c e p ta b le s o lu tio n s p r o m p tly u p o n p a s s a g e o f th e b ill. I t c o m e s d o s e t o o r d e r in g t h e P r e s id e n t to e n d u n e m p lo y m e n t b y e x e c u t iv e o rd er, b y w a v in g a m a g ic w and* In d e e d , S. 5 0 p r o v id e s m e r e e m p ty s h e lls , s o lu t io n s i n n a m e o n ly , u n d e r w h ic h t h e P r e r fd e n t a n d f u t u r e C ong r e s s e s a r e in s t r u c t e d w i t h t h e f o r c e o f l a w t o s o lv e u n e m p lo y m e n t T h e r e a r e s e r io u s p o lit ic a l im p lic a t io n s i n t h e a p p r o a c h o f S . 5 0 , O n e i s t h a t t h e s y m b o lism o f t h e b ill a t t e m p t s t o p la c e t h o s e w h o o p p o se t h e le g is la t io n a s b a d l a w i n t h e p o s it io n o f b e in g “a g a in s t f u l l e m p lo y m e n t” i f t h e y d a r e t o o p p o se S . 5 0 a n d i t s g lo w in g la n g u a g e . T h i s a p p r o a c h , w h ic h i s a f a m ilia r p o lit ic a l t a c t i c to t h o s e li v i n g in t h e W a s h in g t o n a r e n a d u r in g N e w D e a l, F a ir D e a l a n d G r e a t S o c ie t y d a y s , m a k e s t h e p o lit ic a l p o w e r g r a b lo o k li k e a c t io n in t h e p u b lic in te r e s t. M o r e a n d m o r e p e o p le a r e s e e in g th r o u g h su c h t a c tic s . P e r h a p s t h e w o r s t p o lit ic a l im p lic a t io n o f S . 5 0 Is t o t h e P r e s id e n t h im s e lf w h o w o u ld b e sa d d le d w i t h t h i s v a g u e , w is h f u l, o v e r - p r o m isin g le g is la t io n w e r e i t t o p a ss . S . 5 0 p u t s so m e p u t a t iv e C h ie f E x e c u t iv e in t h e im p o s s ib le p o lit ic a l p o s it io n o f h a v in g t o c o n c e iv e a s w e ll a s a d m in is te r sp e c ific p r o g r a m s. T h e b iU i s s o f a r r e m o v e d fr o m t h e r e a lis t ic a n d c o m m o n s e n s e w is d o m o f t h e A m e r ic a n p e o p le a s r e fle c te d in t h e ir p a s t h o p e s a n d a c c o m p lis h m e n ts t h a t p e r h a p s i t s m o s t a w k w a r d p o lit ic a l im p lic a t io n i s t h a t i t e x is ts * S. 50 WOULD BE AN ENGINE OF INFLATION T h e C o m m itte e h a s a s k e d t h e N a t io n a l C h a m b e r t o t e s t i f y o n n o t o n ly t h e p o lit ic a l b u t a ls o t h e e c o n o m ic im p lic a t io n s o f S . 5 0 . A b o v e a ll, S. 5 0 w o u ld b e a g ig a n t ic e n g in e o f in fla tio n . T h e n e t e f fe c t o f S. 5 0 i s t o s e t a t h r e e p e r c e n t a d u lt u n e m p lo y m e n t t a r g e t t o b e r e a c h e d a n d s u s t a in e d f o u r y e a r s a f t e r i t s e n a c tm e n t, b u t i t s e t s n o c o m p a r a b le specific o b je c t i v e w it h r e g a r d t o in fla tio n . T h e e c o n o m ic im p lic a t io n o f s u c h a n u n b a la n c e d t r e a t m e n t o f in fla tio n a n d u n e m p lo y m e n t i s t o c r e a t e a b ia s to w a r d in fla tio n . A lso , S. 5 0 r e lie s o n c o u n te r c y c lic a l a n d s t r u c t u r a l p r o g r a m s y e t t o b e d e sig n e d t h a t c r e a t e a n in fla t io n a r y b ia s. M u ch e x p e r ie n c e s h o w s t h a t su c h p ro g r a m s a r e ill- tim ed , c o m in g t o o l a t e in r e c e s s io n s a n d c o n t in u in g to o lo n g in r e c o v e r ie s. S. 5 0 w o u ld n o t e s c a p e su c h d iffic u ltie s b e c a u s e fo r e c a s tin g , a s sh o w n b y t h e 1 9 7 4 - 7 5 e x p e r ie n c e , i s n o t a r e lia b le g u id e t o tim in g . T h ir d , t h e b la n k c h e c k S. 5 0 g i v e s t o f e d e r a l g o v e r n m e n t e m p lo y m e n t o f l a s t r e s o r t t h r o u g h c o u n te r c y c lic a l p r o g r a m s, w it h w a g e s s e t a t p r e v a ilin g r a t e s , h a s p r o fo u n d in fla tio n a r y c o n se q u e n c e s. T h e b ill r e q u ir e s p a y m e n t o f p r e v a ilin g w a g e s , d e fin e d w h e r e a p p lic a b le a s t h e h ig h e s t o f e it h e r t h e f e d e r a l m in im u m w a g e , t h e s t a t e o r lo c a l m in im u m w a g e , t h e p r e v a ilin g w a g e in s t a t e o r lo c a l g o v e r n m e n t, o r t h e p r e v a ilin g w a g e in c o n s tr u c tio n a s sp e c ifie d b y t h e D a v isB a c o n A ct. T h e r e a s o n s f o r p r o fo u n d in fla t io n a r y im p lic a t io n s fr o m su c h p r o g r a m s a n d su c h w a g e s a r e c le a r . F ir s t , t h e p r o g r a m w o u ld r e s u lt in c o st-p u sh p r e s s u r e s fr o m t ig h t e n in g p r iv a t e la b o r m a r k e ts . B y m a k in g p u b lic jo b s a v a ila b le a t a t t r a c t iv e w a g e s a s a m a tt e r o f r ig h t, t h e p r o g r a m w o u ld r e s u lt in w o r k e r s in t h e p r iv a t e s e c to r p r e s s in g f o r h ig h e r w a g e g a in s o r t r a n s f e r r in g in t o g o v e r n m e n t jo b s. S eco n d , t h e p u b lic s e r v ic e e m p lo y m e n t p r o g r a m w o u ld v e r y lik e ly e v e n t u a te in p o w e r f u l d em and -p u U p r e s su r e s . F in a n c in g t h e p r o g r a m , g iv e n t h e r e lu c ta n c e in t h e U .S . t o r a is e t a x e s e n o u g h t o p a y t h e c o s ts , w o u ld v e r y lik e ly c o m e fr o m in c r e a s e s i n t h e f e d e r a l d e fic it— a n d a t so m e p e r io d s v e r y b ig in c r e a s e s. S. 50, t o r e p e a t, i s o n t h e o r d e r o f a b la n k c h e c k t o a u th o r iz e u n d e r so m e c ir c u m s t a n c e s m illio n s o f fe d e r a lly - fin a n c e d jo b s a t a t t r a c t iv e w a g e s. T h e p ro g r a m c o u ld c o s t a n y w h e r e b e tw e e n $ 2 4 b illio n a n d $ 4 8 b illio n a t c u r r e n t a v e r a g e p a y sc a le s. W e d o n o t k n o w h o w m u c h c o s t o ffs e t m a y r e s u lt fr o m r e d u c e d t r a n s f e r p a y m e n ts. B e c a u s e o f jo b d is p la c e m e n t o f p r iv a t e w o r k e r s to p u b lic jo b r o lls, a n d fr o m s u b s tit u tio n o f t h e s e j o b s f o r e x is t i n g p u b lic jo b s p a y in g le s s , w e d o n o t k n o w , e ith e r , h o w m a n y m illio n s o f j o b s m ig h t b e n e e d e d t o a c h ie v e th e st a t e d e m p lo y m e n t ta r g e t. T h e b ig g e s t in fla tio n a r y d a n g e r o f t h e b ill, h o w e v e r , i s t h e s t r a it j a c k e t it a p p e a r s to p la c e a r o u n d t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e a n d t h e e x e r c is e o f b o th m o n e ta r y a n d fis c a l p o lic y . S. 5 0 a b a n d o n s t h e u s e o f m o n e ta r y a n d fisc a l p o lic y to o ls t o c o m b a t in fla tio n u n t il t h e u n e m p lo y m e n t r a t e d e s c e n d s t o t h r e e p ercen t. I t t h u s a b a n d o n s t h e b a s ic t o o ls f o r m a n a g in g n a t io n a l a g g r e g a t e m o n e ta r y d e m a n d m a n d a te d b y t h e E m p lo y m e n t A c t o f 1 9 4 6 a n d u se d -through ou t t h e w o r ld In g o v e r n m e n ta l e ffo r ts t o lig h t b o th in fla tio n a n d u n e m p lo y m e n t. I n su b s titu tio n , 223 S. 5 0 p r o p o se s s u b s t it u t e m e a s u r e s su c h a s : a c o m p r e h e n siv e in fo r m a tio n s y s te m t o m o n ito r in fla tio n a r y t r e n d s ; p ro g r a m s t o e n c o u r a g e g r e a te r s u p p lie s o f g o o d s, se r v ic e s , a n d p r o d u c tio n in p u t s ; e x p o r t lic e n s in g ; s to c k p ile r e s e r v e s o f fo o d a n d c r it ic a l m a te r ia ls ; e n c o u r a g e m e n t t o m a n a g e m e n t a n d la b o r to r a is e p r o d u c tiv ity th r o u g h v o lu n ta r y a c t i o n ; a n d p r o p o sa ls to in c r e a s e c o m p e titio n . T h e s e p ro g ra m s, h o w e v e r m e r ito r io u s , a r e h a r d ly a s u b s tit u te fo r m o n e ta r y a n d fisc a l p o lic y , la c k in g so m e e f fe c tiv e a lt e r n a tiv e m e a n s o f c o n s tr a in in g in fla tio n c o n s is te n t w ith a f r e e e n te r p r is e so c ie ty . S. 5 0 c la im s to e s ta b lis h th e r ig h t o f a ll a d u lt A m e r ic a n s a b le a n d w illin g to w o rk , a n d s e e k in g w o rk , to o p p o r tu n itie s fo r u s e f u l j o b s a t f a i r w a g e s. T o b e su re , t h e b ill w o u ld h a v e t h e n e w F u ll E m p lo y m e n t O ffice w it h in t h e L a b o r D e p a r tm e n t d e v e lo p “r e s e r v o ir s ” o f f e d e r a lly o p e r a te d p u b lic e m p lo y m e n t p r o j e c t s a n d p r iv a t e n on -p rofit e m p lo y m e n t p r o je c ts. T h e p a y w o u ld b e a t pre* v a ilin g r a t e s f o r p e r s o n s e m p lo y e d in s im ila r p u b lic o c c u p a tio n s. P e o p le em p lo y e d w o u ld d o w o r k “t h a t w o u ld n o t o t h e r w is e b e done.** A g a in , t h e b ill ig n o r e s t h e q u e stio n a s to w h a t w o r k i s w o r th d o in g . C r e a tin g a jo b in A m e r ic a n in d u s tr y r e q u ir e s on t h e a v e r a g e a c a p it a l in v e s tm e n t o f $ 3 0 ,0 0 0 . T h e a u th o r s o f S. 5 0 d o n o t se e m to u n d e r s ta n d t h a t in t h e U .S ., h ig h a v e r a g e r e a l in c o m e s d e p a id o n s t e a d ily in c r e a s in g p r o d u c tiv ity — w h ic h in tu r n , d e p e n d s o n c o n s t a n t ly r e - str u c tu r in g t h e m ix o f j o b s in in d u s tr y b y r is k y in v e s t m e n ts m a d e a g a in s t c o m p e tit iv e p r e s su r e s . I f a n y th in g i s o b v io u s in m od ern in d u s t r ia l e c o n o m ie s, i t i s t h a t so m e j o b s a r e m o r e p r o d u c tiv e t h a n o th e rs. T h is b ill s e e m s t o r e fle c t a c u r r e n tly p o p u la r p o litic a l id e a l— lo w e r e x p e c ta tio n s , m a k e -w o rk jo b s, a n d le v e lin g w it h p eo p le. S. 5 0 o ffe r s a g o o d v e h ic le f o r p h o n y , m a k e - w o rk job s. T h e b ill c le a r ly r e s t s on t h e ju d g m e n t t h a t a lm o s t a n y jo b i s b e t te r t h a n u n e m p lo y m e n t. U n f o r tu n a t e ly , t h i s ju d g m e n t i s n o t sh a re d b y a l a r g e n u m b e r o f j o b le s s p e o p le — p e o p le w h o tu r n d o w n jo b s t h a t w o u ld n e t l e s s t h a n t h e y r e c e iv e in u n e m p lo y m e n t b en efits, o r j o b s t h a t a r e “b e lo w th e ir d ig n it y / ' o r d ir ty , o r in c o n v e n ie n t to g e t to , a n d s o fo r th . W h ile t h e b ill i s b e in g d e b a te d , th o u g h , t h e U .S . eco n o m y h a s c r e a te d a n e w h ig h f o r e m p lo y m e n t— 8 7 m illio n jo b s a s o f A p r il 1 9 7 6 . I t h a s c r e a te d 3 .3 m illio n j o b s s in c e M a rch 1 9 7 5 . D r. S e y m o u r W o lfb e in , fo r m e r ly o f t h e B u r e a u o f L a b o r S ta t is t ic s , to ld N a t io n ’s B u s in e s s l a s t m o n th t h a t , b e tw e e n t h e a i d o f W o r ld W a r I I a n d 1 9 7 5 , so m e 3 0 m illio n n o n -fa rm jo b s w e r e a d d e d t o t h e e c o n o m y — “t h e o v e r w h e lm in g p r o p o r tio n o f t h e m in t h e p r iv a t e s e c to r d e s p it e t h e g r o w th o f p u b lic e m p lo y m e n t." W h e t h e r t h e j o b s S. 5 0 c r e a t e s a r e p h o n y o r n o t, to fin a n c e p r e v a ilin g w a g e s in g o v e r n m e n t a n d n o n p ro fit p r o j e c t s w ill c o s t a la r g e c h u n k o f ta x e s . A t a n a v e r a g e o f $ 1 2 ,0 0 0 p e r job, i t w o u ld c o s t $ 1 2 b illio n p e r o n e m illio n job s. T h e b ill g i v e s u s n o w a y w h a t s o e v e r t o e s t im a t e i t s t o t a l c o s ts , s in c e i t ig n o r e s so m a n y q u e s t io n s a b o u t t h e p r e v a ilin g w a g e f o r jo b s, n a tio n a l e c o n o m ic p la n s, r e g io n a l a n d s t r u c t u r a l a n d y o u th e m p lo y m e n t p o lic y , g r a n t s p ro g ra m s, a n d t h e lik e , n o t t o m e n tio n t h e c o s ts a d d e d by t h e r e s u ltin g in fla tio n . W ill t a x e s b e r a is e d t o fin a n c e t h e s e jo b s, o r w i l l t h e d e fic it g r o w la r g e r ? S . 5 0 , a lo q u a c io u s b ill, i s s t r a n g e ly s ile n t o n t h i s q u e stio n . S p e n d in g f e d e r a l f u n d s to p a y s a la r ie s f o r o n e m illio n p u b lic s e r v ic e jo b s w i l l n o t n e c e s s a r ily r e s u lt in a n e t in c r e a s e in e m p lo y m e n t o f o n e m illio n . E v e n p r o p o n e n ts o f p u b lic s e r v ic e jo b s, su c h a s S a r L e v it a n o f G e o r g e W a sh i n g to n U n iv e r s ity , a d m it t h a t so m e “d isp la cem en t** w i ll t a k e p la c e a s h a rd -p ressed l o c a l g o v e r n m e n t o ffic ia ls s u b s t it u t e p u b lic s e r v ic e j o b s in t h e ir b u d g e ts fo r e x i s t i n g a u th o r iz e d s lo ts, t o k e e p d o w n lo c a l g o v e r n m e n t c o s ts . “D isp la ce m en t** a ls o c o m e s in t o p la y a s p r iv a t e s e c to r e m p lo y e e s m o v e in t o h ig h e r p a y in g p u b lic s e r v ic e jo b s. S a la r ie s in t h e U .S . g o v e r n m e n t a v e r a g e h ig h e r t h a n in in d c str y b e c a u s e t h e g o v e r n m e n t jo b m ix in c lu d e s m o r e w h it e c o lla r j o b s a n d f e w e r u n s k ille d jo b s. A r o u n d se v e n m illio n w o r k e r s r e c e iv e l e s s t h a n t h e m in im u m w a g e in s a la r y o r c o m m is sio n . G o v e r n m e n t jo b s a t t h e p r e v a ilin g g o v e r n m e n t r a t e w i l l d r a w t h e s e lo w -p a id w o r k e r s fro m t h e p r iv a t e se c to r . F o r t h e s e t w o r e a so n s , t h e r e f o r e , o n e m illio n p u b lic se r v ic e jo b s w il l n o t c a u s e a n e t em p lo y m e n t i n c r e a s e o f o n e m illio n . W o r k in g t a x p a y e r s in t h e so u th a n d s o u t h w e s t a v e r a g e l e s s p a y t h a n e ls e w h e r e b u t s u ffe r le s s jo b le s s n e s s . A r r a n g in g f o r s o u th e r n a n d so u th w e s te r n w o r k in g t a x p a y e r s t o p a y fo r g o v ern m en t-c rea te d j o b s a t h ig h e r p a y in o th e r r e g io n s r e d is tr ib u t e s in c o m e fr o m lo w e r t o h ig h e r p a y re g ion s . F u r th e r m o r e ^ t h e i n c m a e d t a x e s o r la r g e r d e f ic its t h a t w i l l b e r e g a in e d t o fin a n c e H u m p h r e y - H a w k in s w iE d im in is h t h e f u n d s a v a ila b le f o r p r iv a t e i n v e s tm e n t, th e r e b y r e d u c in g t h e n u m b e r o f j o b s t h a t w o u ld b e c r e a t e d b y b u si n e s s in t h e n o r m a l c o u r s e o f e v e n t s in a h e a lt h y eco n o m y . T h e m a jo r t h r u s t o f S. 5 0 , t o w a r d n a t io n a l e c o n o m ic p la n n in g , p lu s m a n d a te d p r io r ity f e d e r a l sp e n d in g p r o g r a m s, p lu s p u b lic jo b c r e a t io n e x p li c it l y t o c o v e r e m p lo y m e n t s h o r t f a lls , r e p r e s e n t s a b a s ic e c o n o m ic m isc o n c e p tio n o f t h e n a tu r e o f t h e c h r o n ic u n e m p lo y m e n t p r o b le m a n d t h e r e f o r e o f m u c h o f t o d a y ’s a n d to m o r r o w ’s r e s id u a l u n e m p lo y m e n t. T h e b ill la r g e ly in c o r p o r a te s t h e c o n v e n t io n a l K e y n e s ia n v ie w o f u n e m p lo y m e n t, d e s p it e i t s a u th o rs* c la im s t o t h e c o n tr a r y , in t h e e n o r m o u s e x p a n s iv e p o t e n t ia l o f i t s m a in th r u s t. T h a t c o n v e n t io n a l K e y n e s ia n v ie w i s t h a t t h e g r o w t h in t h e d e m a n d f o r g o o d s a n d s e r v ic e s d o e s n o t k e e p p a c e w it h t h e r is e in o u tp u t p e r w o r k e r . C o m p a n ie s t h e r e f o r e f a i l t o r e h ir e la id - o ff e m p lo y e e s a t a f a s t e n o u g h r a te . T h e r e s u lt, in t h i s c o n v e n t io n a l v ie w , i s a p o o l o f p o t e n t ia l e m p lo y e e s w h o a r e u n a b le t o fin d jo b s, u n le s s g o v e r n m e n t s p e n d s t o p r o v id e them< A q u ic k r e v ie w o f f a c t s a b o u t t h e p r e s e n t e c o n o m y s h o w s w h y t h i s v ie w i s w ro n g . T h e eco n o m ic r e c o v e r y u n d e r w a y f o r a y e a r a n d g a in in g m o m e n tu m i s w id e ly fo r e c a s t t o g e n e r a t e g r o w th in r e a l G N P t h i s y e a r o f 6 .5 to 7 .0 p e r c e n t b u t to b e a c c o m p a n ie d b y in fla tio n in c o n su m e r p r ic e s o f 5 .5 to 6 .0 p e r c e n t, m a y b e m o re. T h e r e c o v e r y i s e x p e c te d t o c o n t in u e th r o u g h 1 9 7 7 a n d n o t t o “r u n o u t o f s te a m ” in m id - 1 9 7 7 , b e c a u s e t h e r e i s n o w u n d e r w a y a c la s s ic c y c lic a l se q u e n c e o f r o llin g u p w a r d m o m e n tu m m o v in g fr o m c o n su m e r sp e n d in g t h i s y e a r to in v e s t m e n t sp e n d in g n e x t y e a r . E v e n so, t h e r e c o v e r y a n d a d v a n c e o f 1 9 7 6 - 7 7 i s s t i l l lik e ly to l e a v e u s w it h b o th in fla tio n a n d u n e m p lo y m e n t t h a t a r e u n a ccep ta b ly h ig h . A s to in fla tio n , t h e r e i s so m e c o n c e r n o f a n a c c e le r a tio n o f p r ic e r is e s in 1 9 7 7 . C h a ir m a n A r th u r F . B u r n s o f t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e B o a r d l a s t w e e k e x p r e s s e d co n cern , s a y in g “W e m a y h a v e t r o u b le o n t h e in fla t io n f r o n t in 1 9 7 7 .” H e a ls o p o in te d o u t th a t , e x c lu s iv e o f e r r a t ic it e m s su c h a s f o o d s tu ffs a n d f u e l, w h o le s a le a n d c o n su m e r p r ic e s g e n e r a lly h a v e b een r is in g f a ir l y s t e a d ily a t a n a n n u a l r a t e o f s i x to se v e n p e r c e n t s in c e t h e m id d le o f l a s t y e a r . T h e so - c a lle d ‘‘b u ilt- in ” in fla tio n in t h e e c o n o m y i s w id e ly e s tim a te d a t a r a n g e o f fiv e t o se v e n p e r c e n t. S u c h a n in fla tio n r a t e i s to o h ig h . A le a d in g w o r ld eco n o m y a n d g r e a t p o w e r su c h a s t h e U .S ., t h a t i s a ls o a c it a d e l o f d em o c r a t ic c a p ita lis m in t h e w o rld , c a n n o t t o le r a t e a s n o r m a l a y e a r ly c o m p o u n d ed s h r in k a g e in t h e p u r c h a s in g p o w e r o f i t s m o n e y o f s ix p e r c e n t f o r v e r y lo n g w it h o u t tro u b le. T h e g o o d - tim es u n e m p lo y m e n t r a t e i s lik e w is e u n a c c e p ta b ly h ig h . T o b e su r e , f o r e c a s te r s e x p e c t th a t, fr o m M a rch 1 9 7 5 to y ea r-en d o f 1 9 7 6 , t h e e c o n o m y w i l l c r e a t e fo u r m illio n n e w jo b s, a n d e m p lo y m e n t is e x p e c te d t o g r o w 2 .5 t o 3 m il lio n in t h is y e a r a n d a g a in in 1 9 7 7 . S till, t h e u n e m p lo y m e n t r a t e i s e x p e c te d to d ro p o n ly t o 7 .2 p e r c e n t t h i s y e a r a n d t o 6 .2 p e r c e n t in 1 9 7 7 . T h e u n e m p lo y m e n t p ro b lem o f t h e p a s t 2 0 y e a r s , a n d m a y b e o f t h e n e x t 2 0 y e a r s u n le s s w e c h a n g e so m e o f o u r in s t itu t io n s , i s t h e h ig h r a t e in su c h g o o d t im e s a s 1 9 7 7 i s e x p e c te d to be. T h e is s u e i s t o r e d u c e t h e p e r m a n e n t r a t e o f u n em p lo y m en t, a n d i t c a n n o t b e d o n e b y e x p a n s iv e a g g r e g a t e d e m a n d a p p ro a ch es, su ch a s a r e im p lie d b y t h e m a in t h r u s t o f S. 5 0 , w ith o u t a c c e le r a tin g in fla tio n in g o o d tim e s. T h e b a sic m isu n d e r sta n d in g o f S. 5 0 d o e s n o t o c c u r b e c a u se o f la c k o f a v a il a b le e c o n o m ic a n a ly s is . I t m a y o c c u r p a r t ly b e c a u s e i t t a k e s tim e to r e a liz e t h e n a tu r e o f t h e n e w u n e m p lo y m e n t. C e r ta in ly , t w o s t u d ie s p rep a red f o r a n d p u b lis h e d b y t h e J o in t E c o n o m ic C o m m itte e it s e lf , in 1 9 7 3 a n d 1 9 7 4 , a lo n g w it h m a n y o th e r su ch s t u d ie s n o w a v a ila b le , r e m a in k e y s t o a go o d u n d e r s ta n d in g o f to d a y ’s t y p e o f e x c e s s j o b le s s n e s s t h a t o c c u r s e v e n d u r in g good tim e s. O n e o f t h e s e s tu d ie s, “L o w e r in g t h e P e r m a n e n t R a t e o f U n e m p lo y m e n t,” by M a rtin S. F e ld s te in a n d p u b lis h e d on S e p te m b e r 18, 1 9 7 3 in a p r in t o f t h e J o in t E c o n o m ic C o m m itte e, h o ld s t h a t sp e c ific e m p lo y m e n t p o lic ie s — n o t n a tio n a l e c o n o m ic p la n n in g , m