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U. S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
JAMES J. DAVIS, SECRETARY

WOMEN’S BUREAU
MARY ANDERSON, Director

BULLETIN OF THE WOMEN’S BUREAU, NO. 24

WOMEN IN MARYLAND
INDUSTRIES

A Study of Hours and
Working Conditions

gSw73?

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1922

[Public—No. 259—66th Congress.]

[H. R. 13229.]
AN ACT To establish, in the Department of Labor a bureau to be known as the
Women’s Bureau.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled, That there shall be
established in the Department of Labor a bureau to be known as the
Women’s Bureau.
Sec. 2. That the said bureau shall be in charge of a director, a
woman, to be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and
consent of the Senate, who shall receive an annual compensation of
$5,000. It shall be the duty of said bureau to formulate standards
and policies which shall promote the welfare of wage-earning women,
improve their working conditions, increase their efficiency, and
advance their opportunities for profitable employment. The said
bureau shall have authority to investigate and report to the said
department upon all matters pertaining to the welfare of women in
industry. The director of said bureau may from time to time pub
lish the results of these investigations in such a manner and to such
extent as the Secretary of Labor may prescribe.
Sec. 3. That there shall be in said bureau an’ assistant director, to
bo appointed by the Secretary of Labor, who shall receive an annual
compensation of $3,500 and shall perform such duties as shall be
prescribed by the director and approved by the Secretary of Labor.
Sec. 4. That there is hereby authorized to be employed by said
bureau a chief clerk and such special agents, assistants, clerics, and
other employees at such rates of compensation and in such numbers
as Congress may from time to time provide by appropriations.
Sec. 5. That the Secretary of Labor is hereby directed to furnish
sufficient quarters, office furniture, and equipment for the work of
this bureau.
Sec. 6. That this act shall take effect and be in force from and
after its passage.
Approved, June 5, 1920.

U. S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
JAMES J. DAVIS, SECRETARY

WOMEN’S BUREAU
MARY ANDERSON, Director

BULLETIN OF THE WOMEN’S BUREAU, NO. 24

WOMEN IN MARYLAND
INDUSTRIES

A Study of Hours and
Working Conditions

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1922

ADDITIONAL COPIES
OF THIS PUBLICATION MAY BE PROCURED FROM
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AT

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CONTENTS.
Page.

Letter of transmittal......................._.....................................................................
Part I. Introduction................................................................................................
Scope and method............................................................................................
Summary...........................................................................................................
Conclusion.........................................................................................................
Part II. The clothing industry...............................................................................
Part III. Working conditions.................................................................................
Buildings and workrooms.................................................................................
Hazard and strain................... .«......................................................................
Sanitation..........................................................................................................
Service facilities...............................................................................................
Employment and training...............................................................................
Part IV. Hours........................................................................................................
Daily.................................................................................................................
Weekly..............................................................................................................
Saturday............................................................................................................
Rest intervals and vacations............................................................................
Posting of hours................................................................................................
Restaurant hours...............................................................................................
Part V. The workers...............................................................................................
Nativity.............................................................................................................
Age.....................................................................................................................
Time in the. trade.............................................................................................
Time with present employer............................................................................
Conjugal and living conditions........................................................................
Appendix—General tables...........................

5
7
7
11
13
15
19
20
28
31
37
40
47
48
51
56
57
62
62
71
71
72
74
75
76
80

TEXT TABLES.
Table 1.

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

Nufhber of establishments and number of employees, by sex, race,
and industry.........................................................................................
Scheduled daily hours of women, by industry—Monday to Friday..
Scheduled weekly hours of women,by industry...................................
Weekly hours of women employeesin restaurants................................
Number of women employees in restaurants working 6 days or 7 days
a week classified by average dailyhours...........................................
Daily over-all hours of women restaurant employees with regular
hours....................................................................................................

9
49
.'362

64
66

APPENDIX TABLES.
Table

I. Scheduled weekly hours of men and women, by industry...........
II. Saturday hour's, by industry...........................................................
III. Weekly hours of full-time women restaurant employees, who
worked a 6-day or 7-day week....................................................
IV. Number of full-time regular women employees in restaurants,
working classified daily hours for a 6-day and 7-day week, by
occupation......................................................................................
V. Beginning, ending, and over-all hours of full-time regular women
employees in restaurants, bylength of time off duty.................

80
84
86

86
86

4
Table

CONTENTS.

VI.

VII.
VIII.
IX.
X.
XI.
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
XV.

Weekly hours of women employees in restaurants, whose hours
were irregular, classified by longest daily over-all hours.........
Beginning, ending, and over-all hours on day or days with longest
over-all hours of full-time irregular women employees, by length
of time off duty...................... .....................................................
Over-all hours for one or more days in the week of women restau
rant employees whose hours were irregular, classified by the
time off duty.................................................................................
Nativity, by industry.....................................................................
Age, by industry..............................................................................
Age at beginning work, by industry..............................................
Time in the trade, by industry.....................................................
Time with present employer, byindustry.....................................
Conjugal condition, by industry....................................................
Living condition, by industry.......................................................

91
91

93
93
94
94
95
95

96
96

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL.

United States Department of Labor,
Women’s Bureau,

Washington, May 12, 1922.
Sir: I have the honor to submit the accompanying report giving

the results of the survey of hours and conditions of work of women
in selected industries in 15 cities and towns in the State of Maryland.
This investigation was made at the request of Gov. Albert C.
Ritchie. Valuable assistance and cooperation was given by the
commissioner of the State board of labor statistics, the inspector of
buildings in Baltimore, the State and Baltimore city departments
of health, the industrial accident commission, the Consumers’ League,
the Young Women’s Christian Association, certainlabor organizations,
and the Community Council of Hagerstown.
The survey was directed by Caroline Manning, in charge, assisted
by May R. Lane, Elisabeth D. Benham, Edith G. Knowles, Mary H.
Turner, and Lenore Leins. The statistical material was prepared
under the direction of Elizabeth A. Hyde, and the report was written
by Mary V. Robinson.
Respectfully submitted.
Mary Anderson, Director.
Hon. James J. Davis,
Secretary of Labor.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES
PART I.
INTRODUCTION.
This survey of the hours and working conditions of women in
Maryland industries was made by the Women’s Bureau of the United
States Department of Labor upon the invitation of the governor of
the State. The League of Women Voters of Maryland was influential
in instigating the study. During the survey various officials and
organizations in the State were consulted, including the commissioner
of the State board of labor and statistics, the inspector of buildings in
Baltimore, the State and Baltimore city departments of health, the
industrial accident commission, the Consumers’ League, the Young
Women’s Christian Association of Baltimore, certain labor organiza
tions, and the Community Council of Hagerstown. The courtesy and
cooperation extended on all sides to the representatives of the Women’s
Bureau greatly facilitated the work of the survey. The field in
vestigation was begun May 9 and continued until June 25, 1921, with
a supplemental investigation for a few days in July.
The survey did not include a study of wages. The period of the
investigation was characterized by a general depression which had
been crippling industry for many months. Wages, in consequence,
were exceedingly unstable, with a steadily downward trend. Many
establishments had made a reduction in the number of workers
employed and others had cut the daily and weekly working hours
below the normal schedule.1 Accordingly, current data on women’s
earnings would not have been adequately representative of wages paid
to women in the Maryland industries investigated.
SCOPE AND METHOD.

Investigations were made in 15 cities and towns scattered through
out the State and listed below in descending scale according to the
population:
Baltimore.
Cumberland.
Hagerstown.
Annapolis.

Salisbury.
Cambridge.
Frostburg.
Havre de Grace.

Elkton.
Lonaconing.
Alberton.
Oella.

Luke.
Ilchester.
Parsonsburg.

1 In tho hour data secured in this survey, however, the normal working hours of each plant visited were
recorded.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

The great difference between the industrial status of Baltimore and
that of the other cities and towns in the State has made it advisable
to treat Baltimore separately in certain parts of this report. In all,
240 establishments were visited. Of these, 142 were in Baltimore and
98 in the rest of the State. The survey covered manufacturing and
mercantile establishments, laundries, and restaurants. Canneries
were not included, partly because the time of the investigation was not
coincident with the height of the canning season and partly because
the industry differing in so many respects from other types of manu
facturing, requires individual treatment. The manufacturing plants
visited covered a wide range, producing paper and wooden boxes,
candy, cigars, men’s clothing, women’s and children’s clothing, glass,
hats, hosiery, meat products, metal products, textiles, umbrellas, and
yarn and thread. Printing and publishing plants also were included.
Industries represented by fewer than 3 establishments and for that
reason grouped under the heading “miscellaneous,” were the manu
facture of brushes, chemicals, artificial flowers, food products, fur
niture, gloves, mattresses, paper, pianos, rubber tires, shoes, sparklers,
soda straws, and tents and awnings. The mercantile establishments
included department stores, 5-and-10-cent stores, and a few specialty
shops. The restaurants inspected were of many types—cafes,
cafeterias, tea rooms, dairy lunch rooms, restaurants, and lunch
counters in department and 5-and-10-cent stores.
An effort was made to select a proportional number as well as
representative establishments, that is, large, small, and average in
each industry, taking into consideration the size and importance of
the industry in the State.
Definite information about numbers of employees, hours, and
working conditions was scheduled by the investigators from inter
views with employers and from inspection of plants. Such infor
mation was supplemented by facts about age, nativity, experience in
the trade, and conjugal and living conditions of employees, obtained
on printed cards distributed throughout the plants. Furthermore,
visits made by investigators to a number of the women workers in
their homes furnished a human background for the industrial study.
The following table gives the total number of men, women, and
children employed at the time of the investigation in the various
plants visited:

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.
Table 1.—Number

of establishments and number of employees, by sex, race, andindustry.
BALTIMORE.
Number of
employees.

