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ESSAYS ON ISSUES

THE FEDERAL RESERVE BANK
OF CHICAGO

NOVEMBER 2007
NUMBER 244a

Chicago Fed Letter
The Mixing of Banking and Commerce: A conference summary
by Nisreen H. Darwish, regulatory associate economist, and Douglas D. Evanoff, vice president and senior financial economist

Acquisitions of industrial loan corporations by commercial firms have renewed the debate
over the separation between banking and commerce in the U.S. On May 16–18, 2007,
policymakers and academics weighed in on this debate during the Chicago Fed’s 43rd annual
Conference on Bank Structure and Competition, titled The Mixing of Banking and Commerce.

Recent efforts by Wal-Mart, Home Depot,

For more information on the
Bank Structure Conference,
see www.chicagofed.org/
BankStructureConference.

and other commercial firms to acquire
industrial loan corporations (ILCs),
which are insured by the Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation (FDIC), have
focused attention on ILCs in particular
and the mixing of banking and commerce
in general. Various interest groups, including community activists, labor unions,
and business groups, and some members of Congress opposed those ILC
applications. In response, in July 2006
the FDIC announced a six-month moratorium on all ILC applications. It extended the moratorium an additional
year for nonfinancial firms in January
2007 and encouraged Congress to address the issue through legislation.
The separation of commerce and banking was codified in the United States with
the passage of the Glass–Steagall Act of
1933 and the Bank Holding Company Act
of 1956. The ILCs represent an exception
to this prohibition: Federal legislation
explicitly allows commercial firms to acquire and operate an ILC without being
subject to the same supervision and oversight by the Federal Reserve as other
bank holding companies. These firms
can operate nearly identically to commercial banks, with deposit-taking and
lending powers, as well as direct access
to the federal safety net.
The recent proliferation of ILCs raises
important public policy issues. It is often

argued that the U.S. has maintained the
separation of banking and commerce out
of concern that the mixing of such activities could have adverse effects, resulting
from a rise in anticompetitive practices,
a misallocation of credit, a reduction in
credit availability in local communities,
a loss in consumer privacy, or an overburdening of the federal banking regulators’ supervisory resources. On the
other hand, advocates of the banking
and commerce mix argue that it would
allow for greater risk diversification, help
reduce information costs, and solve certain asymmetric information and control
problems associated with commercial
lending. This could present opportunities
for synergies in cross-selling, provide
consumers with “one-stop-shopping,”
and help U.S. banks remain internationally competitive, since such affiliations
are common in other industrialized
economies. This Chicago Fed Letter summarizes the discussion from this year’s
Bank Structure Conference on whether
banking and commerce should mix and
what the implications would be for policymakers, bankers, and consumers.1
Should banking and commerce mix?

Charles Calomiris, Columbia University,
started the discussion, citing various
risks associated with mixing commerce
and banking, including the risk that a
bank might lend preferentially to its
affiliate or parent or that it might not

lend to competitors of its commercial
affiliate. A bank might also inappropriately marshal resources in support of a
failing commercial parent or affiliate,
which could jeopardize the bank’s safety,
potentially imposing costs on the deposit
insurance fund. However, Calomiris argued that, while these may be legitimate
concerns for countries where competition
and prudential regulation are weak, they
merit little concern in the U.S. “We have
a highly competitive and very effective
system, both in terms of bank competition and regulatory oversight,” he explained, “and we already have very ample
mechanisms from a regulatory standpoint, and from a private market competition standpoint, to deal with these
potential risks.”

suffer economically. More power will devolve to fewer and fewer hands, and economic diversity will wither, and with it,
choices. While population centers may
flourish, the decline of rural and small
town America will accelerate. … The less
advantaged of our society will become
even more disadvantaged.” In Fine’s
opinion, banks play a unique role in financial systems, and they should not be combined and integrated into commercial
and mercantile businesses. Relaxing the
current restrictions would result in large,
monopolistic conglomerates, with adverse
effects for the consumer and society.
Cantwell Muckenfuss, Gibson, Dunn, and
Crutcher LLP, questioned the potential
for large conglomerate enterprises with