a n d a te d p r io r ity f e d e r a l sp en d in g , or p u b lic s e r v ic e e m p lo y m e n t e x p lic itly a im e d t o lo w e r t h e j o b le s s r a te — a r e n e e d e d to r e d u c e t h e p e r m a n e n t u n e m p lo y m e n t ra te. F e ld s t e in sh o w e d t h a t in 1 9 7 3 , w h e n t h e jo b le s s r a t e o f 4 .9 p e r c e n t w a s r e la t iv e ly h ig h fo r t h e p o s tw a r p erio d , t h e d u r a tio n o f u n e m p lo y m e n t w a s q u ite sh o rt. M o re th a n h a lf t h e u n e m p lo y e d w e r e o u t o f w o r k le s s th a n fiv e w e e k s 225 a n d f e w e r t h a n e ig h t p e r c e n t w e r e w it h o u t jo b s f o r a s lo n g a s 3 0 w e e k s. S econ d , jo b lo s s e s a c c o u n te d f o r le s s th a n h a lf o f t h e t o t a l u n em p lo y m en t, o n ly 3 9 p e r cen t* T h ir d , t h e tu r n o v e r o f j o b s w a s e x tr e m e ly h ig h , m o r e th a n fo u r p e r c e n t o f t h e la b o r f o r c e p e r m o n th f o r m ore t h a n a d e c a d e th r o u g h 1 9 7 3 . F in a lly , a n d m o s t im p o r ta n t, m o st la y o f fs w e r e te m p o r a r y an d b rief. I n o th e r w o rd s, F e ld s t e in sh o w e d t h a t in good t im e s t h e u n e m p lo y m e n t p rob le m i s n o t o n e o f a p o o l o f p o te n t ia l e m p lo y e e s u n a b le t o find jobs. R a th e r , a m o r e a c c u r a t e p ic t u r e i s o f a n a c t iv e la b o r m a r k e t w ith m u ch tu r n o v e r fro m r e e n t r y a n d jo b - le a v in g a s w e ll a s jo b -lo ss t h a t i s m a in ly tem p o r a r y . F e ld s t e in a n d o t h e r s t h e r e f o r e c o n c lu d e th a t, to lo w e r t h e p e r m a n e n t u n e m p lo y m e n t ra te , sp e c ific p o lic ie s a r e n eed ed . T h e s e sp e c ific p o lic ie s sh o u ld b e a d d r e sse d , first to y o u n g w o r k e r s w h o h a v e a w e a k la b o r f o r c e a tta c h m e n t, w h o a ls o ta k e tim e to fin d t h e fir s t jo b o u t o f sc h o o l, a n d w h o e v e n in go o d t im e s d o n o t s ta y w o r k in g in a v a ila b le jo b s. T h e p o lic ie s sh o u ld b e a d d r e sse d , seco n d , to o u r u n e m p lo y m e n t c o m p e n s a tio n sy s te m , n o w a so u r c e i t s e l f o f u n n e c e s s a r ily lo n g a v e r a g e d u r a t io n s o f u n e m p lo y m e n t. T h e y sh o u ld b e a d d r e sse d , th ir d , to a d u lt d isc o u r a g e d w o r k e r s n o t in t h e la b o r fo r c e a n d n o t c o u n te d a s u n em p lo y e d w h o su ffer fr o m lo w s k i l l s o r a g e d is c r im in a tio n . A se c o n d s tu d y p u b lis h e d D e c e m b e r 5, 1 9 7 4 b y t h e J o in t E c o n o m ic C o m m it t e e c o n c e r n s a f o u r th a s p e c t o f c u r r e n t u n e m p lo y m e n t, t h e r e la t io n o f in co m e m a in t e n a n c e p o lic y t o jo b le ssn e s s. E n title d , “In c o m e S e c u r ity f o r A m e r ic a n s: R e c o m m e n d a tio n s o f t h e P u b lic W e lf a r e S tu d y ,” i t i s a r e p o r t o f t h e S u b com m it t e e on F is c a l P o lic y o f t h e J o in t E c o n o m ic C o m m itte e. I t s h o w s th a t, d e s p ite a r e c e n t r e v o lu t io n in in c o m e m a in te n a n c e , ( in F .Y . 1 9 7 5 su c h sp e n d in g a m o u n te d to $ 1 4 2 b illio n — m o re th a n t o ta l d e fe n s e e x p e n d it u r e s ) , th e r e is n o w a y p r o v id e d f o r t h e s e p a y m e n t s to f u n c t io n a s a sy stem * A n d t h is stu d y a lso s h o w s t h a t t h e c u r r e n t in c o m e s e c u r ity s y s te m r e d u c e s t h e in c e n t iv e o f sig n ifi c a n t n u m b e r s o f r e c ip ie n t s to w ork . T h e r e a r e m a n y p o s s ib le a p p r o a c h e s t o t h e sp e c ific g r o u p s w h o s e u n e m p lo y m e n t e v e n in g o o d t im e s c a u s e s th e p e r m a n e n t u n e m p lo y m e n t r a t e to b e h ig h e r th a n i s a c c e p ta b le . T h e s e a p p r o a c h e s c o u ld in c lu d e f o r y o u th a tw o -tier m in i m u m w a g e , su b s id y v o u c h e r s a n d o th e r te m p o r a r y d e v ic e s to s tim u la t e y o u th e m p lo y m e n t ; a n e w m a n d a te d sy s te m f o r m o r e p r o m p t p la c e m e n t o f g r a d u a te s in f ir s t j o b s a n d r e m o v a l o f e x c e s s iv e le g a l b a r r ie r s t o so m e t y p e s o f teen -a g e e m p lo y m e n t, a ll o f w h ic h m e r it stu d y . F o r s o m e tim e , p r o p o s a ls h a v e b e e n d is c u s s e d f o r r e fo r m o f t h e u n em p lo y m e n t c o m p e n s a tio n sy s te m , n o t o n ly to r e d u c e i t s d u r a tio n o f b en efits, b u t a ls o to g i v e b o th e m p lo y e r s a n d e m p lo y e e s g r e a t e r fin a n c ia l in c e n t iv e s to resp o n d to jo b la y o ffs , lo s s e s , o r tu r n o v e r in a n tic ip a t o r y w a y s . D is c o u r a g e d w o r k e r s a n d w e lf a r e r e c ip ie n t s c o u ld b o th b e s ig n ific a n tly s tim u l a t e d to t a k e jo b s b y a p p r o a c h e s t h a t a v o id w e lf a r e b e n e fits c lo s e to or g r e a te r t h a n t a x a b e jo b in co m e, b u t a ls o a v o id m a r g in a l t a x r a te s , in c lu d in g lo s s o f b e n e fits , o n e a r n e d in c o m e t h a t d is c o u r a g e w o rk . G o v e r n m e n t e m p lo y m e n t o f l a s t r e s o r t a t l e s s t h a n m in im u m w a g e s c o m b in e d w it h s u p p le m e n ta r y w e lf a r e b e n e fits h a s b e e n p r o p o se d by A r th u r B u r n s to a s s u r e t h e ir w o r k in g . T h e s e a ls o w a r r a n t c o n s id e r a tio n . T h i s i s n o t t h e a p p r o p r ia te o c c a sio n to d e b a te t h e m e r its o f p a r t ic u la r a p p r o a c h e s t o t h e g e n u in e a n d im p o r ta n t e c o n o m ic c o n d itio n o f c h r o n ic a lly a n d u n a c c e p ta b ly h ig h r a t e s o f u n e m p lo y m e n t in go o d t im e s in t h e U .S . I t h a s b een a r g u e d w it h c o n s id e r a b le v a lid ity t h a t t h e p r o s p e c ts o f a h ig h p e r m a n e n t r a t e o f u n e m p lo y m e n t a r e a t h r e a t to o u r e co n o m ic s y s te m se c o n d t o f e w is s u e s f a c in g t h e n a tio n . T h e C h a m b e r ta k e s n o p o s it io n c o n c e r n in g w h e t h e r t h e u n em p lo y m e n t r a t e c a n b e p e r m a n e n tly lo w e r e d t o t h r e e p e r c e n t, b u t t h e C h a m b e r i s g e n u in e ly a n d v a lid ly co n cern ed a b o u t c h r o n ic a lly h ig h U .S . in fla tio n a n d j o b le s s r a t e s in g o o d tim e s . T h e C h am b er d o e s n o te t h e v ie w o f N o b e l la u r e a t e P a u l A . S a m u e ls o n o f M a s s a c h u s e tts I n s t it u t e o f T e c h n o lo g y , w h o in N e w s w e e k (M a y 1 7 , 1 9 7 6 , p. 8 2 ) c a l ls t h r e e p e r c e n t “u n a tt a in a b le ”. H o w e v e r , o n m a n y o c c a s io n s b e fo r e t h e C o n g r e ss t h e C h a m b e r h a s p u t f o r th p o s i t i v e p r o p o s a ls t h a t w o u ld in f a c t im p r o v e t h e q u a lit y o f j o b s ; w o u ld in c r e a s e b o th s a v i n g s a n d in v e s t m e n t to w a r d m o d e r n iz in g U .S . in d u s tr y , im p r o v in g th e r e b y i t s c o m p e tit iv e n e s s a n d i t s o ffer o f jo b q u a lity a n d m o r e j o b s ; w o u ld i n c r e a s e t h r o u g h c a r e e r e d u c a tio n p r o g r a m s t h e a t ta c h m e n t o f y o u n g w o r k e r s t o t h e la b o r fo r c e , s t r e n g t h e n t h e t ie s b e tw e e n e d u c a tio n a n d w o r k , a n d r e d u c e t h e d u r a tio n o f e n t r y - le v e l u n e m p lo y m e n t; w o u ld im p r o v e u n e m p lo y m e n t c o m p e n s a t io n ; a n d w o u ld s tr e n g th e n t h e t r a inin g Id c w b t m o f d is c o u r a g e d w ork - 226 era The Chamber is prepared to offer many specific positive proposals that could form the basis of realistic and effective productive employment oppor tunities legislation. And we hope soon to propose specific and positive reform of the nation’s income maintenance system. JUBI8DICTI0NAL ISSUES We appreciate the legitimate concern of the Senate Banking Committee in this broad ranging legislation which goes far beyond the purview of the Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee. Our concerns about jurisdictional prob lems have been expressed in the attached letter to Speaker Carl Albert of the House of Representatives. In that letter we specify section by section how pro visions of the bill fall within the jurisdiction of numerous standing committees of the House. The same problem exists in the Senate, and deserves full con sideration by both the majority and minority leadership, as well as by the chairman of the affected committees. RECOMMENDATION The Chamber strongly supports realistic efforts to achieve a permanent low ering of the unemployment rate, consistent with sustainable economic growth and price stability, and with the current nature of residual unemployment dur ing good times. For this reason, the Chamber urges this Committee to table the ill-conceived, misleading, inflationary, and bureaucracy-creating “Full Employ ment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976,** S. 50, and then proceed to deal realistically with whatever unemployment persists during the current eco nomic recovery and expected expansion in 1976 and 1977. T h e C h a ir m a n . O u r fin a l witness is D r. K eyserling . STATEMENT OF LEON H. KEYSERLING M r. K e y s e r lin g . M r. C hairm an and members o f the com m ittee, I have a statem ent w hich I th in k I have shortened to 10 o r 15 m in utes and I m ay shorten it fu rth e r as I go along. T h e C h a ir m a n . A ll rig h t, sir. T h e e n tire statem ent w ill be p rin te d in fu ll in the record. Y o u have some very h e lp fu l charts fo r w hich we are g ra te fu l. M r. K e y s e r lin g . I o ffer fo r the record m y prepared testim ony and w ill sum m arize i t now. I t deals w ith th e p en etratin g issues raised by C h airm an P ro x m ire and others. These issues a re: Does in fla tio n increase w ith fu ll em ploym ent? Does fu ll em ploym ent accelerate in fla tio n fu rth e r and thus b rin g on another recession? Is S. 50 defective on the ground th a t it doesn’t deal adequately w ith in flatio n ? Perhaps looking a t these issues fro m a d ifferen t perspective m ay be h e lp fu l and p rovide w id e r areas o f agreem ent. F irs t o f a ll, i t is desirable to distinguish between end purposes and means. T h e firs t end purpose o f our economic system is to m ain ta in the fu ll use o f our gro w in g capabilities. T h e costs o f not doing so, 1953-1975, have been stupendous, (See charts 1 & 2 o f m y p re pared testim ony. T h e cost o f n o t doing so in the fu tu re could even be greater, (see c h a rt 12 m y prepared testim ony.) The second end purpose o f the system is to m ake sure th a t th e fu ll use o f our re sources pays atten tio n to p rio rity needs. A th ird end purpose is equity and economic justice. P rice movements are not end purposes but means tow ard achieving them . Thus, prices are com parable to wages, profits, investm ent, con sumer buying pow er, fiscal and m onetary policy and the en tire range 227 o f p riv a te and pu b lic economic policies, which im pede o r im p a ir these end purposes. T h e best em p iric al evidence th a t price movements alone are only p a rt o f the p ic tu re was the G reat Depression which occurred a fte r a rem arkable record o f stable level o f prices between 1922 and 1929. I ’m try in g here to ta lk about how business cycles occurred because I th in k th a t th is analysis is essential to the curren t b ill. D espite price s ta b ility , g ro w th in p ro d u ctivity and the increase in our a b ility to produce grew so much more ra p id ly than u ltim ate dem and th a t the G re a t C rash occurred, and earlier depressions and the recessions com m encing in 1953 and 1957 w ere also preceded by m oderate price trends. See ch art 4 in m y prepared statem ent. The very slig h t re cession o f 1969-70, although preceded by grow ing price in flatio n , was due to o th er causes as I shall show. S u b stan tial re a l economic grow th d u rin g 1970-1973 was accom p an ied by a sharp decline in prices d u rin g the firs t 2 years and a sharp advance in the th ird . D u rin g the extrem ely serious recession o f 1973-1974, the in fla tio n rate averaged only 4 y2 percent in the 2 preceding years, w h ile it rose to 11 percent in the first year o f the recission and 9.1 in the second. See chart 7 in m y prepared testim ony. I f th e g ro w th o f our productive capabilities runs ahead o f u lti m ate dem and, we get stagnation and then recession. I f u ltim a te de m and exceeds o u r fu ll productive capacity we get classic in flatio n . I t is m aladjustm ents in resource allocation, not in fla tio n a ry prices re s u ltin g fro m m aladjustm ents in income flows because income p ro vides b o th th e means and incentives to such allocation and resource use, th a t have brought on the recissions and depressions. See, fo r exam ple, c h art 3 in m y prepared testim ony. Thus, the G overnm ent m akes its larg est contribution to iro n in g out the business cycle by .using those o f its policies which influence income flow — and a ll o f its im p o rta n t income policies do this and n o th in g more— in w eig h in g w hich contribute o r d etract fro m the e q u ilib riu m o r b a l ance o f incomes in the economy a t larg e. T h is is the h eart o f the p roblem o f iro n in g out the business cycle. Such policies m ust be guided by a n atio n al incomes policy and I have to ap p lau d C h airm an P ro xm ire fo r his stress upon a n atio n al incomes p o licy. T h is goes fa r beyond public price-w age policies p er se as I shall show. T h e K eynesian economics in recent years, w ith o u t a n a tio n a l incomes policy has paid little atten tio n to the central problem o f eq u ilib riu m o r balance, see again m y c h a rt 3. I t has not o n ly neglected the appropriate stru ctu ral relationships among allocations o f production, resources, and incomes, b u t also treated th e problem o f jobs in the aggregate instead o f p ayin g due atten tio n to s tru c tu ra l problem s. # v ^ N o w le t me state w h y natio n al incomes policy is th e v e ry h eart o f S . 50, alth o u g h I have no p rid e in languages and w ould c e rtain ly be g la d to h elp i f it could be developed m ore fu lly . Section 104 provides th a t in developing the goals fo r fu ll em ploy m en t, p ro d u ctio n , and purchasing power and o th er essential p rio rity purposes, “th e P resident shall take in to account the level and com p o sitio n o f each fa c to r needed to m ain tain economic balance and 228 full resources use and to meet priority needs,” Such a policy also is called for in the language calling for “equitable distribution of purchasing power” and also in the section on incomes supports. In other words, the President would have to make what I call a national economic budget. I used to call it a national prosperity budget. In S. 50, it is called a balanced growth plan. In making the goals, we do not just say we’ve got to get to an x billion GNP by x years, which is meaningless. We must work out the structural kinds of balance among investment and consump tion and public outlays, and the labor force structure, needed to reach the goal. Then, we wouldn’t dictate to private industry what to do, but all the Government policies must be brought together in bringing about, to the extent that the Government policies can, correction of the maladjustments that have been brought about by doing everything piecemeal and at random, and frequently errone ously. In addition, such a national incomes policy directed toward iron ing out the business cycle through improved equilibrium or balance would be the most effective and powerful weapon against hurtful or inflationary price movements. Abundant evidence of this is in the facts which reveal that re duced idleness of workers and other productive resources has brought more price inflation, and vice versa. Mr. Chairman, I’m not going through that evidence. I have done it so many times before. But as to some economists who come before your committee and cite what they learned about the theory of inflation by reading the example on the apple selling and the apple buying in the textbooks written 40 years ago, I have for 20 years asked them to do only one thing, to look instead of at the clear empirical evidence, instead of attempting to explain modern inflation in a manner which reminds me of “where do you come from, baby dear, out of the nowhere into the here?”— where does the idea come from, that 3-percent unemployment means 15-percent price inflation? Where does it come from that it means 10percent price inflation ? Where does the whole “trade-off” notion come from? I was vice chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers from 1946 forward, and chairman during the Korean War, and we had price and wage controls during the Korean war, but that is not the main reason we had the best record from 1947 to date in combining full employment and unparelleled real economic growth with an amazing degree of average price stability. The main reason was be cause we drew on the great new secret weapon of America, full pro duction, full employment, economic balance, selective and structural measures with respect to the shape of the labor force, and structural and selective measures to combine the increase in some lines of pro duction with the decrease in effort of others. That’s the name of the ballgame. Now I have reviewed some of the other evidence as to the alleged “trade-off”. The evidence since 1969 doesn’t even need to be repeated. We all know we have had the greatest inflation since the Civil War, the greatest unemployment since World War II. But some said this was due to “unique factors”. You can “x” out those factors. We still 229 had an underlying rate of inflation of percent concomitant with high and rising unemployment. We still had the rate of inflation growing as unemployment rose, even before these special factors ap peared. If you “x” out the disappearance of those factors in the last year or so, the improvement in unemployment combined with a lower rate of inflation is another indication of the upsride-down nature of the trade-off theory. I have covered all the other periods in between, in my prepared testimony. They all show the same thing, and I have two charts on it and I’m going to skip repetition here. The only period that is cited to the contrary is the period from 1969 to 1973, when we had a high rate of growth, some slight further reduction in unemployment, and a high and rising inflation. That wasn’t due to the reduction of unemployment from 3.8 to 3.5. That was due because, unlike what we did in the Korean war, nobody had the guts to raise taxes as we should have done when we got into a big war and when the war out lays accelerated as much as they did. And taxes could have been raised without creating unemployment. We raised taxes sky high during the Korean war, -but since we melded in pro-grams for equili brium and balance it didn’t interfere getting employment down to 2.9 percent and inflation down to 0.8 percent. So much for the whole thing on the price unemployment ratio—see charts 4 and 5 in my prepared testimony. I don’t mind counting economists’ noses. I respect them. I wish I had more than one nose, but I’m not going to count anybody’s nose on what is happening. I’m goin^ to look at the empirical evidence and see what it says and then I’m going to challenge the noses to bring in some other evidence. As to the experience in other countries. Very briefly, they have had a much lower rate of unemployment than we have had. They have had a much higher rate of economic growth. It is true that some of them had more inflation because they have made a conscious decision that on balance what you get out of an economy and what you enjoy is really determined precisely by what you produce and distribute, so they have decided to make the adjustments in other wavs for the inflation and get the benefits of the higher growth and higher em ployment. But the only thing that’s relevant to the “trade-off” is this, that every one of those countries, as they fell into the almost uni versal dogma of trying to fight inflation by contrived increases in unemployment, every one of them suffered