Number in each specified group who were—

W •

Industry.

Male adults.

Female
adults.

Boys
under 16.

2%
Manufacturing:
Boxes, paper.....................
Boxes, wooden..................
Candy.................................
Cigars.................................
Clothing, men’s................
Clothing, women’s and
children’s.......................
Hats, men’s straw............
Meat products...................
Printing and publishing..
Metal products..................
Textiles..............................
Umbrellas..........................
Miscellaneous.....................
General mercantile..................
5-and-10 and 25-cent stores__
Laundries.................................
Restaurants..............................
All industries.................

Girls
under 16.

£a>

277
199
605
935
2,180

11 !
45
19
110
5
184
12
117
61 1,256

587
1,181
563
96
2,974
2,330
195
1,935
3,909
157
240
335

53
69
72

28
19
3
297
267

142 18,698

17
51

121

169
286
488
67
1,797
1,125
45
1,229
977
19
96
149

1231
180
4
80
58

1,382

8,159

630

328

60
5
17
5

217
58
380
818
922
416
879
75
27
967
1,156
139
631

41
7
13
49
50
12

153

57
27

3
39
97

138
142
186

172
87
7
248
63

9,839

742

343

7
2
10
2

7
10
3

1
1

1
2

2,688

36
147

357

STATE EXCLUSIVE OF BALTIMORE.
Manufacturing:
Clothing, women’s and

679

4
3
5
9
20
16
8
10
10

143
401
263
1,213
3,095
413
73
474
89

98 2 6,843

596

67
6
2
21
29

11
305
35
530
2,472
129
8
126
28

3
67
4
1
4
16

128
89
219
663
618
284
63
345
61

2
1
17
13

148 2 3,709

3,066

13
4

1 Includes 1 paper box, 1 metal products, and 2 printing and publishing plants.
2 Includes 96 men who were night workers (48 in textiles and 48 in glass).

From the foregoing table it will be seen that the total number of
women and girls in the establishments visited was 14,097; of these,
77.6 per cent, or over three-fourths, were in Baltimore. In the
Baltimore establishments they constituted 54.5 per cent of the total
working force, as compared with 45.2 per cent in the rest of the
State. In the State as a whole, somewhat over two-thirds of the
women and girls (68.1 per cent) were employed in manufacturing
establishments, slightly less than one-fourth (24.2 per cent) in mer
cantile establishments, and small proportions (5.3 and 2.3 per cent,
respectively) in laundries and restaurants. The largest group of
women and girls in the manufacturing industries was in the garment
factories,2 constituting 22.5 per cent of the total number reported in
2 These include the men’s and the women’s and children’s clothing establishments.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

the survey of manufacturing plants. These persons were distributed
in 57 establishments. The textile mills show the next largest group
(19.5 per cent), distributed in only 15 plants.
The percentage of negro women and girls in the establishments
visited was small, 5.6 per cent of the total number of female employ
ees. The only industry in Baltimore where the number of negro
women was greater than the number of white was laundries, where
63.6 per cent of the women employees were negroes. In striking
contrast were the laundries in the rest of the State, with negro
women constituting only 4.7 per cent of the women reported in that
industry. Restaurants, with 17.6 per cent of the women negroes,
showed the largest proportion of negro women employees in any
industry in the State exclusive of Baltimore.
The proportion of girls under 16 years of age in the industries
visited also was small, doubtless smaller than usual on account of
the large amount of unemployment. According to the figures given
by managers 3 the number of girls under 16 formed only 2.8 per cent
of the female employees in the survey. The proportion of girls under
16 in Baltimore (3.3 per cent) was higher than in the rest of the
State (1.3 per cent).
In Baltimore 41.2 per cent of the girls under 16 were in the general
mercantile establishments, but they formed only 5 per cent of the
total number of women in these establishments. Wooden-box
factories, with 27.2 per cent of their women under 16 years of age,
showed the largest proportion in any one industry, followed by
candy, with 8.8 per cent. No girls under 16 were reported in cigar,
meat-product, and printing establishments, nor in 5-and-10-cent
stores,4 restaurants, and laundries.
In the State exclusive of Baltimore only 40 girls under 16 were
reported, but 42.5 per cent of these were in the garment factories.
Girls under 16 comprised only 2.2 per cent of the total number of
women in this industry, however, as compared with 3.1 per cent in
the hosiery establishments, the industry with the highest proportion
of women in this age group. Glass factories, general mercantile
establishments, and restaurants reported no girls under 16.
3 The statements of managers were accepted in regard to the numbers of employees under 16; the investi
gators made no attempt at verification, either by consulting records or by questioning employees.
4 On the personal record cards, which were obtained for almost one-half of the women in the survey, five
girls in the 5-and-10-cent stores in Baltimore (Table X, p. 94, appendix) gave their age as under 16.

SUMMARY.

Number of cities and towns, 15; number of establishments, 240.
Workers.
1. Number of women and girls included in the survey, 14,097.
2. Proportion of negro women, 5.6 per cent.
3. Proportion of girls under 16 years of age, 2.8 per cent.
4. Distribution of women:5 68.1 percent in manufacturing, 24.2
per cent in mercantile, 5.3 per cent in laundries, 2.3 per cent in restau
rants.
5. Largest group of women in any one manufacturing industry was
in garment factories, 22.5 per cent.
6. Of the 6,527 women whose nativity was ascertained, only 6 per
cent were foreign born.
7. Of the 6,571 women reporting their conjugal condition, 67.6
per cent were single, 18 per cent married, and 14.4 per cent widowed,
divorced, or separated.
8. Of 6,720 women reporting their living condition, 87.9 per cent
were living at home and 12.1 per cent were living independently.
9. Of the 6,519 women reporting their age, 35.7 per cent were
under 20 years, 35.8 per cent were 20 and under 30, 14.5 per cent
were 30 and under 40, and 14 per cent were 40 years and over. Of
6,492 women reporting their age at beginning work, 71.1 per cent
were less than 17 years of age at that time.
Working conditions.

1. General workroom conditions in 240 plants were as follows:
(a) Crowded condition of workers and machinery in 54 plants.
(b) Cleaning of workrooms unsatisfactory in 116 plants.
(c) Lighting inadequate in some respect in 210 plants. Natural
lighting inadequate in 60; artificial lighting inadequate in 72; both
natural and artificial lighting inadequate in 78.
(d) Ventilation inadequate in 52 plants.
(e) Seating unsatisfactory in 115 plants. No seats for women in
18 plants, insufficient number of seats in 92 plants, some or all seats
without backs in 99.
2. The investigation of hazard and strain revealed:
(a) Occupational or workroom hazard or both in 97 plants.
(b) A possible strain for some or all of the women in a considerable
number of plants.
5 Unless otherwise specified, the term “women” includes girls.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

(c) Obvious fire hazards in 148 plants.
3. The need for improved sanitation is shown by the following:
(a) Drinking facilities inadequate in 172 plants.
(b) Washing facilities inadequate in 208 plants. Only 26 plants
were reported as having a combination of hot water, soap, and indi
vidual towels.
(c) Toilet facilities inadequate in 213 plants. An insufficient
number of toilets in 87 plants, ventilation of toilets unsatisfactory
in 86 plants, cleaning of toilets unsatisfactory in 65 plants.
4. The record of service facilities show:
(a) No employees’ lunch room of any sort in 198 plants.
(b) No rest room in 203 plants.
(c) Facilities for wraps inadequate in 157 establishments.
Cd) No first-aid equipment, or a very inadequate one, in 116 plants.
A hospital room reported in only 30 plants, a nurse in attendance
in 15, a doctor in 2, and health records in 17.
Hours.0
1. Daily.—The Monday to Friday hours of 213 establishments
(restaurants excluded) showed:
(ia) A schedule of 8 hours or less in 74 establishments, affecting 31.9
per cent of the total number of women.
(b) A schedule of more than 8 hours in 141 establishments, affecting
68.1 per cent of the total number of women.
(c) A schedule of 10 hours in 18 establishments, affecting 4 per cent
of the total number of women.
2. Weekly.—The records for 208 establishments67 (restaurants
excluded) showed:
(a) A schedule of 48 hours or less in 104 establishments, affecting
56.9 per cent of the total number of women.
(b) A schedule of more than 48 hours in 107 establishments,
affecting 43.1 per cent of the total number of women.
(c) A schedule of more than 54 hours in 21 establishments, affecting
5.3 per cent of the total number of women.
3. Saturday hours (restaurants excluded).—On Saturday there was
a full or longer-than-usual schedule in 47 establishments, a half
holiday in 144 establishments, and no work for women in 18 estab
lishments.
4. Restaurant hours.—The records for 264 women restaurant em
ployees, 191 in Baltimore and 73 in the State exclusive of Baltimore,
show:
6 In several instances some of the women in an establishment had a different daily and weekly schedule
from the rest of the women working therein; therefore these establishments are counted more than once.
7 Five establishments were too irregular in their weekly hours to be included.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES,

(а) A 7-day week for 29.5 per cent of the total number, comprising
about one-tenth of those in Baltimore as opposed to over threefourths of those outside Baltimore.
(б) A schedule of more than 48 hours a week for 43.9 per cent of
the total number, comprising one-fourth of those in Baltimore as
opposed to slightly over nine-tenths of those outside.
(c) A schedule of more than 60 hours a week for 14 per cent of the
total number, comprising 5.2 per cent of those in Baltimore as opposed
to 37 per cent of those outside Baltimore.
(d) An average working day of more than 8 hours for 36 per cent
of the total number, comprising a little more than one-fifth (21.5 per
cent) of those in Baltimore as opposed to a little less than three-fourths
(74 per cent) of those outside Baltimore.
CONCLUSION.