The 44th annual Bank Structure Conference will be held
May 14–16, 2008, at the InterContinental Hotel in Chicago, IL.
Rather, Calomiris said the combination
of banking and commerce would be beneficial as it would enhance technological
innovation. “We have to take seriously
the possibility that important innovations
that might benefit consumers … might
come from outside the banking system,
as they have in the past,” he remarked.
Further, he said that new entrants “have
incentives to come in very aggressively
because of the potential to skim the
cream. That is, to get the profitable
customers right away.”

substantial economic power to result
from the mixing of banking and commerce. In his view, the concentration of
market power argument is misplaced,
given the structure and dynamics of the
economy and antitrust laws. Muckenfuss
argued that, instead of harming rural
markets and underserved markets, the
competition provided by the entry of
major nonfinancial firms into banking
and financial services would be beneficial
for consumers, particularly those underserved by existing banking organizations.

Calomiris contended that the mixing of
commerce and banking would be very
profitable because banking is a network
business. “The microeconomics of this is
the microeconomics of networks, not the
microeconomics of scale per se, or of
scope, in some technological sense,” he
argued. “That’s what is going to be driving … the mixing of commerce and banking. It’s going to be on the consumer
side. Very small entrants with good, big
ideas on the technology side.”

Muckenfuss also dismissed other concerns related to the mixing of banking
and commerce, such as the implications
for the expansion of the federal safety
net, potential problems with conflicts of
interest, and unfair competition. Like
Calomiris, Muckenfuss argued that these
were not significant problems. The supervisory process; the existing rules governing affiliate transactions; the application
process for new entrants; and the use of
conditions to ensure the integrity, independence, and separateness of the bank
within its corporate family, he asserted,
amply address such concerns and insulate the bank. He was more concerned
with the potential for piecemeal legislation
by Congress that will leave a bifurcated

Camden Fine, Independent Community
Bankers of America, took a very different
perspective. If banking and commerce are
allowed to mix, Fine argued, “Over time,
the individual, the small business owner,
small towns, and rural countryside will

structure of regulation and supervision,
with some existing ILCs being “grandfathered” and new ones being outlawed.
Mark Tenhundfeld, American Bankers
Association, agreed with Fine’s position
that banks are special. A unique feature
of banks is their pivotal role in credit markets and their obligation to serve as neutral arbiters of credit. His argument was
fundamentally straightforward: Confidence in the banking system is of paramount importance. “If we don’t have
confidence in our banks,” Tenhundfeld
said, “we have a very big problem. And
that, in a nutshell, is why we separate
banking from commerce.”
According to Tenhundfeld, there are two
ways ILC affiliations, and the mixing of
banking and commerce more generally,
could undermine confidence in the
banking system. First, the mixing could
undermine the independence and neutrality of banks as rational, independent
arbiters in the allocation of credit. The
bank’s credit decision could be based on
factors other than the creditworthiness
of the borrower. “When conflicts of interest are at play,” stated Tenhundfeld,
“the question of what’s rational takes on
a different complexion. The decision
no longer is confined to whether it will
benefit the bank. Indeed, it may become
perfectly rational for a bank to act in a
way that benefits the overall corporate
entity, but is not in the bank’s best interest.” He argued that when a bank extends
credit to an affiliate, customers of an
affiliate, or suppliers of an affiliate, the
credit judgment will be influenced by
the affiliated relationship, and not the
standard credit elements.
A second way that confidence in the banking system could be undermined would
be by allowing a commercial entity to
benefit from the bank’s preferred status
because of its access to the federal safety
net. For example, a commercial entity
could transfer low-quality or high-risk
assets to the bank or sell them to the bank
at inflated prices. Alternatively, the bank
may provide guarantees to the parent’s
creditors, thereby conferring on the
parent the benefits of the bank’s status
as an insured depository institution.
“Conceivably,” Tenhundfeld said, “the