an acceleration of infla tion as they reduced the unemployment to try to stop the inflation, just as we, and I can provide all the facts on that if the committee is interested. I now turn to other respects in which S. 50, quite apart from the designated anti-inflation section provisions, which I think are strong and useful but not enough, contains however full specifics to restrain inflation* S. 50 accents priorities, programs planned on a long-range basis to overcome shortages in crucial areas in the economy and short-range policies to break bottlenecks sand overcome the shortages where they exist; Thev vould become part of the balanced growth plan. And I can show that one of the very reasons why a slack econ omy is more inflationary is that these shortages* through neglect of 290 planning for abandonee in these specific areas, has created more in flation than the theoretical pressure of employment upon prices. Half of the inflation of the last 2 years has come from neglect of the shortage problem, and the planning under S. 50 would stop that, I have a lot of other citations, in my prepared testimony, of specific provisions of the bill which «re anti-inflationary. I will skip over those here today. I believe the provisions for consultation with business and man agement are extremely important because I do believe we should reject lines of voluntarism. I have seen how the management and labor conference have fallen down because they all come and express their special viewpoints and fight with each other. Not so if they had before them a full employment and balanced growth plan as a guide line, and were thinking in terms of this so we could substitute the things which hold us together for the things that divide us. Vm sorry I can’t go over all the examples of that. I now come to the wage problems that relate to full performance and the problem of inflation itself. The empirical evidence—and I’m trying to do a little planning here—I’m trying to discuss the general wage problem before we gSb to the wage problems created by the segmental programs in this bill, because they have got to be viewed in relationship to each other to decide on balance how you choose among various objectives as to wage policy. The empirical evidence is this: When the economy is moving to ward or gets close to full resource use, real wage rate gains lag far behind productivity gains, and thus tend to produce capital forma tion and investment running ahead of ultimate demand, with conse quent stagnation and recession. The Wall Street Journal had a big article on this last year. It is only when recession and stagnation re duce productivity gains to zero or below that real wage rate gains sometimes run in advance of productivity gains. See charts 6 and 10 in my prepared testimony. One of the biggest problems of the U.S. economy is to bring the real growth rate in wage rates and other consumer incomes into lines for requirements for a full economy. All I’m saying here is this: weighing the competing objectives of trying to achieve equitable pur pose of having the wages of two people who are doing the same kind of work paid the same, no matter whom they work for, and the real concern that this is in some way inflationary as applied to public service jobs, we should not be hesitant about increasing wages be cause that is good for the American economy in the current and forseeable situation. Besides, the number of public service jobs can’t possibly have any appreciable inflationary effects, in that public service iobs would not be more than iy2 million at most out of a net job addition of 10-12 million by 1980 and total jobs well in excess of 100 million. See chart 11 in my prepared testimony. There is nothing in experience to indicate that well designed public employment is less productive than private employment. Employment is always more productive than nonemployment, whether private or public. Under S. 50, we would improve mass transportation, increase energy and housing supply, health services, nurses, technicians, paraprofessionals, which 231 are more beneficial to the Nation than more cigarette production or more automobiles or more casinos or luxury hotels entirely regard less of which registers the highest productivity gains by conventional tests. I stress this because one of the things most overlooked in this bill is that most of the nonconventional private jobs enlarged under S. 50 would meet the needs we have been talking about for a great national purpose. That is what most of the Government-aided jobs under S. 50 would be. Despite the strong programs in S. 50, the real concern should be whether we can achieve ftill employment by the end of 1980, rather than whether employment may become excessive. My goodness, my great fear is if we do our best, we still may not reach the goal by 1980 and we still may have too much unemployment. That’s the real problem. Now I analyze the cost. I arrive at a higher cost figure than CBO, and 111 tell you why. The CBO estimate relates only my cost of 2-3 million public jobs, but S. 50 isn’t just nor even mainly for public jobs. What about the marginal Federal aid for the structural pro grams, the countercyclical programs, the Federal aid to States and local governments, the priority programs? I have taken them all into account, and I have taken into account all the other programs that you have to cover in the Federal budget, from national defense interest payments, all the way across the board. In other words, I have estimated what the President might do and the Congress would look at, as part of a full employment and balanced growth plan. When I do that, I find, first, we’d have about 725 billion more GNP, measured in fiscal 1977 dollars, than what we would have under the most optimistic projections of where we would be with current policies and programs assuming a 4 percent real economic growth rate, during the 4 years 1977 to 1980 inclusive. At 20 j>erment, that yields about $145 billion more Federal revenues during the 4 years, or an average of about $36 billion more a year* As against this, the incremental Federal budget cost as I estimate it—I say incremental because the budget is going to grow anyway. The budget isn*t going to be in 1980 where it is now, even without S. 50, so I project what is called the current policy budget the same way the CBO does—comes to only about $29 billion in an annual average 1976 to 1980, as against the incremental GNP of about 181 billion a year and the incremental Federal revenues of about 36 billion a year under S. 50. Moreover, the difference between incremental Federal revenue and incremental Federal receipts under S. 50 would rise to about 13 billion in the fourth year, so S. 50 would bring about much more fast reduction of the Federal deficit and a much quicker approximation to a balanced budget, and all of this is conventional analysis. All of my figures on budget ©ofits under S. 50 are net, allow ing conservatively for savings under S.^ 50 due to lower unemploy ment insurance and welfare costs, lower interest rates on the national debt, etc. See chart 12 in my prepared testimony. Now, the CBO method arrives at an awrop annual net Fedexal budget cost of only about 17 billion under S. 50. If you take the CBO figure, it’s a much smaller part of the 36 billion incremental average annual Federal revenues, and less than one-tenth of average annual 282 incremental GNP. But the CBO net cost figure is too high, if one accepts their approach. They assume that we would have 5.2 percent unemployment in 1890 without the public jobs. This is a projection under current policies and programs. In other words, CBO assume© that the whole job accomplishment under S. 50 be in the public jobs and that nothing would occur under S. 50 toward the stimulation of private employment. Secondly, CBO assumes a displacement rate of 40 to 60 percent, i.e., saying that when they use the offsets of the taxes collected from the 2-3 million public jobs that it’s only going to have a 40 to 60 percent value because there will be 40 to 60 per cent displacement from private jobs. There never has been in the past, and there could never be under S. 50. First, the bill states ex plicitly that you can’t hire anybody who has a private job or who refuses to take one. Second, because we thought about this, the bill states categorically that nobody shall be hired on the public service job where it involves any displacement of a private job. The Secre tary of Labor can’t take anybody on a public job if it involves dis placement. It’s in the bill. Now, as to the direct controls. I ’m not going to argue about the matter of direct controls, because I have stated that since no evidence has been presented except out of the baby blue* that moving toward fuller employment is more inflationary, 1 don’t believe as a tactical matter that the great purpose of achieving fu ll employment should be weighted down with direct controls. That would also enable people against the b ill anyway to say that, see here, we knew you were just trying to straitjacket the economy. And if the idea was correct, as is avowed by the proponents of the controls, that you would need the direct controls not only while you’re getting to fu ll employment but even more after you are there, we would be committing ourselves to the direct controls permanently. I’m against that for every reason related to the nature and struc ture of the American economy, I do not believe in the capacities of the Government to decide everything for business and industry. But let me say this, if the Congress or this committee in its better judg ment wants to go for the direct controls, I will help in any way that I can in trying to work something out. My final point has to do with the establishment of a precise quan titative goal for consumer prices. Let me say, as to everything that I say on this particular issue, that Prof. Ken Galbraith, with whom I talked after his testimony at these hearings, authorized me to state that he’s completely and absolutely in agreement with me that a quantitative goal for consumer prices would be in S. 50 would be un workable. Here are the reasons why. There’s a fundamental differ ence between a quantitative goal for unemploymnt in S. 50 and a quantitative goal for consumer prices in S. 50 The unemployment figure relates to human and social values as well as economic, that’s why I think it should be decided by the Congress as a matter of na tional policy and not by Alan Greenspan or Leon Keyserling. Further, 2 or 3 percent unemployment is always preferable to 4 or 5. But when you get into the matter of trying to figure out whether the standard for consumer price inflation should be 2. 3, 4, or 1 percent, it depends on time and circumstances. A stable price level before the 233 Great Depression, as I have stated, did not prevent the depression. Even assuming the direct controls, precise and auantitative price standards involving many interacting processes or a very complex nature, need to be developed and applied by an administrative agency. In addition, you can’t control consumer prices without con trolling industrial prices. If you have a 2 percent or a 3 percent or whatever standard legislation on consumer prices, you need it on industrial prices. You need it on wages. And by the same token, you ought to have it on the size of the growth of the money supply, the size of tax reductions or tax increases, the size of increases or de creases in the Federal budget, because they are all composite means, as I said at the beginning, to be brought into balance in the achieve ment of your basic purpose of full resource use, equity, and prior ities. So I think when and if direct controls are legislated, and Galbraith agrees, if and when this is done, then you have to have a controls program related to prices and wages, permanent, standby, or selec tive, and assign to the President through an administrative agency the problem of handling the whole complex of all kinds of prices. What are you going to do about farm prices if you have a quantita tive legislative lid on consumer prices? They don’t necessarily need to move the same way as consumer prices, but there’s a relationship between the two. So that’s the final point I really want to make and I appreciate your attention. [Complete statement follows:] T estimony of L eon H. K eyserling 1 Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee: To save time and money, I shall not repeat nor ask to have inserted in the record my extensive testimony on S. 50 before the Subcommittee o f the Senate Committee on Labor and Pub lic Welfare. I am supplying copies o f that testimony to the members and the staff o f this committee, as amplification and documentation o f what I shall say much more briefly here. But what I sail say here is not merely a summary o f that earlier testimony, t think I can be more helpful by attempting a response to the penetrating ques tions which have been raised by Chairman Proxmire and other committee member*, and also by various witnesses. I submit my prepared statement on this, with accompanying charts, be inserted in the record. For those among the committee and staff who do not have the superhuman endurance to study my earlier testimony and charts, I urge that they look over this new statement and accmpanying charts. These, I submit, contain the guts of the matter. But today, I shall attempt in my remarks to shorten considerably even this new prepared statement. NEED FOB RESTATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM, AND FOB ElCFKBtCAL EVIDENCE The questions and discussions thus far have converged upon these proposi tions: that full employment and price stability are roughly equivalent goals; that inflation augments as we get closer to full employment, and that this is an evil itself and also makes it harder for us to achieve full employment; and that even i f fu n employment is achieved, this causes inflation to accelerate still more, which is an evil in itself and also carries us from full employment to another recession. The conclusion derived from these propositions is that the first and most important step to t e taken toward achieving and maintaining fu ll employment is to restrain inflation, and that thia restraint is a * Chairman* Council of Economic Advisers under Prertdeat Trm aa. Ff«ildi«t, Confer ence on Economic Pro grem. 234 prime objective o f national economic policy In any event This Is accompanied by the assertion that S. SO does not contain a satisfactory anti-inflation program and is therefore inflationary. Instead o f attempting a direct refutation o f these propositions and con clusions, which would get me into unpleasant and divisive arguments with others whom I respect, and which might further prejudice the agreements es sential to enactment o f S. 60, I prefer to suggest that a restatement o f the above propositions may further simplify and clarify the entire discussion, and that we look more closely at the empirical evidence instead o f focusing upon theoretical abstractions. This may help to promote some improvements in S, 50 itself. It may thus enlarge the prospects for the enactment o f a measure well-designed to achieve the unchallengable and huge benefits o f a sustained full economy and the avoidance o f hurtful price movements. I hope and be lieve that this restatement o f the analysis, fortified by empirical evidence, wiU encourage a larger degree o f sound agreement among the members of this Committee and my economist friends as well. ESSENTIAL DISTINCTION BETWEEN ULTIMATE ENDS OB PURPOSES AND MEANS My first point is that we move in the wrong direction, both analyticaUy and empirically, i f we start by assuming that a fu ll economy and price movements are equivalent objectives on the same level. The first basic purpose of our economic system, under free institutions and flexible policies, is to maintain the full use o f our growing resources. The real costs o f not doing so, during more than two decades, have been stupendous. * And looking ahead, the fur ther increases in living standards which a majority of our people need and want, the size of unmet priority needs both private and pubUc, and our inter national burdens even at a minimum, are far in excess o f our current per formance, and even of our current capabilities. The first objective of economic poUcy must therefore be, not only to attain and then maintain full use o f our productive resources, but to expand this from year to year through improve ments in technology, science, inventiveness, managerial and labor skills, and pubUc poUcy. The second prime objective o f our economic system is to make sure that the full use of our resources pays due attention to the priorities o< our needs, lest we accent the superfluous at the expense o f the essential. This remains a basic problem because, great and expandable though our capabili ties are, we cannot do everything at once. The third great purpose o f our eco nomic system is to combine economic progress with an increasing measure of equity and economic justice. As I shall show, I do not think that these two objectives are incompatible because, under the conditions of the Amer ican economy, optimum economic progress depends upon improved distribution of both product and income. Price movements, unlike the foregoing, are not ultimate objectives in them selves. The general direction o f price movements, as well as their relation ship, are means toward the ultimate objectives and cannot be evaluated ex cept in terms of them. Being means rather than ends, prices in this respect are not comparable to full use o f our resources, but rather comparable to other means toward this attainment. This includes not only prices, but also wages, profits, investments, consumer buying power, government outlays and taxation, monetary policy, and the entire range o f private and pubUc economic policies which impede or advance the three basic or ultimate objectives set forth above. I f we focus upon price objectives as the means and forget or un derstress the other means, the result will be both forfeiture o f the end ob jectives and failure on the price front itself. Experience demonstrates this. In addition, when we have full use of our resources, and sound and equit able distribution, we are enjoying all that we can for the time being. Such conditions import that the necessary relationships among prices and other means are being maintained and, as I shaU demonstrate, this may happen or not happen under a rising or falling or stable price level. Contrariwise, when we have huge idleness o f workers and other productive resources o f a given size the losses are terrific whatever the price trends may be. As Paul Sam uelson and others have observed, when we count those who have suffered so much in recent years, the basic reason is not in price inflation per se, but •See my Charts 1 and 2. 235 rather that the real production and distribution of goods and services has fallen so far short. This does not mean that price trends are not important, and I shall come to that. But it does mean that proper attention to the price problem must start with a comprehensive examination of why we have really failed to achieve, much less to attain, full resource use. To ascribe this entirely to price trends is clearly defective and misleading. THE CORE PROBLEM OF ECONOMIC BALANCE OB EQUILIBRIUM : FAILURE OF THE KEYNESIAN APPROACH Viewing the empirical evidence, it is my basic finding, with which I believe most economists would agree when the problem is stated this way, that our economic shortfalls have resulted from lack of attention, in public policy and otherwise, to the problem of balance in the economy. If the private invest ment which is a prime factor in the growth of our productive capabilities is maintained in balance with ultimate demand in the form of consumer ex penditures plus public outlays, we will achieve and then maintain full re source use. I f the growth in our production capabilities runs far ahead of ultimate demand, we get stagnation and then absolute downturn. I f ultimate demand exceeds our full production capabilities, we get classic inflation. The empirical evidence indicates that, during the past two decades or longer, the stagnations and recessions have come because o f inadequate ultimate de mand rather than inadequate capital formation, although o f course the in adequate ultimate demand has produced sharp contractions in capital forma tion which have aggravated the downturns and impeded the recovery. These disequilibriums in resource allocations and use have resulted in the main from inappropriate income distribution. By this, I do not advocate equalization o f income, which I oppose on many obvious grounds. But I do mean a distribution o f income better adjusted to the needed equilibrium, and also better adjusted to the service o f priority needs and equitable considera tions. This inappropriate distribution has been abetted not only by private policies but also by public policies in taxation, public outlays, monetary ac tions, and most other national policies affecting the economy, including the use o f price and wage controls when applied.