The great bulk of the women wage earners included in this survey
of Maryland industries were white and American born; they were of
all ages, of every conjugal condition, and engaged in a variety of
industries. They may be considered representative of the thousands
of women gainfully employed in industry in the State.
The detailed analysis of the information secured has brought to
the surface the most striking features and has made conspicuous cer
tain defects which demand attention. Accordingly, throughout the
pages of the report special stress has been laid upon the unsatisfactory
conditions encountered by the investigators, for the purpose of show
ing the course to be pursued by those agencies aiming at industrial
betterment.
An examination of the findings shows a more careful protection of
working women to be imperative, in spite of the fact that in a State
as old industrially as is Maryland, the uprooting of antiquated tradi
tions and the pruning of old methods are apt to meet with resistance
on the part of those who fail to realize the ultimate effect of indus
trial evils as insidious influences in the undermining of society.
Certain influences of that sort were found at work in Maryland,
definitely retarding other forces in industry making for progress.
Although the working conditions in some of the establishments
visited were excellent, in the majority of the plants a great deal was
required for the attainment of desirable standards. As long as any
women work in plants grimy with accumulated dirt and lint, strain
their eyes because of glare or insufficient light, stand all day or sit
continuously in a cramped posture; as long as safety is jeopardized
because of unguarded machinery or lack of fire protection; as long as
health is menaced by such things as the common drinking cup and
the common towel; as long as one toilet must serve for 75 or more
women; as long as employees must run the risk of having their wraps

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

ruined or stolen, or must lie on the floor of the toilet room when ill,
from lack of proper service facilities—then not only is pride in working
conditions out of the question but definite action for improvement is
called for. All of these situations were found in Maryland establish
ments, some with disturbing frequency.
.
Furthermore, the situation in regard to the working hours of
women in Maryland industries was far from ideal, notwithstanding
a decided trend toward the 8-hour day and 48-hour week. More
than two-fifths of the women of the survey had a working week in
excess of 48 hours, and more than two-thirds of them had an indus
trial day of more than 8 hours. Excepting the Saturday hours in
5-and-10-cent stores and in other small stores outside Baltimore,
the hours in mercantile establishments were, on the whole, good.
Among manufacturing establishments, the clothing industry con
formed more generally than any other to the 8-hour day; the textile
mills showed a strong tendency toward long hours. Laundries had
only a fair record, since in Baltimore over four-fifths of the women
in the laundries investigated worked more than 50 hours a week.
Restaurants more than any other industry employing women in
Maryland showed the necessity for the improvement and standard
ization of hours. The restaurants outside Baltimore had a worse
record than those in the city. The mistake of excluding restaurants
from the State hour legislation is apparent. A sufficiently large
proportion of women worked unduly long hours to indicate the
inadequacy of the present law permitting 10 hours a day and 60
hours a week, and to stress the need for more progressive legislation.
Finally, because it is such an important industrial State, charac
terized by a great variety of industries, employing many thousands
of women, and because the bad effects of industrial evils can not be
confined within the four walls of the workshops but filter into the
lives and homes of the workers and thus assail the organism of the
community, Maryland should follow the lead of those States which
have established legally standardized working conditions, the 8-hour
day, and an adequate minimum-wage law. It is safe to predict that
such progress would inaugurate in the State a better industrial era.

PART II.
THE CLOTHING INDUSTRY.

The manufacture of clothing is by far the most important industry
in Maryland and employs a much larger proportion of women than
any other manufacturing industry in the State. It is advisable,
therefore, to consider some of the outstanding characteristics of
the trade.
According to the 1910 report of the Bureau of the Census—the
1920 figures not yet being available—Maryland in 1909 ranked
fourth among the States in the production of men’s clothing an'd
eighth in the manufacture of women’s clothing.1
The 1920 report of the Maryland State Board of Labor and Sta
tistics states that “ the enormous volume of clothing made in Balti
more City alone gives the State of Maryland third place in the
clothing industry in the United States. New York and Illinois, with
their many cities, alone outrank the State in clothing manufac
ture.”12 The same report shows that in 2,003 establishments—manu
facturing, mercantile, mechanical, and printing establishments,
bakeries, and laundries—inspected by the Maryland State Board
of Labor Statistics in 1920, there were employed 43,265 women.
Of this total number 35 per cent, or over one-third, were working
in clothing factories. Of the 948 manufacturing establishments, 62
per cent were engaged in the manufacture of clothing. Also, by
far the greatest number of women in any manufacturing group,
51.4 per cent (that is, slightly over one-half of the 29,478 women
engaged in manufactures), were found in garment factories. Next
in numerical importance, so far as women in manufactures were
concerned, were the 8.2 per cent employed in cigar and cigarette
plants.3
The clothing establishments visited in the Women’s Bureau survey
made practically all articles of men’s, women’s, and children’s wear
ing apparel. The men’s clothing included overcoats, suits, pants,
vests, shirts, underwear, and overalls. The women’s and children’s
clothing also covered a wide range, comprising suits, coats, skirts,
outing gowns, underwear, middy blouses, rompers, and children’s
suits and dresses.
In the selection of establishments for investigation the aim was
to inspect types representative of the industry. Although a few
1 U. S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census, 1910, voL 9, Manufactures, Washington, 1912, p. 463.
2 Maryland State Board of Labor and Statistics, Twenty-ninth Annual Report, Baltimore, 1920, p. 282.
3 Ibid., pp. 97-106.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

large plants and some medium-sized ones were included, many more
small factories were chosen, because operation in small plants is
more characteristic of the clothing industry. In substantiation of
this statement are the 1910 census figures showing that almost
nine-tenths of the clothing establishments in Maryland employed
50 or fewer wage earners.4 The figures of the present survey show
that practically the same proportion of the plants visited (86 per
cent) reported 50 or fewer employees. The manufacture of clothing
requires neither an extensive plant nor a large outlay of capital.
Sowing machines, pressing irons, needles, and shears, the chief
implements used in the trade, are an equipment within the means
of almost any employer, whether he has 5 or 500 workers, and readily
installed in any establishment, though it be only one room in a
dwelling. Consequently there is always a tendency toward the
sweat-shop system, a tendency that must be carefully guarded
against. Despite laws enacted in Maryland to minimize this evil,
the Old Town, or ghetto, section of Baltimore is honeycombed
with small garment factories characterized by extremely bad work
ing conditions. Of the 26 factories manufacturing men's clothing
which were visited in Baltimore, 25 belonged to the subcontract
class; that is, they were small shops, working under contract to
manufacture goods for larger firms—in some cases for well-known
New York houses. Almost invariably the subcontract shops had
inadequate quarters. Nine of the 25 were located in dwellings in
the Jewish residential section already referred to. In two cases
there was at the time of the visit, a whooping-cough sign on the
door.
■
Since not only most of the subcontract shops but many of the
other small clothing factories in Baltimore and in the rest of the State
were of the same type, a general description of them may prove
enlightening. Many of them were located in old buildings, some of
which had been dwellings. In some cases the entrance was on an
alley. The approach to the workroom frequently was a stairway
that was described as narrow, steep, dark, and so dirty that it appeared
never to have been swept. Some of the stairways were broken and
devoid of handrails. Often the workrooms were disorderly, the walls
grimy, and the floors littered with trash. Accumulations of trim
mings, oil cans, papers, and rubbish testified to the lack of regular
cleaning. In some instances the work was done in crowded, close
rooms with insufficient ventilation and inadequate light. The service
facilities were of a most casual sort. An iron sink in the corner of the
workroom, a dirty towel, a common drinking cup, nails in the walls
for wraps, and an insanitary toilet too frequently comprised the sum
total of arrangements for comfort and convenience.
•

U. S. Bureau ol the Census, Thirteenth Census, 1910, vol. 9, Manufactures, Washington, 1912, p. 471.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

In striking contrast to these small, badly equipped plants were
some of the larger clothing factories with their appearance of order
and good management. The working and sanitary conditions in
these establishments were excellent, and the service facilities, as a
rule, satisfactory.
Another important problem in connection with the clothing in
dustry was that of home work. Of the 39 garment factories visited,
14 reported that some home work was given out in connection with the
factory operations. The work done in homes usually was similar to
that performed in the plant, consisting chiefly of trimming, finishing,
and the sewing of linings.
Maryland law requires that employers or manufacturers shall
keep a register of names and addresses of persons to whom articles
or materials are given to be manufactured, altered, and repaired in
homes. Nine of the fourteen establishments reporting home work
kept no register, the manager in several instances stating that he
was ignorant of the existence of such a law. So vague was the knowl
edge of some of the managers concerning their home workers, that the
only information available was that they were Italian women, or
that they lived on a certain street. “The boy takes the goods to
them, and he knows where they live,” was the statement of one
manager. It is also the legal duty of employers to ascertain whether
or not the room or apartment in which home work is done has been
licensed. There was even more ignorance of this law than of the
other on the part of the managers, with the consequence that home
workers usually had not obtained a license. One employer who gave
out home work irregularly to two or three women said that these
workers changed too often to be licensed. With such haphazard
methods of production the possibility of the manufacture of garments
under conditions conducive to the spreading of contagious and infec
tious diseases is strong, especially as home workers may be foreigners
with low standards of living and with little knowledge of health
laws or of the principles of hygiene and sanitation. Furthermore,
the laxity of laws regulating home work spells a definite menace not
only to the public but to the workers themselves. There is no way
of safeguarding them against overwork nor against eye and nerve
strain. Though there has been considerable public agitation
throughout the country in regard to sweat shops and home work,
these evils tend to crop up and spread in an insidious way unless
there is drastic legal supervision to hold them in check.
The work in the clothing industry is highly subdivided into a
number of occupations. In the main, however, these fall into four
general groups—cutting, machine operating, hand sewing, and
pressing. Women were employed extensively in machine operating
110119°—22-----2