limited liability of banks could create risks
for a bank in situations where the exposure of a nonbank affiliate exceeds the
capital or net worth of the bank. In such
a situation, the parent may conclude that
it is in the consolidated entity’s best interest to transfer the loss to the bank.”
Finally, Thomas Huertas, Financial
Services Authority in the UK, described
what he thought made banks unique and
how the U.S. regulation concerning
acceptable banking activities, ownership,
and affiliation with commercial firms
differs from that in the UK and the
European Union (EU). In the EU,
commercial firms, including many firms
headquartered in the U.S., own banks.
Increasingly, Huertas argued, technology
and market developments are blurring the
distinction between banks and nonbanks.
For example, the EU defines a bank as an
institution that grants credit for its own
account, receives deposits from the public,
and has a banking license. However,
commercial enterprises extend credit for
their own account via trade credit and
delayed payment terms, private placements, and commercial paper. They can
issue liabilities that are very similar to deposits, although not technically classified
as deposits. They are also able to develop
bank-like arrangements. For example,
PayPal has over 100 million customers
that are able to send and receive payments, hold balances, and even withdraw
cash from ATMs. Thus, commercial
firms can and do engage in bankinglike activities.
Huertas addressed the following question to the conference: “If conflicts of
interest can be managed, if connected
lending can be regulated, and if commercial enterprises can be considered
fit and proper owners of banks—as EU
legislation and experience suggest—
should the U.S. consider removing the
barriers to allowing affiliation between
banks and commercial firms?”
Evaluating the potential impact of
mixing banking and commerce

In addition to the theme panel discussion,
empirical work on the potential impact
of mixing banking and commerce on risk
diversification, market structure, and bank
service prices was also presented.2

Hsin-Yu Liang and Alan Reichert, both
of Cleveland State University, and Larry
Wall, Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta,
analyzed the potential diversification benefits of combining banking services with
the provision of other financial and nonfinancial activities. Financial theory says
that combining assets in an efficient portfolio allows an investor to obtain the same
return at lower risk, or higher returns for
the same risk, relative to that obtained
with any individual asset. The researchers
set out to see how substantial the potential
gains are and which industries combined
with banking provide the best risk–return
trade-offs.
Using corporate income tax returns from
the Internal Revenue Service for 1994–
2002, Liang, Reichert, and Wall calculated
the return on equity and return on assets
for each of ten major industry categories,
as well as the standard deviation and coefficient of variation of those returns as
alternative industry risk measures. They
then calculated the correlation of returns
across the ten industry categories to evaluate the impact of combining banking
with other sectors.
The results suggest that increasing returns
could have been accomplished with minimum risk by combining banks with either
one of the construction, retail, or wholesale sectors. Expanding the analysis to
allow for broader diversification across
all industry groups indicated that the
potential for higher returns at the same
level of risk was even greater. As risk and
return increased, the efficient portfolio
had banking combined with an increasing
share of these same three industry sectors.
Thus, they argued, the potential benefits from banking diversification appear
to be quite significant.
As noted earlier, Wal-Mart’s application
to establish an ILC has raised significant
concerns about its potential effect on banking competition. Since bank branches
in retail stores have proliferated recently,
and since Wal-Mart is the largest retailer
in the U.S. with a substantial market presence in many markets, the potential effect of a Wal-Mart-owned depository
institution on market structure and competition could be significant. To gain
some insight into the potential effect of

a Wal-Mart-owned depository institution,
Robert Adams, Robert Avery, and Ron
Borzekowski, all of the Federal Reserve
Board, analyzed the impact of branches
of depository institutions that already
operate inside Wal-Mart stores. While the
analysis does not reveal how an actual
Wal-Mart bank would function, it does
reveal how important branch locations
within Wal-Mart stores are to banks that
operate them.
Using FDIC Summary of Deposits data
and private information on branches
located in Wal-Mart stores, the researchers
found that in 1994 there were only seven
bank branches located in Wal-Mart stores.
By 2006, the number had grown to over
1,100 branches operated by some 300
distinct institutions. To see if the depositgenerating power of these bank offices
differed from that of other new bank
offices, the researchers examined changes
in local market deposit shares following the introduction of bank offices in
Wal-Mart facilities compared with the
changes resulting when the same banks
opened other branches (non-Wal-Mart
offices) over the period 1994–2006.
The study separately analyzed the impact
in rural markets and metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs). The results for firsttime market entrants (versus banks
Charles L. Evans, President; Daniel G. Sullivan,
Senior Vice President and Director of Research; Douglas
Evanoff, Vice President, financial studies; Jonas Fisher,
Economic Advisor and Team Leader, macroeconomic
policy research; Richard Porter, Vice President, payment
studies; Daniel Aaronson, Economic Advisor and
Team Leader, microeconomic policy research; William
Testa, Vice President, regional programs, and Economics
Editor; Helen O’D. Koshy, Kathryn Moran, and
Han Y. Choi, Editors; Rita Molloy and Julia Baker,
Production Editors.
Chicago Fed Letter is published monthly by the
Research Department of the Federal Reserve
Bank of Chicago. The views expressed are the
authors’ and are not necessarily those of the
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago or the Federal
Reserve System.
© 2007 Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
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ISSN 0895-0164