* The attempted application of the Keynesian economics in unadulterated form has paid little or no attention to this central problem of equilibrium on balance. It has at times poured more money into the economy, largely at the wrong points, and at other times reduced purchasing power, largely at the wrong points, both contributing to the disequilibrium in the long-run. It haa not only neglected the appropriate relationship in the distribution o f production, resources, and income, but also treated the problem of jobs in the aggregate instead o f paying due attention to structural policies. In short, aggregative or general approaches alone have been proved glaringly in adequate to achieve or maintain full employment. Manifestly, price stability alone, or price movements alone no matter what their direction, cannot be relied upon alone nor even mainly to solve this equilibrium and distribution problem. The best empirical evidence of this was the advent o f the Great Depression, which occurred after a remark able record o f price stability between 1922 and 1929, except for falling farm prices. Despite the fact o f price stability, productivity and the increase in our ability to produce grew so much more rapidly than ultimate demand that the Great Crash followed. This is demonstrated in great books by Paul H. Douglas and by Professor Galbraith himself. This was also true o f still earlier depressions. It is also true that the recessions commencing in 1963 and 1957 were both preceded by only moderate price changes for a number o f years. "These disequilibriums and lmballances are illustrated on my Chart 3. The chart sihows how, daring the “boom” or upturn periods, and the imbalances bttw m ZnS ultimate demand, supported by imbalances between^ corp ^ te proftts and wa*» and salaries, led into the periods of stagnation and recession, latter penoda^oie adverse tr*n*« In investment and promts hare nsually ^ n t ^ mort extrwae, due to tbrtr m ater volatility. (But not as to profits as against waves and salaries 4tn Q. <|. 1975, and this Is especially forebodinjr.) ^ o u s l y , t ^ more than price trends alone. They stem fromia miiHipliclty of ponog and ptotxmm, U* .ndmoneUry poth-te*. la fcet, dnrta* 1922-19». ..iw -M . U l . r t y ■ * » later periods preceding depressions or recessions, as I have discussed, these imbalances occurred despite unusually stable prices. 236 The very slight recession o f 1969-1970, to be sure, was preceded by substan tial and growing price inflation. However, the strong real growth recovery o f 1970-1973 was accompanied by a sharp decrease in price inflation during the first two years and a sharp advance in the third year. Looking at the extreme ly serious recession daring 1973-1974, the inflation rate averaged only 4-% percent in the two years before that, while it rose to 11 percent in the first year of the recession and was 9.1 percent in the second year. Thus, the mixed record makes it incorrect to generalize that inflation is unavoidably asso ciated with a good economic performance in terms o f employment and pro duction, and vice versa. Insofar as the empirical evidence permits any gen eralization, the appropriate one is just the reverse, i.e., that lower idle worker and other resources work toward greater price stability, and vice versa.4 S. 50 W H IC H FO CUSES UPON E C O N O M IC BALANCE OB E Q U IL IB R IU M D E P E N D S L A R G E L Y U P O N A N A T I O N A L I N C O M E S P O L IC Y Returning to the point that dealing satisfactorily with the problem of equi librium or balance is the central task, 1 look upon this task as one with the need to develop a national incomes policy, which Chairman Proxmire has so properly underscore as vital. An incomes poUcy, for the reasons I have stated, is far more than a price or price-wage policy alone. Indeed, the empirical evidence indicates that price-wage policies worked well when derived from and supplementary to a general incomes poliey, and worked badly and against equilibrium when erected into an obsession and derived without such an in comes policy. Examples are price-wage controls during World War II and the Korean war, contrasted with Guidelines or controls during various later periods. I hasten to repeat that the value of this experience does not argue for controls under conditions immeasurably different from World War II and the Korean war. I am always perplexed that so gifted an analyst as Professor Galbraith cites his great contributions to the controls program during World War II as applicable today or in the foreseeable future. The part of World War II experience which remains relevant is that many poli cies and programs directed toward full resource use and equilibrium or bal ance took high precedence over the direct controls, and that the latter were successful only because they were superimposed upon and secondary to the former. The same was true during the Korean war, as I have already stated from direct involvement. The most significant provisions of S. 50 focus directly upon an incomes policy, although this has been overlooked in most o f the discussions thus far. Section 104 provides that, in developing the goals for full employment, pro duction, purchasing power, and other essential priority purposes, “ the Presi dent shall take into account the level and composition of each factor needed to maintain economic balance and full resource use and to meet priority needs.” This in itself mandates the development o f an incomes policy. The Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan cannot be formulated without an incomes policy as I have defined it. The accent upon an incomes policy is found also in paragraph (c ) o f Section 104, which defines criteria to be used in developing the goals, and also provides that full purchasing power shall be “contributory to an equitable distribution of purchasing power.” S. 50 in Section 106 also calls for, and certainly does not overlook, the use o f fiscal and monetary policies in this balanced or structural context. Benefitting from experience, it calls for a wide range of micro-economic policies in Title II, including income maintenance policies in Section 207, to take care of structural problems, relating not only to the structure o f production but also to the structure o f employment. The priority development portions of Section 104 o f S. 50, based empirically upon neglect in the past, also re lates to the use of national policies to promote that structure of production and jobs which is conducive not only to full resource use but also to the priorities of national needs, the avoidance o f acute shortages in critical sec tors, and considerations of social equity. And as I shall further develop, moving closer to these equilibrium conditions will be by far the most power ful weapon against inflation itself. These large contributions o f S. 50 refute 4See my Charts 4 and 5. 287 the contention o f those who state that it does not really do much nor Add much to what we have already done, nor to the tools we already have. 6. 5 0 F O C U S E S A L S O U P O N R E S T R A I N T O F I N F L A T I O N I now turn directly to other specific respects in which S. 50 focuses upon restraint of inflation, in addition to the incomes policy and other policies already discussed, because none of what I have said implies that inflationary movements cannot be of a nature to militate against or disregard economic equilibrium or balance and full resources use. I should add that those who have looked only at the designated anti-inflationary Section 107 of S. 50, which I believe are in themselves strong and useful, overlook (in addition to the incomes policy in S. 50) other provisions which declare that the restraint o f inflation is a cardinal goal. This is set forth in a general way in the Preamble of S. 50, in Section 2, Section 101, Section 105 dealing with eco nomy in Government, and Section 106 relating to Federal tax policy. I shall subsequently discuss other specific anti-inflationary provisions in S. 50, espe cially the priority and other provisions directed against critical shortages in particular fields. But perhaps the main respect in which S. 50 would restrain undesirable price movements is that it relies upon the abundant empirical evidence to the effect that lower idleness of workers and other productive resources have usually reduced price inflation and at times have brought us very close to price stability, while increased idleness of workers and other productive resources has usually aggravated price inflation. Although a number of wit nesses before this committee have taken a contrary position, it is highly significant that they have hardly attempted to introduce any facts or* em pirical evidence in this direction. For more than 20 years, I have challenged them and some other economists to do this, but they have not. Chairman Proxmire raised this empirical question at one stage in the hearings, but it was not pursued far enough because no one attempted to answer it. This matter is of such vital importance that I feel bound to review the empirical record, and I again challenge anyone effectively to contradict it. L O W E R U N E M P L O Y M E N T U S U A L L Y R E D U C E S P R IC E I N F L A T I O N , A N D V IC E V E R S A : T H E E M P IR IC A L E V ID E N C E It is freely admitted that the “ trade-off” theory (that more unemployment reduces inflation, and vice versa), is not supported by recent experience. The highest inflation since the Civil War was accompanied by the highest unem ployment since the Great Depression. Since then, substantial reduction in un employment has been accompanied by substantial reduction in inflation. The “ trade-off” theorists insist, however, that this experience does not refute the “ trade-off,” because the appearance of special factors and then disappearance 'such as the Arab oil actions and the crop failures. But that is otoly a very limited arid unsatisfactory analysis. For putting these two special factors aside, inflation commenced to rise, with rising unemployment, before these two fac tors appeared. And excluding these two factors, we had for several years an entirely intolerable inflation rate o f about 6 percent, concomitant with ex tremely high unemployment. Similarly, excluding these factors, a substantial re duction o f inflation has occurred most recently with falling unemployment and rising real production. In addition, if there had been in effect during the past five-ten years the balanced growth provision o f S. 50, for example those related to energy and food supply, which I regard as among the most important anti-inflationary aspects o f S. 50, the Arab oil actions and the crop failures would not have wrought the havoc they did. The “ trade-off” theorists then say that, while the most recent years have been atypical in their view, we should not forget earlier years where exper ience has supported the “trade-off” theory. But curiously, they do not support this with empirical evidence, and I turn now toward that evidence. The im portance o f the issue requires that I be rather detailed as to the facts, as well as analytical* During my years on the Council o f Economic Advisers from 1947 to 1958, the average unemployment rate was 4.0 percent, and declined from &9 perm it in the first year to 2.9 percent in the la st Meanwhile, the average annual rate 238 o f iniuttnn was only 3.0 percent, and declined from 7,8 percent in the first year to 0.8 percent in the last* The 7.8 percent inflation in the first year had nothing to do with fall employment; it was due to the method o f financing World War II, the huge release o f wartime savings thereafter, and the pre mature abandonment o f controls. Nor is it true that this excellent price re cord was due primarily to the direct controls during the Korean war, neces sary through these were under these circumstances. On this I can speak from intimate knowledge and participation. At the breakout o f that war, President Truman was subjected to two dia metrically opposed types of economic advice. There were those who insisted that everything should be frozen at once to restrain inflation, that production should not be increased much because that would lead to idle capacity after the war, and that there was no use for Government policies to concentrate upon balancing production and demand at the highest feasible levels of pro duction and employment. To the contrary, I urged the expansion o f the pro ductive base as the main weapon for fighting inflation, urged minimum un employment for the same reason, and urged use o f special or micro-economic measures including tax concessions at selected points to overcome selective shortages. At the same time, I urged that increased taxes in general, under conditions of large-scale war (not relevant now) could, if developed in bal anced fashion, be an aid both to economic expansion and inflation restraint. I urged a monetary policy, including selective or structural aspects, in support o f full resource use. I urged that the direct controls be subordinated and made supplementary to these more fundamental approaches, combining full resource use with low inflation. Fortunately, President Truman and the Congress adopted the approach which I advocated. And I can testify with absolute cer tainty that it was the emphasis upon full production and full employment, and the micro-economic measures to overcome shortages, that had far more to do with holding down inflation that the price and wage controls. This does not import that the price controls were not needed during the Ko rean war, but that situation was not analogous to now or the foreseeable future. Be that as it may, what happened after the Korean war refutes the theory of those who argue, not only that wage and price controls are needed to restain inflation when employment is full, but also those who argue that it is never desirable to have full employment because price and wage controls should not be used forever, and that suppressed inflation bursts forth in escapably when the controls are taken off. The controls were practically abandoned by 1952, and entirely by 1953. But during 1953-1961, inflation did burst forth. The average annual rate o f inflation during this period was only 1.4 percent, and only 1.2 percent in the last year. To be sure, unemployment rose from 2.9 percent in the first year to 6.7 percent in the last. But the only thing this had to do with inflation was that it was two and a half times as fast in the last year as in the first, again refuting the “ trade-off” theory. The next period of years, appropriate for classification, ran from 1961 to 1966. The rate of unemployment was reduced from 6,7 percent in the first year to 3.8 percent in the la st The average annual rate o f inflation was only 1.5 percent, and was less than 2.9 percent even in the last year. This combination of a drastic reduction of unemployment with a very good record of price per formance was accomplished without direct controls, although there were voluntary guidelines. During the shorter period 1966 to 1969, however, unemployment did go down slightly further to 3.5 percent, and the inflation rate went up seriously, al though only to 5.4 percent in the last year. Looking at the 23 years since 1953, it is substantially upon this very short period that the “ trade-off” theorists rely in insisting that less unemployment means more inflation. But they fall to take account of the fact that the rising inflation was caused, not by a slight further reduction in unemployment, but rather by the vast acceleration of the Vietnam war and the spending for it, without recognizing the necessity to in crease taxes and use appropriate controls. The lesson that should have been learned from the handling of the Korean war was entirely forgotten. Even the part of it relating to the expansion of production was forgotten. For the real economic growth rate, as inflation rose, was 6.5 percent in 1965-1966, only 2.6 percent during 1966-1967, only 4.7 percent during 1967-1968, and only 2.7 percent during 1968-1969. 239 O f course, the complete empirical repudiation of the “trade-off** theory came from 1969 forward. During 1969-1975, unemployment averaged 5.6 percent, rising from 3.5 percent in the first year to 8.5 percent in the last Inflation averaged 6.6 percent, and rose from 5.9 percent in the first year to 9.1 percent in the last. Further, as we all know, inflation was 11 percent from first quar ter 1974 to first quarter 1975, and unemployment rose from 5.0 percent to 8.1 percent And, as we all know, from first quarter 1975 to first quarter 1976, with the inflation rate reduced to 6.4 percent, unemployment dropped from 7.5 percent by March 1976.® One witness before your Committee cited the World War II experience, when unemployment was reduced to about one percent by 1944, as another ex ample o f the proposition that full employment causes inflationary pressures so extreme as to necessitate controls. But S. 50 does not contemplate reducing unemployment to anything like one percent Far more important, the infla tionary pressures during World War II were not caused because unemploy* ment was reduced. They occurred because the domestic spending power gene rated was equal to G.N.P., while almost half of the G.N.P. was burned up in fighting the war, with only about half the war financed by taxation. In con sequence, the fantastic excess of spending power available for purchasing civilian goods generated immense inflationary pressures, and necessitated the direct controls. No such condition is now present nor foreseeable. The experience in other countries, referred to by Chairman Proxmire dur ing these hearings, adds further evidence against the “trade-off” theory that higher unemployment causes less inflation. Taking long enough years to be significant, the records in West Germany, France, England, the Scandinavian countries, Japan, and others, show a very much lower rate o f unemployment and a much higher rate of real economic growth than the United States. And these records also show that, when these countries endeavored to restrain in flation by slowing real economic growth and increasing unemployment, the consequence has been an acceleration of inflation. A few words about the forecasts o f inflation under S. 50, which in my view have served as a “ frightening** device, having no relationship to the evidence. Some people have said that S. 50 would bring double-digit Inflation; there is no evidence whatever in support o f this. Some have attempted to quantify just how much additional inflation S. 50 would bring. But these quantifications have been based upon the results o f computers or models. Such results have been predetermined by assumptions as to the relationship between unemploy ment and inflation which are not supported by empirical evidence. Models and computers are of no use when predilections are fed into them. One o f the frankest expressions before this Committee was by Alice Rivlin, the Congressional Budget Office Director, who said that modem inflation has become so puzzling and complex that no economist should have the hardihood to predict it. This is certainly correct, in view o f the wideness from the mark o f most forecasts about inflation in recent years. For example, what econ omist a few years ago, or at the Summit Conferences, would have predicted double-digit inflation when unemployment rose above 9 percent? I must add that, in view of Dr. Rivlin*s modesty on this subject, it seems rather contra dictory that, in her testimony before this Committee, she indicated that 3 per cent unemployment would add about 2 percent to the inflation rate. And at another time recently, as quoted in my earlier testimony before Senator Nel son’s Subcommittee, she stated that the Humphrey-Hawkins Bill, with the aid o f its micro-economic measures, might result in a noninflationary employ ment rate at even less than 3 percent unemployment. In view o f the certain and immense benefits o f a full economy, I am sur prised that any economist would use such hazardous guesses about future inflation to raise doubts about the value o f S. 50. A REVISED THEORY OF INFLATION FOB THS MODERN U.S. ECONOMY Having reviewed the empirical evidence, I shall now state why it happens this way, basing theory upon facts instead o f regurgitating old theories rather than reshaping them in terms o f the new conditions o f the modern U.S. economy. A recessionary economy witnesses the reduction o f productivity gains to very •Tor the empirical evidence in detail, see again my Charts 4 and 6. 