WOMEN IIT MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

and hand sewing. The latter included such occupations as basting,
felling, finishing, bar-tagging, making buttonholes, and sewing on
buttons. Cutting and pressing were, as a rule, men’s jobs, although
a few women were found in these occupations. Some women were
examining and inspecting, and a few were engaged in pulling out
basting threads, sorting, folding, busheling, serging, and cutting
threads. Women constituted almost the entire working force in the
clothing factories outside Baltimore.
On the whole, the work is not hard, although confining and, as a
rule, monotonous. The strain of the repetitive processes was mini
mized by the fact that the hours of labor of the clothing establish
ments were well regulated. Almost all the plants visited had a week
of 48 hours or less. This was due largely to the organization of the
workers in the industry and to their insistence upon the standard
of the 8-hour day.
To concentrate, in conclusion, upon the most salient features of
the garment industry in Maryland, it must be said that it stands as
both a good and a bad influence in the industrial circles of the State.
The excellent hour standards prevailing serve as a leaven for the
improvement of working hours generally, but the taint of the sweat
shop and the stigma of home work tend to brand the industry as a
reactionary force in the industrial progress of Maryland. On the
other hand, a few of the large and well-organized clothing estab
lishments with their excellent conditions stand as evidence of pro
gress in some branches of the industry,

PART III.
WORKING CONDITIONS.
»
_

*
,

The conditions under which women wage earners work are obviously
of tremendous importance from both an economic and a sociological
point of view. One of the guiding principles of modern industrial
engineering is that a working environment established on the corner
stones of comfort and hygiene, science and sanitation, forms a strong
foundation for a superstructure of efficiency. An unnecessary waste
of energy occurs when workers must cope with disadvantages present
in plants because managers have failed to understand the need of good
working conditions. In industrial competition those employers who
realize the value of the elimination of all possible obstacles to pro
duction and all apparent causes of disaffection naturally bid fair to
come out ahead. If with no other purpose than this of efficiency,
good conditions in industry pay. Were efficiency, however, the only
motive for concern about the workers’ surroundings the matter
could be left to individual employers and need not become a legisla
tive problem. A much more fundamental necessity for the consider
ation of working conditions is the sociological. Industrial conditions
that affect the health and well-being of individual workers derange in
turn the organism of the community. The protection of women
wage earners is particularly important. Whatever lowers the vitality
and saps the energies of women limits their ability to bestow a goodhealth heritage upon their children and upon society. Another
menace to the community is the failure to establish right systems of
sanitation in industry, which means the inevitable spread of disease,
through the workers and through the goods produced. Furthermore,
the maintenance at a high level of the standards of working conditions
promises a corresponding rise in the standard of living. Women
working in comfortable and hygenic surroundings will have more
desire, time, and energy to live well at home. The opposite undoubt
edly is true. The industrial world which with one hand offers women
economic opportunities should not with the other hold them down in
the sociological morasses resulting from stagnant methods in industry.
A survey of the conditions under which women work in a State
throws the searchlight not only on any existing disorders but on those
progressive establishments which serve as models of what can be
done in the effective solution of industrial problems. It tends also
to precipitate educational and legislative means for improvement.
The following analysis of the situation in Maryland reveals that the
conditions under which women worked in the State embraced opposite
extremes.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

BUILDINGS AND WORKROOMS.

The 240 firms included in this investigation were located in manydifferent types of buildings, from the most up-to-date fireproof
structures to cramped quarters in old dwelling houses. Sixteen firms,
nine of which were were subcontract shops in the clothing industry in
Baltimore, were operating in houses where families were living. In
some instances service facilities were shared with these families.
Other subcontract shops were located in remodeled dwellings not
always adequate. Thirteen structures were reported to be obviously
unfit for the purpose of the industry. The majority of the buildings
visited, however, were in good repair.
Approach to workrooms.
Workers have a right to an approach to workrooms that is neither
dangerous nor unduly inconvenient. Nevertheless, in a number of
instances inexcusable conditions had been allowed to exist. Stair
ways consituted something of a hazard wherever they were dark, nar
row, steep, or circular. Twenty-one establishments were reported in
which some or all of the stairs had no handrails. This defect was
especially serious when such stairways were dark or in bad repair.
Halls and steps occasionally were so filthy and littered with rubbish
that they indicated total lack of cleaning. In a few cases passage
ways were circuitous or elevators dangerous. There was not always
adequate elevator service for plants located so high up in buildings
as to make the use of the stairs an added strain for employees.
Workrooms.
The general plan of the workroom in regard to size, structure, equip
ment, and general routing of the work is significant both for the com
fort of the workers and for the efficiency of the plant. Failure to
grasp this cardinal industrial principle was apparent in a number of
instances in this survey. Of the 240 establishments visited 37 had
dark walls, due to the natural brick or wood finish or to paint of a
somber color. Low ceilings affecting both ventilation and lighting
were found in 60 establishments. Crowding af workrooms, either
with machinery, work benches, and stock, or with too many workers,
occurred in 54 plants, nearly every kind of industry being repre
sented. If the workers’ environment has any direct bearing upon
the work, such a condition as the following would tend to induce
carelessness and inefficiency:
Old building kept in bad condition. Much abandoned material; machines and
equipment clutter up the unused parts, and all is left in a very dirty condition. Gen
eral appearance of workrooms is disorderly, badly kept, and insanitary. The floors
are all of soft wood except on the first floor in the storage and shipping rooms where
they are of cement.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

The floors, badly worn and much caked with candy, apparently are never scrubbed.
The walls are of brick, painted white to within about 4 feet of the floor; this latter
part is painted black. The white part is dingy and looks as though it had not been
treated for a long time.

The above is not an isolated case, but is more or less similar to the
condition reported of a number of plants. It is only reasonable to
expect much more satisfactory results to be achieved in surroundings
like the following, a description typical of the best establishments
visited:
All floors, walls, and windows in very good condition. Floors of wood very smooth,
walls whitewashed, ceilings high and painted light. Aisles wide and kept open at
all times. No crowding. Girls working on machines not too near each other.
Arrangement of work very systematic. A general impression of order and good
management.

Such a standard is attainable by all managers willing to devote
the necessary time and money to these matters.
Cleaning.
The subject of cleaning was gone into by the investigators in con
siderable detail, with none too gratifying results. In theory cleanli
ness would seem to be one of the first tenets of industry, but in prac
tice it appears sometimes to be one of the last. The cleaning of
workrooms was unsatisfactory in some respects in 116 Maryland
establishments. In 46 of these the walls and in 54 the floors through
out were not clean. In some cases the floors were caked with dirt.
In 56 other plants the floors were oily, wet, sticky with glue, or
littered with scraps and lint. Too often the cleaning was of a super
ficial nature, as one worker’s description of the practice in a garment
factory shows. “The boss has the place cleaned,” she admitted
“that is, he has the litter and rubbish taken away; but they don’t
get into the corners, and they don’t scrub.” Scrubbing formed no
part of the cleaning program in a number of places where it seemed
most essential for the proper upkeep of the plant. Occasionally it
was stated that the flooring was constructed in such a way as to
prohibit scrubbing.
The inadequacy in cleanliness is largely attributable to the lack of
system. In plants where the managers considered the subject of
such minor importance that they dismissed it with vague statements,
it was not surprising to find grimy walls, dusty windows, scraps in
corners, and dirt accumulated under tables. There was no regular
system of cleaning in 27 plants, and in 25 others the women employees
did the cleaning in addition to the work for which they were engaged.
Among the establishments with an unsatisfactory cleaning record
were 19 where food was handled. Despite the regulations of the State
board of health stipulating that floors, walls, ceilings, furniture, and

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

implements shall be kept clean, food establishments with very in
sanitary conditions were reported. The two following extracts from
reports serve to describe such places:
Floors were caked with candy and in most parts very dirty indeed. Work tables
were fairly clean where the packing was done and the stick candy made, but the
kettles, trays, and dipping tables (unused at present) were filthy and caked with old
candy. Trays and barrels of scraps of candy were standing around everywhere.
Flies terrible, in the bakery. Hundreds in room and on baked goods. Manager
seemed hopeless and helpless. Fly paper not sufficient preventive. Screening in
adequate.

In general, a system of daily cleaning of workrooms by a person or
by a corps of persons definitely engaged for this work, under careful
supervision—a practice already existing in a number of plants—is
easily within the reach of all.
Heating.