expanding within a market) show that
an institution opening a new branch in
a rural market has, on average, about 6%
market share within a year, which grows
to approximately 9% in five years. Entering the market by introducing a branch
in a Wal-Mart store results in a share
“premium” of approximately 2% for each
of the first five years of operation. The
premium is not found in MSAs, where,
in fact, the share gains from Wal-Mart
branches are lower than in other markets. However, when market expansion
occurs through the introduction of a
Wal-Mart branch (instead of first-time
entry), a similar premium is found across
both urban and rural markets. The researchers argued that it is the complementarity of Wal-Mart branches with
an existing distribution channel that
makes the in-store locations valuable.
Finally, Li Hao, Debarshi Nandy, and
Gordon Roberts, all of York University,
presented the results from their crosscountry study that assessed the extent to
which a country’s bank regulation and
supervisory practices affect the pricing of
loans to borrowers in that country. Specifically, controlling for countries’ legal and
institutional characteristics, the researchers looked at how the integration of banking and commerce and the concentration
of the banking sector impact loan pricing.
Integration could lead to better loan terms
because of stronger lender–borrower

relationships and informational advantages that could lead to more efficient
monitoring. The potential impact of market concentration is unclear. A more
concentrated industry could result in
higher loan prices if greater concentration is associated with the exploitation
of market power—the “market power”
hypothesis. Alternatively, market concentration may have resulted from the moreefficient firms growing to optimal size, and
the resulting cost savings could be passed
on in the form of lower loan prices—
the “efficient structure” hypothesis.
Analyzing over 54,000 loan facilities in
49 countries for the 1989–2004 period,
Hao, Nandy, and Roberts found that domestic lenders charge lower loan spreads
as the degree of integration of banking
and commerce increases. In those countries with a higher level of integration,
however, foreign lenders charge higher
spreads. They argued that this results
from the foreign banks’ inferior lending
relationships and a resulting need to exercise greater loan monitoring relative
to the domestic lenders.
The benefit of lower loan costs received
from domestic lenders due to banking
and commerce integration vanishes in
countries with high banking concentration. In these countries, foreign lenders
charge lower loan spreads and provide
more favorable contract terms. This aligns

with the “efficient structure” argument:
The more-efficient foreign banks grow
more rapidly, and they are able to pass on
the efficiency gains in lower loan spreads.
Conclusion

The future of ILCs and the potential
for allowing the mixing of banking and
commerce in the U.S. remain unclear.
Congress plans to address the issue, but
legislation has yet to be fully developed.
The FDIC has extended the moratorium
on nonfinancial ILCs, and some FDIC
board members have suggested that unless
Congress addresses the issue by the end
of the moratorium, it would be difficult
for regulators to justify denying future ILC
applications. The development of sound
public policy should be based on sound
economic reasoning. The goal of the
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago’s 43rd
annual Conference on Bank Structure
and Competition was to help develop
and debate that economic reasoning.
1

The conference addressed a number of
additional issues, including Basel II capital
regulation, payday lending activity, the changing real estate markets, risk management,
financial stability, banking industry structure,
and government-sponsored enterprises.

2

Papers are available in Federal Reserve
Bank of Chicago, 2007, Proceedings of the
43rd Annual Conference on Bank Structure
and Competition: The Mixing of Banking
and Commerce, forthcoming.