240 low rates, and sometimes below sera This increases per unit costa* and that in itself pashes prices upward in the administered sectors. This in turn causes wages to rise, especially when administered in part through collective bargain ing. Even i f the wage increases precede the price increases, they are followed by larger price increases when productivity is low or negative.* The low volume of sales relative to sales levels at full resource use leads to administered price increases to reach pre-established profit targets, and also to cover increased per unit costs. In the case of wages administered in part through collective bargaining, high unemployment induces fears that unemployment will spread further, which leads employed wage earners to try to protect themselves by making hay before the sun sinks even further. Recessions reduce vital sup plies in some sectors o f the economy even below the recessionary level o f de mand, which is inflationary, and even more importantly these shortages lead to expansionary efforts to catch up when recovery starts, which may be highly inflationary. The overall national policy o f contrived scarcity, which reduces production and employment in the name o f fighting inflation, carries over into selective areas and therefore augments inflation. Other efforts to restrain in flation by contrived shortages in housing, energy, power and fuel, medical sup plies and services, etc., actually augment the inflation. The policy of exorbi tantly high interest rates, effective in increasing unemployment and idle plant in the name o f fighting inflation, is inflationary per se, and also inflationary because stagnations and recessions add to inflationary pressures.7 OTHEB PROVISIONS IN S. 50 TO BESTBAIN INFLATION I now refer to the specific provisions of S. 50, in addition to the incomes poUcies and the other policies which I have already mentioned, which would help to restrain inflation. First and foremost, as I have already stated, would be the movement toward a strong and healthy economy in terms o f its ultimate purposes, which is anti-inflationary rather than inflationary. Second, as I have already stated, S. 50 accents priority programs, planned on a long-range basis to overcome shortages in crucial areas„of the economy, and short-range policies to break bottlenecks and overcome shortages where they exist. The empirical evidence, which I have reviewed, indicates clearly that the emergence of these shortages has had far more to do with inflation than full employment, and indeed that these shortages have emerged in grievious degree when we have had very high idleness of manpower and other productive resources. Third, S. 50 not only recognizes that the productivity gains which result automatically from fuller use o f resources are a great weapon against inflation, but also con tains a specific provision in Section 107 whereby the President would encour age the joint efforts o f industry and labor to enlarge productivity gains. S. 50 also accents in Section 107(5) the principle that real wage rate gains should be related to productivity gains. It also provides in Section 107 (6) for .strength ening the antitrust laws and their enforcement, to increase competition to work against excessive administered price increases. In addition, in Section 107(c) it instructs the President to recommend legislative action to promote price sta bility “if situations develop that seriously threaten national price stability/' This obviously is broad enough to cover a recommendation for direct price and wage controls. S. 50 AN D VOLUNTARY COOPERATION TO REDUCE INFLATIO N AND TO H ELP ACH IEVE ITS OTHER PURPOSES There are also other important respects in which S. 50 would encourage noninfiationary trends in the private sector, and to help achieve its other purposes. The private sector really knows that fuller use of resources improves the eco nomic climate, reduces competitive efforts to get a larger share o f a smaller pie, and reduces per unit costs by enlarging productivity gains. The empirical record shows that administered prices have been lifted the fastest when an inadequate volume of business incites price increases to cover higher per unit costs and to meet pre-established profit targets. At least the housing industry and the utilities industry, and some others, know that shortages induced in many ways by poor economic performance are highly inflationary. •See my Chart 6. 7 See my Chart 7. 241 S. 50 PROVIDES ALSO FOR VOLUNTARY COOPERATION, TO ADVANCE ITS A N T l-I NFL ATI ON ARY AND FULL EMPLOYMENT PURPOSES I also attach great importance to the provisions o f Section 109 and 804 of S. 50 which provide for more effective consultation among Government, busi ness, labor, and other groups. I have long experienced and participated in the futility of so-called labor-management conferences under the aegis of the Gov ernment. But they have failed because they have had no purposeful orienta tion. Management and labor have used them as forums for indicting each other, and for articulating their particular grievances and perspectives. The orientation of S. 50 would provide a unique opportunity for the Government to put before these groups at such conferences the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Plan. This would prompt useful voluntary cooperation, by enlarging information and understanding, placing the united interests of all above the professed interests of some, and by accenting the things which unite us above those which divide. AN TI-INFLATIO NARY AND FULL RESOURCE USE OBJECTIVES THROUGH IMPROVED N ATIO N AL POLICIES Most important of all, nothing is more conducive to the business cycle and to inflation itself than ineffective and wasteful Government policies. These in escapably result when policies are developed hit and miss, are improvised, are only short-range after the fact instead of long-range as well, and frequently at cross-purposes and conflicting. S. 50, both on the Executive side and the Con gressional side, would bring a new opportunity to put the parts together. In this sense, S. 50 provides for planning instead of flying blind in what the Gov ernment itself does. Section 105 on economy in Government is also highly rel evant. But S. 50 provides no national plan, and no intrusion by the Government in the planning o f private groups, which they certainly indulge in and should, as the Chairman of this Committee has stressed. S. 50 does not really enlarge the scope of Government, in that it brings no new category o f policy-making into Washington. Fiscal and monetary policies, tax and spending policies, social security and housing and farm policies, and others too numerous to mention, are already in Washington, and they will stay here. S. 50 merely provides a new and better manner of handling these policies. S. 50 AND TH E FEDERAL RESERVE This brings me to a short treatment o f Section 106 of S. 50 dealing with the Federal Reserve Board. S. 50 does not give the President any “ power” over the Federal Reserve Board, except an expression of interest and persuasive ness which he could use without S. 50. It does not force upon the Federal Re serve Board any particular policies. It merely requires in general, not even that the Federal Reserve support the full economic objectives o f S. 50, but merely that it state its reason for not doing so if it does not do so. In that event, it merely requires that the President indicate his views on monetary policy to the Congress, so that the Congress itself can better exercise that degree of re sponsibility over the “ Fed” which nobody denies is proper in theory but which has not happened recently in fact. As Arthur Burns has properly stated (to the Congress, the President, and the public) his views on every aspect of na tional economic policy on the ground that monetary policy alone is not enough, I can find no rational basis whatsoever that it would interfere with the proper “ independence” of the Federal Reserve for the President to state his views on monetary policy to the Congress. Personally, I agree with Professor Gal braith and others that we should go much further toward making the “ Fed” responsible to the elected representatives of the people/ but I applaud the moderation of S. 50 on this subject for practical reasons. • W AG E POLICY UNDER S. 5 0 , AND TH E PROBLEM OF PRIVATE CAPITAL REQUIREMENT I come now to the wage problem as it relate® to full economic performance and to the problem of inflation itself. It frankly amanes me that some econo* •As to the emjflriealwvidenee of the hurtful poUcte* of the Federal Bwerva, serajaIn my Chart 7, and aee my Charts 8 and 9. m mists look at wages only as a business cost* and not as a factor In consump tion. In contrast, they do not look at profits as a charge against the consumer but only as a factor in business incentives and capital formation. It is even more surprising that some economists accent wage>push inflation, with total failure to examine the empirical evidence. The empirical evidence (when one does not overemphasize a few exceptions which distort evaluation) is to this effect: When the economy is moving toward or gets close to full resource use, real wage rate gains lag far behind productivity gains, and thus tend to pro duce capital formation and investment running ahead o f ultimate demand, with consequent stagnation and recession. It is only when recession and stagnation reduce productivity gains to zero or below that real wage rate gains sometimes run in advance o f productivity gains. I f this is inflationary, it is merely addi tional evidence that a sick economy in terms o f production and employment augments inflation. To use deliberate national policies to reduce real wage rate gains to the level o f productivity gains under such circumstances would clearly aggravate the sick performance, and even President Hoover recognized this although he did not persuade the business community. One o f the biggest problems o f the U.S. economy, for empirical reasons I have already stated, is to bring the real growth rate in wage rates and other consumer incomes into line with the requirements for a full economy.• This task is closely associated with the problem o f capital requirements. A reasonably full economy always provides enough business volume to provide full adequacy o f capital availability and investment, and frequently leads to to excesses in this direction. “ And if there is private capital unavailability in a stricken economy (allegedly because of a huge Federal deficit resulting from this very fact, and Congressional efforts to bring fiscal policy into line with expansionary needs), this merely means that the Federal Reserve Board is failing to provide a monetary policy which meets both the legitimate needs o f business and of Government. In other words, the monetary policy is then fight ing the fiscal policy, and that has happened too frequently in the past with dire results. S. 50 would provide the means for rationalizing both fiscal and mone tary policy, and bringing them into accord rather than competition toward the prime end-purpose of full resource use. What I have said about the wage problem in general has great bearing upon the wage policies in S. 50 relating to public service jobs. I am again surprised that those economists who have scored the inflationary import of the wage policies in S. 50 relating to public service jobs have forgotten entirely about the larger aspects of national wage policies as a factor in balanced growth in consumer demand which is more than 00 percent of G.N.P. More than that, these economists have completely distorted the role of public service jobs in S. 50, both as to magnitude and nature. An examination of S, 50 itself and of the voluminous testimony and studies relating to it, plus consideration o f the compulsions which would bear upon the President and the Congress in implementing S. 50, make it clear that S. 50 is primarily a private employment proposition. My own estimates, which no one has challenged, are that two-thirds to three-fourths o f the additional 10-12 million jobs which S. 50 would help provide in four years would be conven tional private jobs; that most of the other additional jobs would be private jobs o f a priority nature, such as mass transportation, energy and food devel opment, housing, and some others, with only some marginal Federal assistance: that the same is true in the main of the micro-economic programs in S. 50; and that only 1-1.5 million at most of the additional jobs would be public service jobs, which would be phased in gradually.11 The House Committee Re port indicates the policy that this program would not start until two years after enactment In view o f the very small number o f these jobs, whatever wages are paid on them cannot affect inflation generally in an employed labor force in the neighborhood o f one hundred million. Also, a policy o f paying good rather than substandard wages on these jobs would contribute more to the towering problem of adequate wages and consumption in general than to any problem of inflation. • See m y Chart 10, and see again m y Chart 3. See again my Chart 3. ** See my Chart 11, which is somewhat different from my current estimates because it was developed earlier, based upon p rojections from 1975 instead o f the end o f 1076, and based upon reaching fu ll employment by end o f 1&78 instead o f end o f 1980. 243 Moreover, the proposition that the pay for public service jobs under 8. 60 would compete with private employment is in my view erroneous. Previous ex perience provides no substantiation of this. The stringent criteria in 8 50 with regard to public service jobs, would work against this. Private wages in general are far above the minimum wage, and the minimum wage now is too low. In addition, the provisions in S. 50 relating to the prevailing wage on public service jobs is limited to wages paid by the same employer and not to wages paid by others. Apart from all else, it would be demeaning that a per son publicly employed by a given employer should be paid less than a person doing the same type o f work privately employed by the same employer. And it would be demeaning and economically unsound, for reasons already stated, that a person employed at any level o f Government be paid lees than what is paid for the same type of work in the private economy. Even if hypothetically higher pay to the public employee were to result hypothetically in elevating wages elsewhere it is true (and not hypothetically) that lower wages paid to the public employee for the same work would depress private wages with the certainty that the river finds the sea. Nowhere does S. 50 provide fior higher pay than accepted standards for the same work. It only provides for equal pay fo r equal work, except that, in accord with established Congressional policies, it would not prevent substandard other wages from dragging down ward the pay on Federally-assisted jobs. As for Bacon-Davis, 3. 50 applies it only to construction workers. Most important o f all, the criteria in Section 206(e) o f S. 50 provide that no one can get a public service job who leaves or refuses to accept a private job under appropriate labor standards. Beyond all this, there is nothing in experience or reason to indicate that w ell-deigned public employment is less productive than private employment. Employment, mostly private, under the priority programs in S. 50, which would be fa r more numerous and far more important than public service employment, may well be more productive than many conventional private employment jobs. And whatever may be the source o f employment, it is high time for economists to examine productivity in terms o f real benefits to the nation. Employment is always more productive than nonemployment. Production, whether private or public, in improved mass transportation, or increasing energy, or housing sup ply, or heajth services such as nurses or technicians, or para-professionals in schools, or park service or forestry, is more beneficial to the nation than more cigarette production or more automobiles or more casinos and luxury hotels, entirely regardless of which register higher productivity gains by conventional tests. W e need an entirely new benefit-cost analysis, in order to do what is right either economically or socially. And this S. 50 provides. We should not be concerned that S. 50 would draw too many people into the civilian labor force, and therefore enlarge excessively the task o f provid ing additional jobs. In the first place, my estimate o f 10-32 million additional new jobs from the end o f 1076 to the end o f 1080 is predicated upon only a reasonable projection o f the growth in the rise of the civilian labor force, al lowing for population growth, needed reduction o f unemployment, some normal reduction in working hours, and reasonable growth in the civilian labor force in a fuller employment environment in contrast with the repressed growth o f the civilian labor force under conditions o f high unemployment, drop-outs, etc “ In the second place, despite the strong programs in S. 50, the real con cern should be whether we can achieve full employment by the end o f 1080 rather than whether employment may become excessive. In the third place, the number o f public service jobs which would result from S. 50 would be too small to give rise to this problem o f “overemployment.” And in the fourth place I feel strongly that we should abandon the notion that employment for anybody able, willing, and seeking to work is a liability. It is an economic so cial, moral, and personal asset to the nation and the individual. We have genuine unmet needs for goods and services, fa r exceeding our full capabilities. The concept o f abundance, justly shared, is at the heart o f S. 50. t b s cost txicdee s. 50 On the matter of costs, I am trulydlstressedthatso Httlehas bew ii-Id bj and others on the subject of beneflt-cost analysis. Obrlouriy, « gee again my Chart 11. 244 doing anything coats more in dollars than doing nothing. Employing a person for ten thousand dollars tarns oat 30 to 40 thousand dollars production, while paying somebody 8-4 thousand in unemployment benefits or welfare turns out nothing. Yet none can doubt which really costs more or yields more benefits. The same applies throughout On the basis of scores of years o f continuous study, I have developed a costbenefit analysis related to S. 50. It does not portray actuality under S. 50, be cause that depends upon unfolding economic developments, and actual de cisions by the President and the Congress. But even adjusting my results by 10 or 20 percent, it remains highly indicative and satisfactory for current pur poses. 