Heating, so far as could be judged in summer from the types of
heating apparatus, was generally good; in only 7 plants in Baltimore
and 4 in the rest of the State were the heating systems reported
inadequate. In such cases gas heaters or small coal stoves supplied
uneven or insufficient heat. In another case where the heating was
unsatisfactory the second floor workroom was too hot in winter,
whereas the first floor was so cold that most of the workers were
forced to wear their wraps all day. The low temperature main
tained in connection with certain processes in the candy and meat
packing industries for the sake of the product is a problem to be con
sidered under hazard and strain rather than under heating.
Lighting.
Such highly technical subjects as lighting and ventilation, re
quiring scientific and individual treatment for the various industries,
could not be given exhaustive consideration in a general survey. On
the whole, lighting in the 240 Maryland establishments was far from
satisfactory, since in 210 of them (87.5 per cent) some defect was
reported. In 60 establishments the natural lighting was not entirely
satisfactory, in 72 the artificial lighting was inadequate in some
respect, and in 78 both natural and artificial lighting were in need of
improvement. Every precaution should be taken to prevent bad
lighting arrangements for occupations such as inspecting, hand sew
ing, and the operation of sewing, looping, and knitting machines;
wherever, in fact, close and constant application of the eyes is neces
sary. The main trouble in the plants reported to have inadequate
lighting facilities for such processes was the careless placement of
workers without reference to the light. Frequently women worked
facing a strong glare from unshaded windows. Sometimes there was

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

insufficient light because of windows too few in number or remote
from the workers. In other places obstructions of stock, partitions,
or machines cut off the supply of light. The proper use of artificial
light may remedy such a situation.
The artificial lighting was found unsatisfactory where electric
bulbs were unshaded or were placed too high, too low, or at too
great intervals. Even where the work was not taxing on the eyes
objectionable shadows or a steady glare from high-power electric
bulbs seemed likely to prove injurious to the sight. In some cases
where poor natural lighting required the constant use of artificial
light, the lack of shades for the bulbs or the infrequency of lights
made the arrangement unsatisfactory. One girl complained that she
worked in a dim section of a room where artificial light was neces
sary, but that in the summer it was turned off to reduce the heat,
and she had not enough light for her work.
Some managers apparently believed that if enough light was
supplied the problem was solved, not knowing that too much illumi
nation or glare is as detrimental to eyesight as is insufficient light.
Other managers, realizing that unsatisfactory lighting not only pro
duces impaired vision—which in turn causes nervous fatigue of the
whole body—but also limits production, had given careful study to
the question. The lighting in these cases was excellent. The
many large factory windows were of ground or frosted glass, wellshaded with blinds or muslin curtains. Sometimes a skylight or
a saw-tooth roof aided greatly in the lighting of a plant. Work
tables and machines placed at right angles to windows added to the
comfort of the workers. Individual artificial lights, properly shaded
and adjustable, were supplied wherever the work was facilitated
thereby.
Investigation indicates the need of State regulation of industrial
lighting. A few States have already progressed to the point of having
definite lighting codes, specifying the amount and distribution of
lighting. Popular education along these lines, with technical guid
ance, should be an important feature in future developments.
Ventilation.
The ventilation of industrial plants is a complicated matter not
only because of the congregation of large working forces but because
of the heat, humidity, fumes, dust, and lint prevailing in certain
industries. Inadequate ventilation was reported for 52 of the estab
lishments inspected in Maryland. In some instances where the
trouble was due to low ceilings, basement workrooms, poor arrange
ment of windows, and obstructing partitions, it might have been
obviated without much difficulty, sometimes merely by the introduc-

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

tion of electric fans. A more elaborate means of ventilation is de
scribed in the following:
Plant equipped with powerful blower system—reaches workrooms by means of
galvanized pipes near ceilings. In summer outside air taken from rear roof is blown
throughout workrooms, in winter air is passed through large system of heated coils
before entering workroom.

Care should be taken in the use of such a blower system to prevent
the draft from blowing on the heads of the workers, a defect noted in
one plant.
Thirty-three establishments were reported as having failed to solve
special problems of ventilation due to the nature of the industry.
In textile mills for example, the lint arising in the handling of cotton
and wool, together with the moisture from the humidifiers, creates a
difficult problem. That these disagreeable features can be greatly
minimized was shown by the methods in use in some mills. A few
controlled the lint admirably by means of vacuum stripping machines.
One system which produced good results in preventing an unduly
oppressive atmosphere consisted of a blower and air-washing appa
ratus combined with a huge exhaust fan. The type of humidifiers
used made a great difference as to whether the degree and distribution
of the moisture were unduly disagreeable. As an illustration of the
wrong kind may be described the arrangement in one mill of over
head pipes with nozzles every eight or ten feet emitting jets of steam
and creating an extremely oppressive atmosphere.
Excessive heat and humidity also prevail in laundries unless an
effort is made to catch and dissipate the steam by the installation
of hoods over mangles and by the operation of electric and exhaust
fans. Most of the laundries visited had made definite efforts to
improve atmospheric conditions. As illustrative of mismanagement
in this respect, however, is the following statement made of one
laundry:
Too much humidity—probably available facilities not utilized as fully as could be.
Exhaust fan over one washer not running and windows should have been open at the
top to let out steam.

Occasionally the same sort of oppressive condition was encountered
in restaurant kitchens, when the absence of hoods and exhaust fans
permitted the accumulation of heat, vapor, and smoke. In the glass
industry, despite the use of a blower and exhaust system, excessive
heat in the furnace room was unavoidable. That the problem of
ventilation in glass factories does not always receive sufficient atten
tion was shown in one plant where the failure to equip the finishing
department with devices for carrying off the heat caused great dis
comfort to the workers.
Other irritants necessitating the use of artificial devices of ventila
tion were the dust and fumes generated in some processes. Tobacco

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

dust was found in varying degrees in the five tobacco factories visited.
In three the amount of dust was objectionable and no effort had been
made to remove it. In the other two plants such contrivances as
blowers, exhausts, and humidifiers reduced the dust to an innocu
ous minimum. Cork dust and sawdust in several plants were well
controlled by exhausts attached to machines. From the successful
use of artificial ventilating devices in a number of plants it would
appear that the following situation, encountered in one factory, was
inexcusable:
In all the rooms tlie atmosphere was thick with fumes. No protection against
them. The product was made according to a Becret process, the kind of chemicals
not divulged. The wet reddish material which the women handled was smoking
constantly, apparently hot.

Even though these fumes may not have been harmful, they were
obviously objectionable enough to call for some means of removal.
Seating.

The question of seating has as yet received little scientific considera
tion in industrial circles. Not considered from the standpoint of
physiological construction, but measured only by the ordinary
standard which requires the provision of seats with backs for use
by women workers, seating was reported unsatisfactory in 115 of
the 240 establishments in the following respects:

Number of establishments with—
No seats provided for women.....................
N o seats for women with standing: iobs ..............
Insufficient number of seats...........................
Some or all of the seats without backs.....................

Baltimore.

State
outside
Baltimore.

4
24
48
59

14
4
44
40

Total.

18
28
92
99

Although some legislation has been enacted in Maryland in regard
to seats for women it is not sufficiently comprehensive. The law
applying to the State outside Baltimore stipulates that a chair or
stool be provided for each women in a mercantile establishment
who is employed for the purpose of serving the public and that the
use thereof be permitted. The law does not apply to manufacturing
establishments. The Baltimore city code, however, goes further,
requiring every employer in any mercantile or manufacturing estab
lishment in Baltimore to provide and maintain suitable seats for
the women employees and permit the use thereof. The establish
ments in Baltimore in which no seats for women were found were
3 factories and 1 laundry. Those in the rest of the State were 2
laundries, 5 stores, 2 mills, and 5 factories.
Additional proof that these laws were not taken seriously by some
employers was found in their attitude toward the subject, one manager

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

dismissing it with the remark that, there were no seats because the
women all stood at their work. A number of other managers had
failed to realize that women at standing jobs could sit in leisure
moments if seats were furnished.
In establishments where the only seats provided were occupied
constantly by women whose work required sitting, obviously no seats
were available for women at standing jobs to use during an occasional
rest. Also, when only two or three chairs were supplied for a hundred
or more women the benefit was slight. Sometimes where seats were
provided the women hesitated to use them, for as one girl put it,
“Nothing is said if you sit, but the boss sort of makes a face at you.”
Another testified in a similar fashion with the remark, “If they see a
girl has time, they give her more to do; you don’t dare lean against
a window sill if you see the boss coming.”
Constant standing is a strain on women workers. It is necessary
in comparatively few occupations, as an analysis of the seating ar
rangements in the various industries visited may indicate.
In stores, despite the State-wide law concerning seats, much im
provement was necessary to make the seating for saleswomen adequate.
In the general mercantile establishments conditions varied greatly;
in several there were apparently enough seats for all women; in others
there were no seats, or entirely too few. In one store the three stools
for 150 women were clearly insufficient. The hinged seat behind the
counter was the most usual type found in stores. Stools and chairs
provided for customers were in some instances used also by employees.
Five-and-ten-cent stores showed a poor record, since in most cases
no seats were provided or the number was wholly inadequate. Oc
casionally girls were seen sitting on counters or on narrow ledges
belr id counters.
The seating in textile mills seemed rather casual. For most of
the occupations in this industry women stand, though frequently
they could sit to watch their machines if seats were available. In
several plants where no regular seats were provided for use, women
were seen sitting on window sills, trucks, and boxes. In other plants
the few stools or benches scattered about were entirely inadequate.
In one or two instances, however, it was evident that an effort had
been made to supply each worker with a seat for occasional use.
Some jobs, such as drawing-in, mending, and sowing, necessitate
constant sitting, and in several mills the women performing these
were provided with stools, benches, or boxes, giving no support for
the back. The loopers, inspectors, and menders in knitting mills
were afforded more comfort at their sitting jobs, since all had chairs
except those in one mill who were furnished with only stools or boxes.
Also, the operators of knitting machines, though required to stand
most of the time, usually were supplied with seats.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Iii laundries, where most of the jobs are considered as standing
jobs, but little effort had been made to enable workers to sit during the
performance of the work or during rest intervals. Since in some plants
the sorters, markers, and folders at mangles were seated, seats would
appear practicable for all such workers. In some laundries women
were sitting on tables, boxes, stairs, or “anything they could find,”
in striking contrast to which was the laundry where individual seats
to be used -whenever possible, were provided for almost all the 200
women employees. Careful study of the subject is revealing the
fact that many operations for which formerly only one posture was
considered possible may be performed either sitting or standing.
This is true of jobs in laundries, since especially devised seats would
do away with much unnecessary standing.
In a number of other industries much useless standing could have
been prevented. Women stood very generally in the meat-packing
plants, with no seats available, although apparently they could
have done their work as well if they had been seated. In glass
factories but scant effort had been made to look after the comfort
of the workers in this respect. It would seem possible and advisable
to provide seating arrangements for washers, wipers, and packers;
in fact, for most of the women in these establishments, performing
jobs outside of the furnace room. “As I just have to sit down
sometimes,” one woman said, “I get an empty box and stand it on
end.” Another girl noticed was sitting on a table as she wiped
glasses. Equally unsatisfactory were the seating facilities in paper
mills. In one establishment women sorting rags stood all day with
a chance to sit occasionally on bales of rags. The sorters in another
plant sat on piles of scraps, and in a third establishment women
counting sheets of paper sat on the floor, on the sides of trucks, or
on stools, according to the height of the pile of paper. Even in candy
factories there seemed no uniform system of seating. The fact that
in some plants the packers and dippers sat or stood, according to
preference, proved that there was no excuse for conditions in other
plants where women engaged in these occupations were compelled
to stand constantly. Wherever seats were found in candy factories,
they were almost invariably stools without backs. The use of such
stools was prevalent also in paper-box manufacturing, even for girls
who sat constantly at their work. In metal shops the workers at
standing jobs usually were supplied with some sort of seats. As a
rule, the operators of automatic machines in these shops sat on
stools and benches. The provision of high stools with backs in one
plant, however, and of steel chairs of two heights in another, added
greatly to the comfort of the workers.
The seating facilities in garment and straw-hat factories, restau
rants, and printing establishments were fair, although seats were

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

not always furnished the few workers at such standing jobs as pressing
and examining in garment factories and blocking and sizing in strawhat manufacturing.
Generalizations about the seating in the other plants visited is not
possible because of the great variety of occupations.
In conclusion it should be emphasized that it is possible and de
sirable to furnish a sufficient number of comfortable seats for the
leisure moments of women at standing jobs, suitable seats for those
where sitting or standing at the job is optional, and adjustable seats
to relieve the strain of constant sitting.
HAZARD AND STRAIN.

Attention must be called to the menaces to health and safety
inherent in or attendant upon various occupations, since in many
cases improvements may be effected. Hazards of some sort, occupa
tional or workroom and frequently both, were reported in 97 plants.
In a considerable number of establishments a possible strain for
women workers was. recorded. This subject is a difficult one to dis
cuss, since frequently these objectionable features are inevitable
concomitants of the industry. The constant and close application
of the eyes in sewing, inspecting, and looping, the heat and humidity
in laundries and mills, the excessively high temperature in glass
factories and the lowered temperature in chocolate-dipping rooms,
are conspicuous examples of this. Every possible precaution should
be taken to lessen the risk. As has already been pointed out, special
attention to lighting facilities can do much to prevent eyestrain.
Also, it has been shown that artificial devices can control such things
as lint, dust, heat, and humidity to such a degree that they cease to
be dangerous irritants.
On the other hand, during the course of the investigation certain
strains and hazards to which women were exposed seemed unneces
sarily bad. For example, the girls who “cracked off” in glass fac
tories complained that the heat and gas from the markers’ machines
hurt their eyes. A better placement of machines and the use of
goggles apparently would remedy to a great extent this difficulty.
Furthermore, women were reported in a number of plants as lifting
and carrying heavy trays, boxes, or loads, where some slight adjust
ment could have been made to lighten the strain. A striking exam
ple of strain from lifting and pressure is the following description of
women’s work in one metal shop:
Women stand, lift, pull, and press constantly in opening the packs of metal. The
packs average 8 sheets, 20 by 28 inches, with an average weight of 18 pounds. The
sheets after being rolled and compressed by hot rollers are opened after 24 hours of
cooling. The girls lift the packs, stand them on edge, and by dint of striking and
pressing with a piece of lead one-third of an inch thick buckled on the.hollow of the

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

right hand, pry apart the corners of the tin. Then the girls pull apart the sheets and
pile them on the truck. The pulling requires much muscular effort of the arm. If
the tin is poor greater strength must be exerted. Men pull apart the worst stickers
with tools. Usually girls average 8,000 to 9,000 pounds of sheets lifted and opened
daily.

One girl when visited in her home was suffering from a sprained
wrist which had been caused by this work. As illustrative of the
cumulative effect of constant lifting may be cited the work in one
textile mill in which it is estimated that women speeders and slubbers
who handled 14-pound and 24-pound bobbins lifted daily 2,700 and
4,500 pounds, respectively.1 In other mills boy helpers did most of
the lifting for women in these occupations. Scientific measurement of
effort exerted in industrial work frequently reveals surprising facts.
For instance, one girl in a glass factory who had a chance to use a ped
ometer one day had made a test for herself. According to her own
statement she walked 4J miles in one afternoon in going back and
forth between the leer and the furnace room. The study of the rela
tionship between expenditure of effort and industrial efficiency will
prove profitable both to the worker in terms of health and energy
and to the employer in terms of production.
In fact the subject of fatigue in its relation to health and safety
has been too generally neglected. In some Maryland establishments
women were compelled, in order to keep up with machines or a team
of workers, to work at top speed so continuously that undue exhaus
tion resulted. When such fatigue is coupled with an excessively
long working day it may become so actute and so poisonous to the
system as to constitute a hazard; it may be responsible also for
industrial accidents, since workers when overtired are apt to be less
careful. In one glass plant where the work was heavy, two rest
periods of fifteen minutes each were allowed daily, one in the morning
and one in the afternoon.
Plant casualties constitute another serious factor in industrial
life. Although much attention had been given to this question,
evidence was found in certain Maryland establishments pointing the
need for greater precaution. Accidents were reported as the result
of unguarded presses. Cuts from handling tin and glass were not
uncommon. One girl working with heavy glazed paper stated that
cuts from the paper frequently festered because of the preparation
used in the glaze.
Other hazards observed in a number of establishments might be
designated as general workroom hazards. For example, unprotected
belts were reported in 31 plants; dangers from machines not neces
sarily operated by women but located in their vicinity, in 17 plants;
1 Workers ran 4 to 6 frames of 72 bobbins each, averaging 360 bobbins; 360 bobbins doffed usually 5 times
daily, equaling 1,800 bobbins; 1,800 bobbins X 2| pounds (slubber), equaling 4,500 pounds lifted daily; 1,800
bobbins X 1J pounds (speeder), equaling 2,700 pounds lifted daily.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

unsafe elevators in 10; dangerous conditions, such as unguarded open
ings in the floors and steep stairways, in 5. Narrow aisles and slip
pery floors added to the dangers where unguarded machinery was
located on such aisles.
That the “safety first” slogan had already been adopted in some
places -was shown by the excellent means taken to prevent accidents
therein. One progressive plant had appointed a special safety com
mittee to study the question.
In general, although hazards and strains are not always avoidable
in industrial occupations, the bad effects can be greatly reduced by
more careful management, by the installation of guarded machines
and comfort facilities, and by the adoption of the 8-hour day.
Fire hazard.
One type of danger which can be carefully guarded against is fire
hazard. Every precaution should be taken in industrial plants for
the sake of safety, particularly where the force of workers is large
and the stock highly inflammable. That this was not done in all
cases is shown by the 148 establishments visited which were reported
as being inadequate in the matter of fire protection. For such a
highly technical subject only the most obvious defects were recorded.
These were of various kinds, but about 37 per cent might be classed
as serious. Some plants, for example, were located in buildings of
more than two stories, yet devoid of fire escapes or provided with
unsuitable ones—equipment dangerous because of faulty construc
tion, poor location, or bad condition. In a few instances where the
fire escape on the building was adequate there was not free and ready
access thereto from all parts of the building. In several plants a
ladder to the roof was the only escape for use in emergency. Dark,
narrow, or winding stairways, as well as stairways of wood or those
constructed with triangular treads, were considered dangerous,
especially where they were the only means of exit in case of emergency.
Other hazards, not so grave but possible causes of disaster in case
of fire, were entrance doors that opened inward instead of outward, a
rather common defect, since in 105 of the 240 plants all entrance
doors opened inward. In the matter of exit signs, only 27 establish
ments were reported as having some or all of the exists marked, and
most of these were department stores where the presence of the public
demanded such protection.
Although certain obstructions noted, such as the crowding of
aisles with stock or tables, were of a temporary nature, they con
stituted a hazard for the time being. Other more permanent obstruc
tions in front of fire-escape exits also were reported. Stoves in dan
gerous proximity to walls or without protecting j ackets were observed
in some of the smaller establishments. Nor was it uncommon to find
in a plant the total lack of any apparatus for extinguishing flames.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

On the other hand certain plants had taken every precaution in
the installation of fire extinguishers. An overhead sprinkler system
was found in 70 establishments, and fire walls and doors as a
safeguard were observed in 67.
SANITATION.

In a consideration of the health and efficiency of the workers the
question of sanitation is admittedly of paramount importance.
Accordingly, a detailed State sanitary code, enforced through careful
inspection and supervision, is an effective means of producing good
results. Although some legislation in this respect has been enacted
in Maryland, it is limited in scope and vague as to meaning, facts
which will be developed in the following sections:
Drinking facilities.

Drinking facilities were reported inadequate in 172 Maryland
establishments in the following respects:
Number of establishments with—
No drinking facilities...........................................................................................
Drinking facilities inconveniently located.........................................................
Common cups the only provision........................................................................
No cups provided.................................................................................................
Insanitary bubble fountains................................................................................