1 estimate conservatively that S. 50 would yield over a period of four years, about 725 billion dollars more o f total national product, or an average o f about 181 billion a year more, measured in fiscal 1977 dollars, than a very optimistic projection of current policies and programs. Studies by the Joint Economic Committee and the Congressional Budget Office, and many others, are roughly in accord with this. This would in itself yield Federal revenues at existing tax rates again meas ured in fiscal 1977 dollars about 145 billion dollars higher over the four years or an annual average of about 36 billion dollars higher, than reasonable pro jections o f current national policies and programs. My estimates o f increased Federal Budget expenditures under S. 50, com pared with projection of current policies and programs, are generous but realis tic, because I factor in not only programs in consequence of S. 50, but a total Budget designed to help reach full employment by the end of 1980, and to ful fill the other responsibilities of Federal Government both domestic and inter national. Even so, I arrive at an incremental annual average Budget cost un der S. 50 of only about 29 billion dollars, or very far short of the incremental Budget revenues o f 36 billion annually, and less than one-sixth o f the incre mental G.N.P. benefits o f 181 billion annually. The import of this is that S, 50 would reduce the Federal deficit much faster, and bring a Budget balance or surplus much faster, than the alternative course. This, too, would be antiinflationary, among other things.1* The Congressional Budget Office has made its own estimates o f Budget esti mates, in the testimony o f Alice Rivlin before this Committee and in a study presented to the Joint Economic Committee. The central points o f those esti mates are much lower than mine. That is because these estimates take account only o f the cost o f public employment under S. 50, and not of the other Budget Items which I have stated, related to a full U.S. economy. But calculated as they are, the C.B.O. estimates are much too high. They assume more public employment than would result under S. 50. Indeed, they proceed as if S. 50 were not in existence, and that public service jobs would be needed to cover the difference in 1980 between 5.2 percent unemployment and 3 percent unemploy ment The 5.2 percent projection is in accord with current policies and pro grams in the absence of S. 50. It is unthinkable that S. 50 would not increase additions to conventional private jobs and priority private jobs apart from pub lic service jobs. The C.B.O. estimates of net Budget costs after allowing for offsetting savings through tax collections are egregiously too high, because they are based upon the assumption that the total number of public jobs created would result in a 40-60 percent displacement o f private jobs. This is utterly unwarranted. It has no support whatsoever in previous experience. And it could not happen in accord with the explicit intent and purpose of S. 50, and espe cially in view of the very restrictive criteria which it attaches to public serv ice jobs. In addition to all this, the C.B.O. estimates limit the compensating tax returns to the Federal Government to the taxes paid by those on public service jobs who were previously unemployed. Inexplicably, the C.B.O. takes no meaningful nor quantitative account of total incremental tax revenues from incremental benefits in total national production under S. 50, as I have esti mated these above. The midpoint o f the C.B.O. net Budget cost estimates (study 11 See my Chart 12. The annual incremental Budget cost figure might w ell be much lower than 29 billion, because I have been able to quantify only some o f the offsetting savings (e.g, unemployment insurance and w elfa re), and have been unable to quantify other very large Budget savings (e.g. low er Interest rates, reductions in crime and im proved health, etc.) 246 for J.E.C., coverage aged 18 and over), which are too high in terms o f the factors considered, is about 24 billion for the Initial year (1980), about 15 bil ion in the next year, and about 12 billion in the third year, or an annual aveab°ut 1? billion. These incremental Budget costs as estimated by the C.B.O. average less than half of the average incremental Budget revenues, and less than one tenth o f the incremental G.N.P., as estimated above. When the tax revenue offsets which the C.B.O. allows in reducing its gross cost esti mates to net cost estimates are adjusted to allow for the difference between the tax revenue offsets allowed by the C.B.O. and appropriate tax revenue off sets as I have set them forth above, it appears that the net Budget costs of S. 50 as estimated by the C.B.O* would be a large negative figure. THE ISSUE OF THE DISECT CONTROLS For all o f the reasons stated above, I do not fovor the insertion o f direct controls, total, stand-by, or selective, in 3. 50 at this time. Some of the most ardent warners against inflation admit that controls would not be needed un der S. 50 until two years after enactment at least; and at that time or at any other time (even earlier) the President can propose and the Congress can enact, or the Congress can enact whether the President proposes them or not, such controls if and when needed (see Section 1 0 7 (7 )). Insertion of such con trols in S. 50 at this time would, in my view, inject divisive, controversial, and unnecessary issues which would lessen the chances of passage of this vital legislation. It would provide additional excuses for those who are against the legislation anyway, and who might say that it proves that the inevitable con sequences o f the legislation would be to straitjacket the whole economy and to intrude the Government into every decision of organized business and labor. I do not believe that, except under conditions of large-scale war. There is a fur ther logical difficulty. I f full use of our resources permanently necessarily lets loose inflationary pressures which require direct controls then we would need direct controls forever, if we are to maintain full or nearly full use of our re sources enduringly. I cannot accept this proposition, and I do not believe that the Congress will. Coming back to the core problem o f Imbalances in the economy, I submit that improved use o f traditional Government policies—fiscal, monetary and others—can remedy or come close to remedying these Imbalances without the direct controls, including the implication of their permanence. Even if some o f the imbalances were to be caused by undesirable price movements (which for reasons I have stated are far less likely under fuller resource use), I sub mit that curing these by public policies to adjust purchasing power to inflation (taxation, monetary policy, social security policy, housing policy, medical care, etc.) would be fa r more desirable than the Government getting into the fixing o f wages and prices. And as to wages, the usual lag of real wage rate gains behind productivity gains certainly is not remedied by wage controls, which are least since World War II and the Korean war have aggravated these im balances. Even during these two wars, direct controls served to repress real wage rate gains, but that was desirable in view of the growing ratio of military outlays to G.N.P. The price-wage controllers from World War II now ignore this vital distinction.14 But if the Congress in its superior judgment should decide otherwise with respect to the direct controls, above all I object to the idea that a 3 percent quantitative goal for unemployment should be accompanied by a quantitative goal for consumer price inflation. They are entirely different matters, for rea sons I have already stated. Minimal unemployment is always sound economics, because people employed are more economical than idle people. Far more imA much more plausible argument can be made (although I would not that regardless of hich or low unemployment, boom or recession, an administered economy V 3 u n « p e c U lnte™aUonal or iatlonal e™nt». lead to sporodte bursts of inflation, and that in consequence we need selecttre a8^ t f n g f S ” emPlS?menfwUhd* S n employment, through legislation or otherwiae. m M i t doub* difficult to achiere fufi m portent, the level oC unemployment U a profound social and m o itl considera* tion which should be decided by the Congress and not by any President or any Chairman o f the Council o f Economic A dvises, whether Leon Keyserling or Alan Greenspan. But the appropriate figure fo r consumer price trends is not fixed nor definitive in this sense. It varies with time and circumstance. Zero price inflation is not necessarily more desirable, taking all consequences into effect, than 2 percent price inflation. And 2 percent price inflation is not neces sarily more desirable than 4 percent or 1 percent These things vary in relation to a host o f other considerations. There is no way for the Congress to arrive at an appropriate quantitative figure. The appropriate figure from time to time should be determined by administrative action, assuming that the Congress re quires the direct controls. Moreover, consumer prices have industrial price trends underlying them, and farm prices also. I f the Congress were to set a quantitative goal for con tainer prices, it should likewise do so for all types o f prices, including indus trial and farm, and the figures should not all be the same because the rela tionships are just as important as the absolutes. And if it were desirable for the Congress to set a quantitative goal fo r prices, then likewise fo r wages, taxes, public outlays, money supply, and all o f the other policies which enter into an incomes policy and into efforts to optimise the performance o f the economy at large. I think that this statement o f the problem in itself provides the correct answer without further elaboration. As to the high inadvisability of a quantitative standard fo r consumer price increases in the legislation, I am authorised by Professor Galbraith to state that he is entirely in agreement with me on this subject (although he favors controls now and I do not). I think that most of the economists would take the same view, upon full consideration. S. 50 Aim THE BUSINESS CTCLE In conclusion, S. 60 is not a proposal to repeal the business cycle. That may be impossible; It is only a proposal to reduce its ravages/* The Employment Act o f 1946 did not attempt to repeal the business cycle. But Chairman Prox mire, and countless others, have pointed out that it helped vastly to improve our economic performance. But the Employment Act had some defects which have cost us dearly. Learning from experience, we are now endowed, and I hope willing, to do very much better under the legislation now proposed. I shall be glad, if requested, to provide additional information or analysis and to suggest language for amendments to clarify S. 50, particularly with respect to an incomes policy and related matters. * As to the rtTtfM and coats, 1953-1975, see again my Charts 1 and 2. As to the estimated costs of repeating in future where we have been going to date, see again my Chart 12. The estimated difference of 725 blUlon dollars in G.N.P. equates with an esti mated difference of about 12 million man- and woman-years of employment. 248 COSTS OF DEFICIENT ECONOMIC GROWTH US.ECONOMY, 1953-1975 CHART 2 ( Dollar Hems inbillions of 1975 dollars, except overage family income) Totol National Production (GNP) I953H975* $3,354.7 I969H975: 979.6 1975: 326£ Private Business Investment (IncL Net Foreign) 19534975*-$ 911.5 19694975: 331.4 1975: 127.9 Man-years of Employment^ Govl Outlay for Personal Consumption Expenditures Goods and Services 1953-1975-61.0 MtUion 1969*1975:22.8 Million 1975: &9 Million 1953-1975 :$1,523lI 1969-1975: 372.2 1975: 137.7 1953-1975 **$9201 1969-1975: 2760 1975: 61.0 Average Family Income (4975 Dollars} Wages ond Salaries Residential and Commercial Construction 1953-1975: $2*470 I969H9751 5,890 1975- 2,500 I953H975- $1,865.0 1969-1975: 3748 1975= 159.2 I9S3H975: $369.6 J/Dtfidts (953-1975 ars calculated from a 1953 bow,in tfiot growth rates tine* then hove averaged for too tow. Deficits 1969-1975 ond 1975 an projected from o 1968 base, writing off the cumulative deficit* 1953-1968. 1975 figure* ore estimated. Residential ond commerciol construction deficits are calculated only from ol953 base. In terms of what would hove been needod.40 !975,to restore full production os of then,the estimated deficit wos 250-300 billion dollars,ot on annuol rote. 2/Based upontrue level of unemploymenUncluding full-time unemployment,full-time equivalent of parHime unemployment/** oonoeoled unen^toyment(nonportidpotior incivilian labor force) due to scarcity of job opportunity. 249 C O M P A R A T IV E G R O W T H R A T E S , 1 9 6 1 -1 9 7 5 ( Average Annuel Rote* of Change, in Uniform Dollar*) CHART 3 3 Investment in Plant ond Equipment | Ultimate Demand:Total Private Consumption Expenditures Plu* Total Public Outlay* For Good* and Services___________ _______ 1st Half ‘61tst Half '66 "Boom" 1st Half '664 th Qtr. *70 “ Mixed Period Including Recession” "rlli’ik; r 4th Otr. '7 0 4th Otr. ‘ 73 'inadequate Upturn and Stagnation* | 4th Otr. *73_ 4th Otr. *75 *Recess»on ond Inadequate Upturn" Up 3.2% ' I UP Up 2 9% P H i up | i 1.1« m ______ I Corporate Profits {ond IVA) Wages and Salaries c o w m ir;»wi= 1st Half ‘61Ist Half '66 "Boom" 1st Half '6 6 4th Otr.'70 "Mixed Period Including Recession" 4th Qtr. '7 0 4th Qtr. '73 'inadequate Upturn and Stagnation" 4th Otr. '7 3 4th Otr.'75 "Recession and Inadequate Upturn" Up 13.5% Up 10VA Up 5.7%i/ I ii Down H.6% Down 8 .7 % -i/Estimated. Bowc Data Dapt of Commarc* 250 RELATIVE TRENDS IN ECONOMIC GROWTH UNEMPLOYMENT, & PRICES. 1952-1976 CHART k Total National ProductioninConstant Dollars.Average Annual Rates of Change Industrial Production.Average Annual Rates of Change Unemployment as Percent of Civilian Labor Force, Annual Averages* 83% i Consumer Prices ! Wholesale Prices 25X 2.5* 1952-1955 1955-1958 1958-1966 1966-1969 1969-1975 10*74-10*75 10*75-10*76 Averoge Annual Rates of Change ^ These annual averaget(as differentiated from the annual roies of change) ore based on full-time officially reported unemployment meotured ogainst the officially reported Civilian Labor Force. Source: Dept, of Labor, Dept of Commerce, 8 Federal Reserve System U.S. E C O N O M I C P E R I -O ^ .I A N C E .U iM D L I R V A I . I O 'J S H A T I O . ’ A L A D M I N I S T R A T I O N S WITH VARIOUS APPROACHES T O N A T I O N A L E C O N O M IC : P O L I C Y ^ Truman 1947-1953^ Eisenhower Real AveAnn Ecoa Growth Rote Ave Annual Unemployment (full-time) 4.9% 4.0% 24% Unemployment First Yr. Lo»tYr. Ave Annjol Inflation Inflation Roto Ave. Ann Surplus or Deficit Fed Burt; "t (Fiscal Yeors.Bi Ilions) FirstYr Lo*tYi (CPI) 7.8% S 2S 2 9% 2.9% m m 3.0'« ♦$2.4 | 08% 6 7% 51% 14% R "'W ^ 0.5% 1-fc| -$23 Kennedy-Johnson 1961-1969 48% 67% 4.7% 31 1 " 35% r ~ . n ______ 85% Nixon-Ford 1969-1975 ,6* —ETZgFifl. 5.6% 3.5% m 5.4% 26% 1.1% 9.1% 66% 5.9% r ^ i n •l^To allow for momentum t fft c tt of policxt, •*<• firtt yoor of on« Administration it alto trooltd at th« lott y«or of th« prtcttding Administration AM itctpi Ftdtrol Budg*t,«ttimot«d S o u r c e t c o - j m i c R r p o r t t o f t h e P r < * id e n t ,a n d f c o n o m ic In d ic a t o r s L - __ -$64 ... !__ 1975figur«», 1 -$15.3 CHART 2^ 1946-1947not included because greatly offected by Irantition from World War Q ] r iv i 252 IM P A C T O F E C O N O M IC G R O W T H CnARI 6 UPON! P R O D U C T IV IT Y G R O W T H o »% 4 3% 4.7% PiEUP I s till : I b m 1947-1953 0.2% 1953-1960 1960-1966 1966-1970 1970-1972 1972-1975 1st Otc 1975IstOtc 1976 js sg a a r. ■ • •* - • w t m ? [ -iVU^in- ••• - i' Altfe'-i'tst!!*' 5.2% — —— —— 4.1% 3.6% 3.7% 2.6% ;i:n( ■ 1.5% ! ! 0.1% 1947-1953 1953-1960 1960-1966 S o u r c e : Dept, o f L a b o r, D e p l o f C o m m e r c e 1966-1970 1970-1972 1972-1975 Ist0trl975Ist Otc 1976 253 C O M P A R A T I V E T R E N D S IN N O N - F E D E R A L L Y H E L D M O N E Y S U P P L Y . G .N .R , A N D P R I C E S , 1 9 5 5 - 1 9 7 5 ^ CHART 7 Up 4.0% Up 37% Up up 4 J% Up ,7 X Up Up 4 6% < 9 % IOX U p I.3X EL | Q | I960 1955* I955- I------ I I957- I958- *— I I960- I96I- 1962- 1963- 1964- 1965- 1966- 1967- 1948- 1969- 1970- 1971- 1972 I975 1956 Oo»» 1958 1959 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 >969 1970 1971 1972 1971 an. 19731974 1974* 1975 ANNUAUgRENDflftftff Up 110% m 1975 1956 1957 1958 1959 I960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 M 1975 Data: 0«pt oI Comnwc*, 0«pt of Labor, Federal R«s*rv* System 1966 1967 (968 1969 1970 I97i 1972 I9 7 J 1974 1975 254 I N C R E A S E S ft* & V I R & 3 E I N T E R E S T R A T E S , A N D E X C E S S S M T E R E 37 C O S T S D J E T O T H E S E IN C R E A S E S , CHART 6 • £ "<^r: ‘»V'V Up 185.5% r ^ i Up 155.4% tv federal Public Dejt?/ State and Local Debt Private Debt 5/ Total Public and Private Debt $960.2 $103.7 $ 2 3 .7 .> JL Federal Public Debt?/ m State and Local Debt Private Debt3/ Totol Public and Private Debt ^ 1974-1975 estimated. •2/ Includes net foreign interest Computedas a residual by subtracting Federal Publicanastateandlocal debt fromtotal public and private debt. Source:Oeptof Commerce; Economic Report of the President 255 E X C E S S I N T E R E S T C O S T S IN T H E F E D E R A L B U D G E T 1 3 3 5 - 1 9 7 5 C O N T R A S T E D W IT H O T H E R COSTS F 0 3 SELECTED EUDGET PROGRAM S^ CHART 9 Millions of Dollars EXCESSC/TEREST COSTS/;/ THE FEDERAL BUDGET DUDGETOUTLAYS FOREDUCATION j DUDGETOUTLAYS FORHEALTHSERVICES $17,073 $7,386 $5,127 j w m m A n n u a A ve ro g * I 9 £ i-I 9 7 5 1976 & 1966-1975 Annual Av«roga 1976^ 1966-1975 BUDGETOUTLAYS \ BUDGET OUTLAYS FORHOUSINGAND ! FOR COMMUNITYDEVELOPMENT PUBLICASSISTANCE AjJDWELFARE BUDGET OUTLAYS FOR’JANROVER PROGRAUS A $4.5<2 $2,376 1966-1975 -J cocti.catondar yaara, budgat outlay*, tmcatynr*.Sfrt>iMtim» com and*75 budget ottflay* mi* •2/Propoaod m fiocai l»7» Budgot. _______________ _______ 256 T H E L A G iK W A G E S A N D S A L A R I E S B E H I N D P R O D U C T I V I T Y G A ii v iS , I S S O - 1 9 7 5 (Average Annual increases. Constant Dollors) 4.9% W!' w mam mm 2.1% p is w r ^ ijj^ j I960-1975 1960-1966 1966-1975 •960-1975 .960-1966 33% ; 26% 1966-1975 2.1% i ,---------2.0% t 2.6% 401974-401975 4Q 1974-4Q1975 39% i/\/M 1.3% 1.6% .2% I i ! Output CHART 10 Wc^cs ana Salaries PER MAN-HOUR Output Wages and Salaries PER MAN-HOUR Output Wages ana Salaries PER MAN-HOUR Output Wages and Solaries 1 PER MAN-HOUR m M C - :*#• • •; tfftfor:,-; 1960-1975 1960-1966 1966-1975 40 1974-4Q 1975 : 38% 32% 2.8% 1.7% 1.5% 1.3% 1.6% 2.0% S_L__L Output Wages and Salaries PER MAN-HOUR Output Wages and Salaries PER MAN-HOUR Basic Data: Dept, of Commerce, Dept, of Labor Output Wages and Salaries PER MAN-HOUR Output Wages ond Salaries PER MAN-HOUR : j j 257 D IS T R IB U T IO N O F E M P L O Y M E N T , 1 9 7 5 A N D P R O J E C T E D .171 9 7 8 A N D 1 9 8 0 CHART 11 (Millions) -jEMPLOYMENT \ □ Private nonagricultural civilian employment Federal employment ljj§| §| State a local employment tv v l AA M AA ! 789 76.3 69 5 AA I 25 23 n WM 1980 1978 1975 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION [ Private nonagricultural civilian employment Federal employment State 8 local employment W'-P AA >>■': .' • . 8 5 .4 y...y. \ 841 _ ........ **> ..*>• i ■ im 835 -vr .< **y",: •»«*«wi**• -1 1975 1978 ■^Proj«ct*d in occord with welting full *mpk>ym«nt by tht end of 1978. 1980 258 " C O S T S '^ A N D S IN E F IT S ^ O F A C H IE V IN G FULL E M P L O Y M E N T S END OF CALENDAR 1930 CHART 12 ( Budget,*iscol yeors. G.N.P, calendar years; billions of fiscal 1977 dollars) ________________ PROJECTED FEDERAL BUDGETOUTLAYS I TO HELPACHIEVE FULL EMPLOYMENT GOAL3' I (*•*• DifferwH $«•«•) | 432 ESiXV 45 8 jm; Sj 1977 , ..... r~ f. 1 479 r ........... 1978 1979 495 1 , : . '< ! 1980 1976 BUDGET OUTLAYS PROJECTED AT 1969-1977 ANNUAL GROWTH RATE5/ (NMOIffmrtScpI*! 430 417 1977 458 * 44 4 1978 1979 1980 tOSTSTrAVERAGE ANNUAL DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE TWO BUDGETS,29 IIW M N M S u lil 1977 1979 .973 1980 G.N.P PROJECTED INACCORD WITH ACHIEVEMENT OF FULL EMPLOYMENT GOAL^ C Otffvrw* Scata) 1.957 2J04 2.241 2.353 1977 1978 1979 1980 G.N.P PROJECTED INACCORD WITHCONTINUATION OFCURRENT NATIONAL POLICIES2' BENEFITS:AVERAGE ANNUAL DIFFERENCE BETWEENTHETWOGlN.Ps.I8I (MDOrnmilScM) 252 i__________ 1977___________ 1978___________ 1979___________ [980___________ | ■i/tosts"ore difference betweenFederal Budget outlaysneededto Mp achieve full employment goal and 1976 Budget outlays projected with reasonably estimated adaptations of current policies and programs. & Benefits are difference betweenGJiPinaccord with full employment goal and G.N.P protected inaccord with reasonably estimated adaptations of current nationol policies and programs. •1/3 percent unemployment.^The Full Employment 8 Balanced Growth Plan in H.R.50 ft S 50 would use other policies besides those in the Federal Budget to help achieve the full employment gool.The averageamialreol growthrateinBudget outlaysused for theseprojections is5 2 percent^rajectedfromfiscal 1976,withalowance torchangeinthefacalyear.^The lower Budget projectionisat the 3.2 percent real average annual growthrate inthe Budget fromfiscal 1969 tothe President's originol Budget for fiscal 1977 S'The real overage annual growthrate used for these protections is 70 percent,projected fromcalendar1976 base. -Z/ Based uponreal average annual growth rate of 40percent,projected fromcalendar 1976 base. The average woeonly 3.0 percent during I953-I975,and only 1.8 percent during 1969-1975. 259 The Chairman. Thank you, all of you gentlemen. It’s a shame that you had to come on with these fine statements so late and I apologize. Let me just ask a few questions because it’s almost 1 o’clock. First, may I ask, Dr. Madden, I was very impressed by your elo quent statement, but I must say on page 5 of your prepared statement you say S. 50 is a Government power grab, you say: We support the aims of the Employment Act o f 1946—of balanced and sus tainable economic growth at high employment levels, o f effective labor mar kets, of easing the burdens of joblessness, and o f improving education and skilla What was the position of the Chamber of Commerce on the Em ployment Act when it was brought up for consideration by the Congress in 1946? Mr. Madden. I believe the position of the Chamber of Commerce on the Employment Act of 1946 was to support it. The Chairman. I’m surprised because I just asked the staff direc tor of the Joint Economic Committee and he tells me the business community generally opposed the act very vigorously and he thinks— he doesn’t have the record at the moment—the Chamber of Commerce was actively in opposition. Mr. Madden. He doesn’t know, either therefore, I would refer him to a book called “Congress Makes a Law” by Steven Kemp Bailley. This book describes how the Chamber of Commerce and the National Association of Manufacturers both vigorously opposed the Mur ray Full Employment Act which I thmk was 1945, and how the economist of tne chamber, Dr. Emerson P. Schmidt and how George Terborgh, the then economist for the Machinery and Allied Products Institute, were influential along with the chamber’s membership and staff in reducing the scope of the Murray Full Employment Act which was a central planning bill. They urged the Congress to change the highly technical language of the Murray bill, that was filled with GNPs and the like, into a broad statement of purpose. And they reduced the wording of the act to something like 1,500 words. And I do believe that, as in so many cases that have happened in the last 30 years—^and I have been with the chamber 13 years and I have seen this tactic over and over and over again—a bill is put in the hopper, as I said in my statement, which is poorly drafted and which is wrong in many regards, and the testimony of the business community is sought on the bill very early in the legislative history so it can be well established that the business community was op posed to the bill in that form, and then some of the suggestions of the business community are taken in later drafts and the political myth can be preserved that the business community was against the bill in a general way. Now the Chamber of Commerce throughout the post-World War II period has supported the goal of high employment and the Chamber of Commerce has fought for legislation which would nmke for the creation of productive jobs. I agree that the Chamber of Commerce came late to the question of countercyclical fiscal policy, but not so terribly late at that, about 12 years ago, I guess* 260 The C h a ir m a n . H o w about answering then Senator Humphrey’s challenge? He said these people who oppose the bill, what do they want? What would they do about it? You agree that unemployment is a serious moral and economic and social problem. We ought to do something about it. It’s easier for all of us to criticize tangible, con crete proposals, but what would you suggest as an alternative, if anything ? Mr. M a d d e n . Well, with respect to planning, I don’t think you would find a business community opposed to a reasonable form of foresight on the part of the Congress and a reasonable form of fore sight on the part of the Federal Government. As a matter of fact, the Chamber of Commerce for years has advocated and promoted community planning in the communities around the country. The C h a ir m a n . I ’m not asking you specifically about planning, although I think that’s very helpful. But what would you propose to do about the high level of unemployment we have suffered, still suffer, have suffered for the last 20 years, higher than elsewhere, higher than all of us agree it should be ? Mr. M a d d en . Well, in the first place, we have proposed for a long time and continued to propose a split level minimum wage for young people and we understand the political obstacles to getting that idea across, but we persist. We supported zero-based budgeting and it was very encouraging to us that Senator Muskie is in support of that idea. The C h a ir m a n . I think almost everybody supports that. Howard Schuman, my administrative assistant, has been working for that for almost 20 years and I agree it’s a good aim, but I don’t think it’s centrally connected with reducing unemployment. M r. M a d d en . You mean you don’t think that a split level minimum wage-----The C h a ir m a n . No, the zero-based budget. M r, M a d d en . I was using zero-based budgeting as an illustration of an unpopular idea which liberals finally came to endorse after they thought about it long enough, and' I think some might come to endorse the idea of a split level minimum wage if we keep pound ing away on it. We have been pounding on it 30 years and the un employment rate for youth has been going up all that time during prosperous times. Now we have Nobel laureates in economics in their textbooks agreeing, as Paul Samuelson does, that the minimum wage for youth creates youth unemployment. Maybe the word will get to Con gress in another 10 years. We don’t know, but we keep plugging away because we think this is a key source of the difficulty in young people in getting jobs. Second, we have supported all kinds of career education for 30 years and we are acutely aware of the deficiencies in the educational system that cause young people to take an unduly long time to get their first job and also causes them to resign from and quit jobs and therefore have a high unemployment. The C h a ir m a n . I agree with both of those. Mr. M a d d en . We have some more. 261 The C h a ir m a n . Good. Both the first two you mentioned, it’s hard for me to understand how that would provide for a greater amount of employment. If a person is willing or able to work for a lower wage I can understand how that might provide a job for a young person out of work, but why wouldn’t that displace another person who otherwise would be doing the work or something close to it ? It might conceivably have a marginal effect on the number of unem ployed. I can’t see how it would have a substantial change. It might reduce the unemployment from 7.5 to 7.4. Mr. M a d d e n . We’re talking about unemployment in good times when there’s adequate aggregate money demand in the economy. The C h a ir m a n . We’re talking about unemployment all the time. Mr. M a d d e n . I ’m talking about unemployment in good times as a central problem that ought to be addressed. I don’t know how you can address the question of unemployment during business cycles which have resulted from excesses in the economy that developed in-----The C h a ir m a n . That’s what the bill tries to do. That’s exactly what the bill tries to do. Mr. M a d d e n . That’s why we oppose it. We don’t think that’s going to be effective without creating inflation at the same time. With respect to what we consider to be the key problem of unem ployment, namely the high level of unemployment in good times, which was the basis of your earlier question, I advanced to you the split level minimum wage, a closer connection between school and work which is a serious and important question, and I also suggest to you that we don’t know how many jobs there are available and that’s one of the reasons we misread the unemployment statistics. The C h a ir m a n . Dr. Madden, I think all o f us are aware of the fact, that the 1946 bill came not just by accident in 1946. It came after the experience of the Great Depression and we had enormous unemployment aaid the experience of the war and we reduced that unemployment. There you had a situation where you took people with no training, no skill, in World War IT and put them to work and they were able to learn the job and develop the skill in a matter of weeks and months. It wasn’t a matter of having them go to voca tional school. The fact was that once, you have an employer who wants to hire people he will find a way to train those people. The important thing is to provide him some way o f increasing the aggre gate demand so that you can put people to work who otherwise are not going to be working and you can train people. We’re getting now to a point where we have Ph. D.’s who can’t find jobs, hundreds of them. Mr. M a d d e n . I realize that. However, I would go back to the point that you certainly wouldn’t cite World War II as a great example o f a balance between inflation and employment. The C h a irm a n * Well, Dr. Keyserling has done exactly that and I think he’s got a good point. I think certainly that was an unusual period end there were many things working that enabled us to have that* . „ Mr. Madden. If we were willing to toleratean inflation rate of 15 or 20 percent, I would agree with Dr. Keyserling and others tnat we would have no structural unemployment problem, but I don’t know of any American citizen who would favor a 15- or 20-peroent infla tion rate, a reduction in the purchasing power o f his currency at a rate o f 15 to 20 percent a year, in order to mop up the unemployment that exists in good times. I refer you to Dr. Feldstein’s study. He shows in 1973, when the unemployment rate averages 4.9 percent for 1 year, a minority of the unemployment was the consequence of job losses, 39 percent, if my memory serves me, and that a significant proportion o f the unemployment was a consequence o f what he summed up as a weak attachment to the labor force; that is to say, people swapping jobs, switching jobs and being temporarily unem ployed. I believe at the same time, in 1973, only 8 percent of the un employed had been unemployed for over 30 weeks. So the problem of youth employment and the problem o f an active labor force is a problem of short-term unemployment and it’s not necessarily hard ship unemployment. I don’t agree with Dr. Keyserling that some job is better than no job. It doesn’t follow that gome job is better than no job for a 2month period while a person is looking around for an appropriate career and there have been thousands, if not millions of young people who have experienced that kind o f unemployment, which is not, in my opinion, justification for pumping up the economy to the level suggested, nor is it justification for an elaborate process by which the committees of Congress lose some o f their jurisdiction, as this committee would do, as a result of the national economic plan, and whereby the Joint Economic Committee is made into some sort o f a central planning committee, whereby the President’s economic ad visory council is made into an economic planning czar. As you have done, Mr. Chairman, we have watched the errors of both academic, governmental, and business economists in forecasting the recent recession. You are surely skeptical of our ability to fore cast in a national economic plan ail these broad needs and resources of the United States for the next 5 years. In the Initiative Committee document whose publication pre ceded the introduction of this Humphrey-Hawkins bill, the authors— I don’t know who the authors were, but the chairman of the com mittee I recall was Wassily Leontief o f Harvard and Leonard Wood cock o f the UAW —had the temerity to say—and I think I can quote the statement—that “ we should forecast 5 years ahead the number of shoes, the number of cars, the number of refrigerators, and”—of all things—<cthe quantity of frozen food needed by the American people.” Now how ridiculous can you be? We can’t even forecast 6 months ahead in terms of individual industries and neither can the industries themselves. So the notion that we can plan the whole econ omy in terms of forecasts of economic developments and economic needs and that we indeed would be better off in resolving the energy problem which splits the country in 14 different ways, as a result of having a national plan rather than not, doesn’t appeal to me. So as for the contribution of this bill to the question that I ’m ad dressing of specific areas of unemployment and something -specific to be done to deal with them, I see nothing in the bill and I therefore am a critic of it. 268 The C h a ir m a n . I ’m going to c a ll on Dr. Keyserling to answer. Mr. K eyserling. Well, I can’t answer it all because it’s a variety of a lot of different things. Let’s start with World War II, and I want to say exactly what I mean when I ask what are we going to learn from World War II ? The first thing we can learn is this: I was in the government before World War II, when we had 8 million un employed, and many people said exactly what they’re saying now: “ They’re too old, too young, too black, too unmotivated. They’d rather be on unemployment insurance. They would rather be on re lief. They don’t they look at the newspaper ads which show there are more jobs than unemployed. But when World War i f , these people marched into the factories and performed well for two reasons: first, because the Government realized that for the purposes at hand—and we have other purposes at hand now—people employed are of more worth to the Nation and to themselves, and you don’t disprove this by a few exceptions. Sec ond, as to planning, I think there’s one thing about planning during World War II—and may I say during the Korean war—that S. 50 calls for and would provide: the budgeting of resources against needs, the integration of policies, the establishment of quantifications, and the weighting of relative values, and I never believed that if you learn in a war how to cure something through better use of medical methods, you don’t use it when there isn’t a war. Now what some people confuse is this: They say that, because dur ing World War II you had raging inflationary potentials while getting unemployment down to 1 percent, this required a wide range of numerous controls. And from this they jump to the truly ridiculous conclusion that getting, unemployment down to 3 percent by 1980 would cause 6 or 10 or 15 percent inflation without direct controls. But the tremendous inflationary potentials didn’t occur during World War I I because you got down to unemployment o f 1 percent, the inflation after the war. That’s the reason why you needed everyone in fighting the war and paying everybody who produced for the full product. So purchasiing power was twice available civilian sup plies. In addition to that, we financed half of the war out of tax ation, when we should have financed it all out o f taxation, because selling bonds to finance a war is not true savings, and that increased the inflation after the war. That’s the reason why vou needed the controls during World War II and for a few years thereafter. So I think we’ve got to separate out what we can learn from World War II experience, and what we learned during the Korean war, when after all we did combine full employment and high economic growth with very low inflation, and not mostly due to price controls. I can prove that because I was there and I know the debates that went on, and I know the order in which we did it, and I know the relative merits of different things. Price controls worked only be cause they were superimposed upon an equilibrium model, because they were used to supplement other programs, and because they were needed in view of the increasing national take for war purpose. The situation is not analogous today. Th^.8 w^at I would say about the war experience. But we should profit through S. 50 by the parts 264 of wartime experience which remain highly relevant—goals, inte grated policies, macro and microeconomic measures, et cetera. Now finally, as to forecasts. S. 50 is not a forecasting implement. The bane of economics today is, every time I go to a meeting people, come up to me and say what do you forecast? When the economist makes forecasts, many of the forecasts are wrong. None of them fore saw 9 percent unemployment and double digit inflation. But I say that forecasting is for the banana seller on the street who has no con trol on how many people are coming by, and forecasting is even for a big industry because it lives in a bigger environment than its own policies relate to, but forecasting is not national economic policy. Roosevelt never forecasted whether we would win the war. Truman never had me forecast how much unemployment there would be 4 years later. He said, where is it now and where do we want it to go and what do we do ? That’s what policy is. This bill is policy, to get goals and try to reach them. It has nothing to do with the imperfec tions o f forecasting and Alan Greenspan, in my view, was just as mixed up in that as you could possibly be. This is not a forecasting bill. This is a policy bill. The Chairman. I ’d like to ask Mr. Oswald, and you can respond to this other question too if you would like to, but I ’m very con cerned and I have talked to other members o f this committee who are concerned about what this does to the Federal Reserve Board and to the control of the Federal Reserve Board. As you know the Constitution is very clear. It gives the money power to the Congress exclusively, and for that reason I think we have a responsibility to abide by the Constitution. In addition, I think we have given much too much power to the President as com pared to the Congress. Now this bill provides on pages 15,16 and 17 the following: it says the President’s budget and economic report shall set forth each year a monetary policy designed to assure such rate of growth in" the nation’s money supply and so forth. It goes on to say the Board of Governors shall transmit to the President and the Congress within 15 days after transmission of the report what they intend to do. I f the President determines that the Board’s policies are inconsistent with the achievements of the goal and policies, the President shall make recommendations to the Board and Congress to assure closer conformity to the purposes of this act. It seems to me that’s clearly in contradiction to the Constitution. It takes away from the Congress and from the Federal Reserve Board the power we have had, the monetary power we have had, and gives it to the President, and it seems to me, as chairman of this com mittee which has the principal monetary responsibility for the Senate, this is a surrender that I don’t think we should ioin in. Now I don’t see why this is essential to this bill. As a matter of fact, it seems to me the Congress can exercise this kind of discipline, but this gives the President, according to this language I have read you, this kind of responsibility, authority and power. Mr. Oswald. I’d like Mr. Schechter to answer that. Mr. Schechter. Mr. Chairman, I believe this gives the President the power to make recommendations to the Board and to the Con gress. One of the objectives of the bill is to coordinate the economic 265 policymaking which the Congress has and in which the Fed un doubtedly plays a role and to bring in the executive branch too. So that I think that section you referred to is a means of trying to get a coordinated policy. The C h a ir m a n . I understand the means and I understand the President is simply asked to make recommendations, but the way this is done—the President, after all, is the President of the United States. He appoints every member of that Board of Governors. He might reappoint some, too and he comes forward and he’s asked in this legislation by the Congress to come forward with his own mone tary proposals. That’s what it says. The monetary policy designed to assure such rates and so forth. That’s in the President’s recom mendation. Then, after the Federal Reserve Board acts and indicates their response to this, then the President is invited to make recom mendations critical of what the Board has done. I think we are set ting up a framework in terms of realism, of what’s going to happen which is, as Dr. Burns said, some guy sitting in the basement of the White House—maybe his name is Ehrlichman or Haldeman or some thing else—is going to be the fellow who’s calling the signals on monetary policy. Mr. S c h e c h t e r . But, Senator, these recommendations would be made to the Congress, too. The President does send many bills up to the Congress and I ’m sure the Congress doesn’t accept everything that is sent up. It would create a dialogue instead of the Fed simply making monetary policy on its own with certain objectives and then coming up here to report what they have done after the fact. We have suffered from that procedure, particularly since the Fed by tradition, or what have you, have insisted on using the one tool of general monetary policy. Another part on page 16 talks policies of credit reform allocation and international capital flows. Now Dr. Madden referred to some of the other countries with which American industry has to compete who are very smart, I believe was the term he used, the Germans and the French, the Swedes and the Japanese—they have all used policies of overall economic planning. The C h a ir m a n . The Germans, the French, the Swedes and the Japanese have a different form of government than we have. They have parliamentary forms of government in which the legislative and the executive ‘are pretty much identical. The legislative elects their executive. We have a democratic form of government and— we separate the authority and the power the President has and the authority and the power the Congress has and most members of Con gress have complained and complained about how the President has taken over so much power. Now in this bill we give him a clear constitutional power of congress. Mr. S c h e c h t e r . B u t we were trying to focus on the power of the Federal Reserve. Certainly the Congress has the authority over the Federal Reserve. The Federal Reserve is a creature of the Congress. The C h a ir m a n . That’s right. Mr. S c h e c h t e r . And these recommendations would go to Con gress. 