2
21
71
84
16

It would seem reasonable to expect each establishment to supply
cool drinking water easily accessible to all employees. In one plant,
however, the only water was that brought in a bucket from a spring
near by. In another establishment where water was provided on
only the first and fifth floors, the girls on the fourth floor brought ice
water in thermos bottles. The lack of convenient facilities in one
store visited encouraged the employees to spend money for root beer,
which was sold in one corner of the room.
The most flagrant transgression in regard to sanitary drinking
arrangements was the provision of the common cup. The law of the
State reads:
The use of the common drinking cup, an undoubted source of communication of
infectious diseases, is hereby prohibited in all public places within this State and
upon all railroad trains carrying passengers and all boats carrying passengers while in
this State, and the State board of health shall have full authority to establish such
reasonable rules and regulations to make this prohibition effective as in their judgment
seems wise and proper.2

The term ‘‘public places” is vague, permitting of several interpre
tations. According to the State department of legislative reference
in Baltimore, the inclusion of private industrial establishments in the
terminology is the intent of the law, although the question has never
come up for legal interpretation. The manager of a factory, mill,1
1 Session laws of Maryland, 1912, ch. 156, see. 1.

WOMENS' IX MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

or laundry from which the general public is excluded might, however,
construe the law as not applying to .his premises. At any rate, the
common drinking cup was found in about 30 per cent of the plants
visited. The custom in some establishments of expecting the workers
to furnish their own cups results frequently in the use of the common
cup or of no cup at all. The manager in a glass factory stated that
although individual cups or bottles were available for the employees,
they were careless about the matter. Another manager complained
because ‘ ‘ the girls were too particular and insisted upon having their
own cups.” More extensive education concerning the evils of the
common cup would seem advisable. The use of individual paper
cups, customary in some plants, is possible for all. Nevertheless, in
only 56 plants were individual cups of any sort provided.
Twenty plants had installed bubble fountains, but in only four
instances were these reported to be of a sanitary type.3 The exposure
of the danger lurking in what was believed to be an ideal drinking
arrangement was made in an article entitled “Possible dangers of
the bubble fountain” in the Journal of the American Medical Asso
ciation several years ago.4 Here it was shown that an epidemic of
streptococcus tonsilitis in the University of Wisconsin was traced
directly to the bubble fountains in the buildings. This circumstance
led to an extensive bacteriological investigation of the hygiene of
the bubble fountain in general, with the discovery that it may be a
powerful factor in transmitting disease, since germs left in the jet of
water may fall back on the fountain and remain a menace for several
hours. This difficulty is obviated, however, if the tube is inclined at
an angle of 15° or more from the vertical and is equipped with an
adequate collar to prevent possible contact of the lips with the
orifice. The need for education on this subject is urgent, since, to
quote from the article referred to, “Danger disguised in the cloak of
safety is a menace of the most potent sort, particularly when it
receives the approbation of health authorities in the way that the
bubble fountain has shared it.” 5 6

Washing facilities.

Washing facilities varied widely in the different plants, but were
reported as unsatisfactory in some respect in 208 of them. The
prevalence of the chief defects was as follows:
Number of establishments with—
Common towels provided.................................................................................
Washing facilities inconveniently located......................................................
No hot water provided........................................................................................
No soap provided.................................................................................................
No towels provided........................................................................

56
23
141
110

3 In two other plants where there were bubble fountains there was no report as to whether they were
sanitary or insanitary.
3 Possible danger of the bubble fountain. Journal American Medical Association, voi. 67, No. 20, Nov. 11,
1916, p. 1461.
6 Idem.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

The common towel, like the common drinking cup, is a great danger
in spreading infectious disease. Consequently, a law was passed in
Maryland in 1920 prohibiting the use of the common towel in public
places throughout the State; the enforcement was placed under the
jurisdiction of the State board of health. The same ambiguity exists
in this law as in the one regarding the common drinking cup, rendering
it insufficiently comprehensive. Also, the fact that in 56 establish
ments, 8 of which were plants handling food products, common towels
were in use, shows the need of propaganda on the subject. In many
cases the common towels were filthy. One manager of a plant in
which two roller towels were supplied for 59 women, apologized with the
remark, “A towel gets very dirty by the end of the day, when there
are so many using it.” One girl in a confectionery store said that
she preferred to use her handkerchief or apron instead of the rag
hanging at the sink. In some plants where no towels were provided
women were reported as wiping their hands on rags, scraps, or wrap
ping paper. - The custom seemed to be general in laundries for the
workers, whenever in need of a towel, to take one that was in the
process of being laundered and then throw it back to bo washed again.
A fee of 5 cents a week for towel service was charged in several plants.
The lack of hot water and soap in so many of the establishments
visited caused a definite hardship to employees when they worked
with sticky substances or greasy machines. Furthermore, the absence
of adequate washing facilities in establishments handling food prod
ucts constituted a definite menace to the public health. The Mary
land law reads:
Every building, basement, cellar, or other place occupied or used for the preparation,
manufacture, packing, canning, sale, or distribution of food shall have a convenient
lavatory and shall be supplied with soap, water, and towels maintained in a sanitary
condition.6

In the interests of comfort and sanitation it is not too much to ask
that such a law be amended," requiring “hot water” and applying to
all industrial and mercantile establishments. Of the 233 establish
ments for which information on washing facilities was secured, only
23 in Baltimore and 3 in the rest of the State were reported as having
a combination of hot water, soap, and individual towels. Of these
26 plants, 11 were restaurants and 1 was a candy factory. The other
food establishments lacked these essentials for cleanliness.
A few plants were conspicuous in that they had provided wash
rooms supervised by a matron and equipped with porcelain washbowls,
liquid soap, hot water, and paper towels. At the other end of the
scale were those plants where a pump in the engine room or back yard
was the only arrangement for washing.6
6 Session laws of Maryland, 1914, ch. 678, sec. 3c.

110119°—22-----3

WOM UTsT IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Toilets.

The record for toilets was especially poor, as 213 of the 240 plants
were found inadequate in some respect. This is due largely to the
lack of a detailed law regulating toilet conditions. With the excep
tion of a law dealing with nuisances dangerous to health, the only
state-wide legislation concerning toilets applies solely to establish
ments where food is handled. It stipulates that in such plants toilets
must be provided in convenient locations, separate for men and
women, partitioned off from the workroom, and kept clean. In
addition to this law there is a Baltimore city ordinance which reads:
Employers or others conducting any business or occupation in the city of Baltimore
in which the services of men, women, or children may be required shall keep and
maintain in good order, and in a cleanly and safe condition, separate privies or waterclosets for males and females, whenever or wherever employees may be of different
sexes.7

The need for improved legislation is evident from an analysis of the
situation revealed and the variety of defects encountered. Two
plants in Baltimore and four in the rest of the State had no toilets for
the women. In 107 plants some or all of the toilets were entered
directly from the workroom, a condition objectionable unless special
care is taken in the matter of screening and privacy. Ninety estab
lishments were reported as lacking screens before the entrances to
toilets which opened directly into workrooms, halls, or yards. Too
frequently the partitions separating toilets from workrooms, lunch
rooms, or cloakrooms did not extend to the ceiling, as was the case
with some or all of the arrangments in 60 plants in Baltimore and in
20 in the rest of the State. The question of ventilation was a serious
one in such instances. In several the only ventilation was from public
restaurants. In general, all the toilets in 86 plants were unsatis
factorily ventilated. There was no outside ventilation in any of the
toilets of 50 of these plants nor in some of the toilets of 11 others.
In 33 establishments some or all of the toilet seats were not par
titioned off from each other or were not inclosed within a washroom
or cloakroom. In 122 establishments none of the toilets were desig
nated. In 29, men and women used the same; in 10, women used the
same as the public; and in 10 others men and women employees and
the public used the same. Twenty of these establishments were in
Baltimore—including some where, in spite of the law, men and women
used the same toilets—and 29 were in the rest of the State. It was
reported in one store where the girls used the toilet room with the
public that it was often so crowded by shoppers that it was not avail
able for the girls. In one plant white and negro men used the same
toilet used by the women.
7 Baltimore City Code, 1906, art. 14, sec. 158.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

The number of toilets was insufficient in 87 establishments; in fact,
plants were reported with as many as 56, 80, and even 110 women
using one seat.
Some or all of the toilets in 72 establishments were not clean at the
time of the inspection. A few were described as “filthy” or “ankle
deep in trash.” In 34 plants girls employed for other work were
obliged to clean the toilets. In 35 establishments there was no
regular system or interval for cleaning, and in some instances no one
was responsible for this task. The practice in a few cases of having
a matron in charge produced good results. In 25 plants some of the
toilets were out of repair at the time of the inspection. In 45 plants
none of the toilets were adequately lighted.
The following excerpts from the reports of the investigators describe
some of the unsatisfactory conditions. The first is more or less
typical of the toilets in a number of Baltimore establishments
visited:
Toilets partitioned from far end of workroom on third floor, with outside window.
Partition did not reach ceiling. Dirty, odor bad. Needed good scrubbing. Manager
said it was cleaned every day but agent doubted it. Negro porter cleans. Women’s
toilet adjoins men’s. Doors not designated. White and negro girls both use same
toilet; 36 girls to toilet seat.

The next is illustrative of the kind of toilet occasionally encountered
in the State outside Baltimore:
Privy in yard, with window for light and ventilation. Dirty and disorderly.
Cleaned at irregular intervals by negro woman. Water standing in vault almost
at ground level. No screen. No designation. No toilet paper. Three seats, hut
not screened from each other. Used only by women, manager stated. Not locked
and might be used by public. No houses very near.