266 I want to make one other point about these other countries. They do have central banks. They also have in many oases, like France, a national credit committee. The Swedes have what they call a labor market committee which has a voice in the type o f credit regulation that is to be adopted. So that these other countries which have progressed so well, and in certain ways have shown greater strength than our economy in recent years, have used these modifications o f what I would call straightforward monetary policy. The Chairman. I have no objection in having the President—of course, it wouldn’t do any good if I did have—speak out any time he wants to on monetary policy and any President can choose to do that. I don’t want to formalize it and say Congress is saying the President is the one that takes the initiative, as he does on so many other things, to say what the monetary policy will be and then have another double whammy so when they come up with their recom mendation he is required by law to say where the real monetary policy is wrong and where he wants to change it. There are very few boards that will stand up to that. It will be a President determined policy. Mr. Schechter. Senator, as you know, the Credit Act of 1969, the President is also authorized to authorize, not to order, the Federal Reserve Board to regulate credit pretty much in any way it wants, very broad powers in order to fight inflation. So that, in a sense, the President already has powers to-----The Chairman. But I sure don’t want to underline it. You may well be right, but I think we ought to repeal that part of the law, but I don’t feel we ought to give him more power. Now, Mr, Oswald, in your statement—you didn’t read the full statement—you quote the anti-inflationary measures used in Ger many in 1974-1975, the German authorities imposed a temporary moratorium on foreign bond issues in the German market and also prohibited Germany financial institutions from underwriting Euro bond issues that were to be repaid in German marks. Are you suggesting that either o f these would be appropriate now for the United States ? Mr. Oswald. Well, not exactly at this moment in time, but they might be appropriate during periods of tight monetary policy as means o f allocation and getting credit into the areas where it’s re quired. The C hairman. That’s in private capital expenditures. Mr. Oswald. Yes. Part of it is also to build up some sort of a re serve for periods when you have slack in the economy so that you would have in essence an incentive then for investment during periods of high unemployment and use part of the taxing policy as a means o f allocation. The Chairman. The AFL-CIO has been very strongly against wage and price controls I understand. President Meany has indi cated if it applies to everybody across the board comprehensively maybe, but even that he’s somewhat reluctant about, as I understand 267 it. Yet you propose as a supplement to general monetary policy selec tive credit controls. Isn’t that inconsistent? If you’re not going to have wage and price controls, why single out credit for a selective control ? Mr. Schechter. In the use of selective credit controls it isn’t neces sary to monitor the entire economy. What we have in mind is some of the forms of selective Federal regulation that have been used by the Western European countries. That is, during tight money periods they may cause certain types of uses of credit to be deferred. For ex ample, the development of recreational land sites might be deferred for a year and there are other uses and, on the other hand, the prior ity uses have been favored, such as housing construction. The ex amples cited in the testimony of precluding some foreign bonds issue flotations in Germany is another example where the entire economy is by no means regulated, but just by chipping away at some of the edges of credit demand on a lower social priority item it’s possible to have less demand for the credit, keep interest rates low, so that the expansion of the economy, that can be taking place without in flation, can take place without the rise in interest rates which then sends us into a quite a deep recessionary decline. The Chairman. Well, gentlemen, it’s 1:30. We have been in ses sion since 9:30 this morning and I want to thank you very, very much for excellent presentations. By my questions, I didn’t mean to be critical. I did mean to raise points of concern. Thank you very much for your presentation. The committee will stand in recess. [Whereupon, at 1 :30 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.] 73-365 O - 7* - 18 APPENDIX 1 The Committee, under signature of William Proxmire, Chairman, and John Tower, Ranking Minority Member, sent letters similar to the following to selected, well-known economists throughout the country. The replies received prior to printing this volume follow as appendix 1. U.S. S e n a t e , C o m m it t e e on B a n k i n g , H o u s in g a n d U r b a n A f f a i r s , Washington, D.C., May 3, 1976. The Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban A f fairs of the U. S. Senate is expected to begin consideration of S. 50, the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1976 on May 19. This legislation was introduced in the Senate on March 16 by Senator Humphrey and in the House by Congressman Hawkins The Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act is a far-reaching piece of legislation that would, among other things, require the estabUshment of na tional economic goals and mandate the achievement of specific employment targets. A copy of this legislation (in the form of an amendment to S. 50) is enclosed. Also enclosed is a section-by*section analysis of the Bill. In order for the Committee to be fully informed on this important matter, we are soliciting your views and those of other well-known and respected econo mists. We would like to know your opinion regarding: (1) the structure and thrust of this legislation; (2) the possible impact of this legislation on the nation's economy; and (3) any alternatives or changes which may be useful for the Committee to consider. Any other comments that you care to make regarding this bill would be greatly appreciated. Your comments would be of greatest use to the Committee if they are received prior to our hearings on May 19. Unless you have some objection, your comments will be included in the Committee’s published hearing record. Thank you in advance for sharing with the Committee your views on this important matter. Sincerely yours, [De a r D octor ------------ ; W i l l i a m P r o x m ir e , Chairman. John Tower, Ranking Minority Member. D epartm ent E c o n o m ic s , D u k e U n iv e r s ity , of Durham, W.C., May 7, 1976. Hon. John T ower, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. D e a r S e n a t o r T o w e r : Thank you for your request of May 3, as Ranking Minority Member of the Committee on Banking, and Urban Affairs, for my views on S. 50, the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Bill, as amended ozi March 16 The March amendments appear to me to substitute for the relatively straight forward Humphrey-Hawkins employment-gnarantee proposal a somewhat indi gestible mish-mash o f this proposal with the more ambitious Humphrey-Javits National Planning Bill. ^. . .. I see little but confusion to be gained by commingling these two proposals, which have little in common beyond the identities o f their principal sponsors (2 69) 270 I have accordingly answered your request of May 3 with a brief summary of my suggestions for the original Humphrey-Hawkins Bill prior to the extraneous Humphrey-Javits material. My concerns with the Humphrey-Javits Bill are both more important and quite different. They pertain primarily to implementation—to enforcement, if you wilL Suppose that any major industry, or union, or agricultural co-op re fuses to co-operate with the plan, or that a rank and file membership repudiates its own leadership’s adherence to the plan. What happens then? As I see it, either the plan becomes a pretentious and expensive dead letter, “ form al plan ning divorced from action,” or else we take major steps in the direction o f im perative planning along Stalinist, Maoist, or Hitlerite lines. In other words, the whole scheme is a tremendous gamble on a degree of agreement that we have never yet been able to get, or else a first unconscious step in the direction of an economic police state. But these latter objections are not covered at all in the attachments to this letter. I f you, or the Committee, are interested in them, please let me know, and I can outline them for you in approximately the same detail as I attempt to indicate here my reservations about S. 50 in its original form. •With best wishes, I remain Sincerely yours, M A B T IN B b ONFENBBENNEB, Kenan Professor of Economics. Enclosure* A m e n d m e n ts t o F u l l E m p lo y m e n t a n d B a la n c e d G r o w t h B i l l C o n g r e s s ) S u ggested b t M a b t in B b o n f e n b b e n n e b ( K e n a n P E c o n o m i c s , D u k e U w i v e b s i t y , D u r h a m , N.C.) (S. 50, 9 4 th bofessob of I find myself opposed to the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Bill ( S. 50, 94th Congress) unless that bill is amended drastically. The provisions o f the bill are not, in my view, directly inflationary in and of themselves. Nevertheless, the bill's implied guarantee of high employment (regardless o f wage rates) encourages unions to seek inflationary wage increases. Less directly, it also encourages business firms not only to grant such wage increases but also to seek inflationary increases in profit margins over and above their costs. At the same time, I accept two major arguments o f Senator Humphrey, Con gressman Hawkins, and other supporters of the Humphrey-Hawkins Bill. The bill proposes to put people to work at low net cost. It involves decreased welfare and transfer expenditures, which can be charged against increased payrolls in estimating the cost of the bill and of the useful work its beneficiaries may perform. The bill relieves the unemployed of the psychic costs of their uselessness to society and of their losses o f skill. This is particularly important for blacks and other minorities, against whom substantial prejudice persists in many employ ments, and who are concentrated in ghettos inconvenient to desirable jobs. (I understand that Congressman Hawkins’ own constituency is such an area, the Watts section of Los Angeles.) The inflationary consequences I anticipate from the bill’s guaranteed-employment feature can, I believe, be mitigated by a number of amendments. These relate primarily to the wages and working conditions on the public and private employment made available to the bill’s beneficiaries. (The figures below, how ever, are offered only for illustrative purposes. I also relate these proposals only to public employment, but I agree that they should apply to private employ ment as well.) Public employment financed by the provisions of the bill should pay minimum wages (plus transportation from the beneficiary’s residence to his place o f em ployment), or 20 per cent above the beneficiary’s relief entitlement, whichever is greater. Public or semi-public agencies employing beneficiaries of this bill should not reduce the payrolls of their regular employees below the amounts paid at some base date before the bill goes into effect. They should also be permitted to increase their regular payrolls only pari passu with reductions in their employ ment of this bill’s beneficiaries, (The purpose o f this last provision is to dis 271 courage permanent reliance on an underclass of sub-employees provided by the Full Employment Bill but not absorbed into the regular work force.) Beneficiaries of this bill should be subject to the same job discipline as regular employees of the agencies hiring them. In particular, they should be liable to fine, suspension, or dismissal for absenteeism, indiscipline, theft, insubordina tion, etc., on the same basis as regular employees. They should be permitted to form or join unions, to present grievances, and to quit their jobs at any time. They should not, however, have the right to strike. If a man stops work in connection with a grievance or other dispute, he need not be taken back. I should also see the bill amended in two “ research” connections, with a view to giving legislators and students clearer ideas of the dimensions of the real unemployment problem facing the country. If I am informed correctly, we know less than we should about the long term unemployed unemployed for 180 days or more) who should be the princi pal objects of our concern. We do not know, for example, what proportion of these persons is unemployed voluntarily, what proportion is search-unemployed, and what proportion is ac tually unemployed involuntarily. The distinctions between these categories are not completely clear, and economic statisticians may never be able to ascertain them with reasonable accuracy even on a small-sample basis. But we should at least make the attempt, especially if we can agree that only the involuntarily unemployed constitute the genuine unemployment problem. The qualitative distinction between these categories of unemployed is ap proximately the following: One is voluntarily unemployed if he (or she) believes he knows the range of jobs available in his geographical area for which he is qualified, and likewise the wages he may expect to earn if employed. Given this information, he re fuses to accept any of these jobs. He may not withdraw from the labor force entirely, but waits and probes for some job to become available which pays better, is more “ meaningful,” or offers better prospects o f training or advance ment One is search-unemployed if he (or she) does not know with any accuracy the range o f jobs in his area of which he is qualified, or the wages being paid on those jobs. He is rejecting offers on the reasonable belief that they are sub standard, and that better ones are in fact presently available. One is involuntarily unemployed if he (or she) is willing to accept work in his area at going wage rates for jobs for which there is no reasonable doubt of his qualification, but cannot find any vacancies for such jobs. It is my considered belief (which may of course be proved wrong) that the great bulk of our long-term unemployed fail in the first or second of the above categories. I also believe that the third category is the principal one which public policy should worry about, and that the pub-listed statistical and other data on unemployment imply that nearly all the unemployment is long-term unemployment of the involuntary sort. I accordingly suggest that S.50 be amended to provide for a survey (on a small-sample basis at starting) to clarify the magnitude of the unemployment problem, with special reference to long-term involuntary unemployment. At the same time, and also on a sample basis, the long-term unemployed should be surveyed on quite different lines. We should try to determine what proportion are indeed employable at current real wages. It is again my personal belief that a substantial minority of the long-term involuntary unemployed, if not indeed of all the long-term unemployed, are suffering from some sort of bodily, mental, or psychological handicap which renders them unemployable even in the best of times by private industry at American wages on anything other than charitable grounds. The handicaps involved may range from blind ness to cerebral palsy to low I.Q., from illiteracy to poor English to periodic alcoholism, from schizophrenia to ungovernable temper to a criminal record. We should also know, in clarifying the magnitude of the unemployment problem, how much o f it U merely a consequence of problems like those just mentioned, on levels insufficiently acute to warrant confinement to institutions, but com pounded (under American conditions) by a high level o f minimum wages. Once again, I suggest respectfully that S. 50 be amended to include provisions for fSet-finding on a small-sample basis along these lines as well as the lines mentioned above. 272 HABVABD U NIVBBSITY, Department o f Economics, Cambridge Mass. May 18, 1976. Senator W illiam P roxmire, Chairman, Senator J ohn T ower, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. D ear Senators P boxmire and T o web : This is in reply to your request fo r comment on S. 50, the FuU Employment and Balanced Growth Act o f 1976. I appreciate your invitation to send my reaction. The Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act is a response to the central inadequacy of the current approach to economic policy of the Administration: the proposed act seeks out ways to reduce the inflationary bias o f the economy. The present approach relies almost exclusively on sustaining a high rate o f unemployment until the fires of inflation have been banked. High unemployment rates take a heavy social toll, particularly on those potential workers most disadvantaged in the competition for jobs. S. 50 asserts, that there are ways by which we can improve the unemployment-inflation tradeoff, that there is nothing inevitable about continued high unemployment. The specific measures recommended in S. 50 address themselves to many of the long-recognized structural problems. The emphasis on new means to reduce youth unemployment and other policies to focus on particular groups among the unemployed is certainly well placed. The national unemployment rate can not be lowered to desirable levels until the particular problems o f higb-unemployment groups are solved. The bill is also wise in not attempting to legislate specific programs, but leaving that function to the traditional departments and committees. A central feature of the bill is the setting of a fuU-emplopment goal calling for an unemployment rate not in excess of 3% o f adult Americans in the civilian labor force wiithin four years of enactment. This goal is only attain able if women have equal job opportunities with men and have an equally firm attachment to the labor force. I assume that the definition of adult worker means 20 years and over. The goal will also require that the unemployment rates for nonwhites approximate the rate for whites. These are very ambitious social targets. It is easy to reduce the unemployment rate for adult white males to 3%, indeed, this rate averaged near 2% for four years in the 1960's during the Vietnam War, But it will take bold action and much progress to achieve equal job results for females and non whites. The bill also calls for reports and plans to assure that various departments of government are working to achieve the full employment goals. Some o f the deadlines are too early to make it possible to present meaningful plans, and there probably should also be a better balance between plans and evaluations. It would be a grave mistake to raise the hopes of the public beyond what the actions of government are actually likely to be or what accomplishments will actually be realized. There are various other issues in the bill. Nothing much