The next two are examples of exceptionally had conditions:
Negro girls’ toilet quite a walk across yard from where they work. Row of several
outhouses with drainage direct into river. Some of them for men, others for women,
not designated which. Buildings loosely constructed of boards over concrete floor.
No seats provided, merely holes in floor, which was filthy with fecal matter. Manager
could give no definite information about cleaning.
Two seats, separate compartments located at foot of stairway from second floor to
back yard. One had a door and the other had not, and occupant could easily be seen
in latter. No light and no ventilation, though both unnecessary as doors were open
all the time. No paper, not designated, not screened, floor of each littered with
pieces of newspaper. Both filthy, one so caked that the wooden seat would not go
down. Supposed to be cleaned by the owner of the house but neglected. Worker
said she never went there if she could help it. Girl and men use this toilet. Number
per seat uncertain—31 men in addition to girl, and probably more.

Such conditions are inexcusable. The plea advanced by some
managers that the carelessness of employees is responsible for insani
tary conditions is palpably a subterfuge. Many employees instead
of being indifferent are so disturbed by bad toilet facilities that they

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

endeavor not to use them. The attitude of one worker is evident
from her remark that “ the toilets are not fit for animals, they have
more sanitary quarters than we do.” Another woman worker in
conducting the investigator through the plant apologized for the
toilet, adding, "But it’s all there is, so we have to use it.” To secure
the cooperation of thoughtless employees in maintaining sanitary
premises, some education may be necessary. In one plant, for
example, placards were placed on the outside and inside of each
toilet door reading respectively, "Please help to keep this place
clean” and "Improve your own comfort and others, by helping to
keep this room and fixtures clean and in good condition.” The
opinion voiced by one intelligent woman touched the heart of the
problem. She felt that the girls were partly responsible for the
dirty toilets and washrooms, but that "if the rooms were cleaned
out oftener by the janitor, the girls would take more pride in keeping
them nice.”
As part of a State code, detailed specifications regarding the
provision of an adequate number of toilets, separate for men and
women, as well as about the location, ventilation, privacy, lighting,
cleanliness, and designation are necessary for the maintenance of a
high standard in this respect.
Uniforms.

Uniforms must he considered from the points of view of sanitation
and safety. The advisability of wearing special working clothing
depends largely upon the job. However, in all occupations where
workers handle food products, or where they operate machines with
the possibility of skirt or hair being caught, or where they are exposed
to oil, dust, or other substances detrimental to clothing, uniforms
are desirable. The type of garment should vary with the job.
In the study of this question in Maryland, women were found
wearing uniforms in 35 establishments where food ivas handled. In
14 of these some or all of the uniforms were furnished by the firm,
and in 13 plants they were kept in condition by the firm. An excel
lent system was reported in one candy plant whore comfortable caps
and aprons were furnished and laundered, the girls being required
to change their uniforms twice a week. In several plants the girls
bought their uniforms from the firm at cost. Some of the women
in the meat-packing industry, for example, who wore rubber boots
to protect their feet, got them at a reduced rate from the firms.
In 7 of the 13 plants where the women were compelled to wear gloves
and other protection for the hands, some or all of the equipment neces
sary was provided. In a metal plant, however, where the work
necessitated the wearing of gloves, many of the women were com
pelled to buy a new pair weekly at 25 cents a pair. The cost of

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

the provision and maintenance of uniforms by workers is apt to
amount to quite an item in their budget and should be taken into
account in the matter of wages.
SERVICE FACILITIES.

Other arrangements for the comfort of the women, such as lunch
rooms, cloakrooms, restrooms, and first-aid equipment, were found
to vary greatly in the establishments inspected.
Lunchrooms.

Lunch rooms of some sort were found in 42 of the 240 establish
ments. In 24 other establishments employees were allowed to eat
in restaurants maintained for the public. Of the lunchrooms pro
vided exclusively for employees, 12 were rated as generally unsatis
factory as to size, equipment, or cleanliness. As an example of
such inadequacy is the following description:
Lunchroom is under stairway from street. The sloping roof affords very little
floor space where girls can stand erect. Several chairs, hut no other furniture. No
light except from the artificial light in the store. No ventilation; odor very objec
tionable. Papers and dirty milk bottles scattered about.

In contrast is another report illustrative of the best type of lunch
room seen:
Cafeteria in large attractive room on top floor. Windows on two sides, with sunlight
streaming in. Small tables and chairs. Hot food served at cost. Food ordered
and prepared under direction of experienced cafeteria director. Piano and rockers
at other end of room. Magazines on table.

An elaborate equipment would not be possible for all plants,
especially those employing but few women. A general service
room, affording rest, lunch, and locker facilities, however, if properly
arranged may answer every purpose. In 15 of the 42 plants reporting
lunchrooms for employees such combination rooms were found,
but not all of these were adequate. In some plants, even though
hot food was not available the workers had facilities for making hot
drinks. Altogether, in 51 plants hot lunches could be purchased at
reasonable rates, and in 7 others coffee was furnished. It was
stated in a few plants where there were cafeterias that the employees
were encouraged to eat therein even when they brought their own
lunch. One plant which had provided an attractive and inexpensive
cafeteria had made the mistake of allowing only a 25-minute lunch
period. Consequently, the women who worked in a remote part of
the building were unable to patronize the lunchroom. As one girl
said, “ It’s so far and the time’s so short and it takes so long to clean
ourselves up to eat with other people, that we can’t use it.” It is,
therefore, not only necessary to have a conveniently located lunch
room but also a sufficiently long lunch period.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

In some of the 184 plants without a lunchroom it was stated that
most of the women went home for their midday meal. Even so,
there were women who for one reason or another were compelled to
eat lunch in these plants. Also, others might have preferred to re
main rather than hasten home for a hurried meal if there had been
a pleasant place in the plant in which to eat. In the great majority
of establishments, however, the workers were unable to go home,
and as no provision whatever had been made for lunch the girls
ate in the workrooms at machines or worktables. Such a system
is to be discountenanced, for too frequently the materials and debris
of the work make unappetizing surroundings. In any case it is
much better for the worker to eat in a comfortable place with no
reminder of her job, so that when she resumes it after a satisfactory
lunch she will feel refreshed mentally and physically.
Cloakrooms.

It seems reasonable to expect adequate facilities for wraps in
every establishment employing women. Nevertheless, the record
for cloakrooms in the Maryland industries showed need of much
improvement in this respect. Although 131 establishments had
provided some sort of cloakrooms, in 48 they were unsatisfactory
because they were dirty, poorly ventilated, insufficiently lighted, or
badly crowded. The two following excerpts from reports picture
typically good and bad conditions:
Cloakroom in the basement is a locker room with many steel lockers. Some are
long for wraps, others arc small and square for the hats. Lockers have wire doors with
keys, and two girls have charge of the room. It is light and well ventilated.
Girls hang wraps in dark closet under the stairs. No electric light.
ajar when they go in. Floor broken; walls dingy.

Girls leave door

Of the 240 establishments only 44 provided lockers for some or all
of the women. In some cases the lockers were not in the cloakrooms
but in the halls or workrooms. Occasionally the lockers were broken
and could not be made secure, or they were dirty and cont ained trash.
The manager in one plant where the lockers were described as cov
ered with an accumulation of dust, and as having broken hinges to
the doors complained because the girls did not seem to appreciate
the lockers and hence did not use them. Since the lockers failed to
fulfill their function of protecting belongings from theft and dust, this
fact is not surprising. Some authorities on the subject, however, prefer
other arrangements than lockers. A type of cloakroom recommended
is one equipped with iron racks, coat hangers, and shelves or boxes
for hats and personal belongings. The system of having a matron
to supervise the service facilities and to look after the cleaning of the
rooms and the comfort of the girls is said to produce excellent results.
In a large number of plants the only arrangements for wraps were

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

hooks or nails on the walls of the workrooms. As one girl said,
“You wouldn’t have that if you didn’t find your own nail and drive
it in.” The workers in one restaurant hung their wraps in the
kitchen. An inspection of dusty workrooms and of jobs detri
mental to clothes makes apparent the urgent need of a room where
wraps can be kept and clothing changed if necessary. Frequently
women desire to change their clothes and especially their shoes before
and after working; the lack of a room for this purpose is a serious
handicap. One woman who worked in a plant where there was much
wear and tear on her clothes and who lived some distance from the
plant changed her clothes and shoes in a small, gloomy toilet in which
there was barely room to close the door after entering. Some of the
plants visited had made admirable arrangements for providing a
maximum of comfort for employees and a minimum of risk for their
belongings.
Restrooms.

In every plant employing women there should be provided a place
for resting with a couch and other facilities for use in case of
sickness and emergencies. That this need had received but little
recognition from Maryland employers is shown by the small number
of restrooms encountered. Only 37 plants had made such provisions,
an<^ 18 of these were unsatisfactory as to equipment and cleanliness.
Conspicuous illustrations of insufficiency were the rest facilities
reported for two plants—a seatless rocking chair in the dressing room
of the one and a broken couch in the cloakroom of the other. As
proof of the lack of understanding of the subject was the remark of
one manager, who when questioned as to Ins equipment replied,
“The girls are not paid to rest.” Another manager, who had failed
to grasp the basic principle that comfort facilities are of vital impor
tance in the maintenance of health and efficiency, stated that “ the
girls come here to work and not to rest.” Occasionally a sick girl
was seen sitting in the window sill or lying on the concrete floor of a
toilet room. The absence of a restroom frequently means the loss
of an entire day for a girl who is compelled to go home for a slight
indisposition when a short rest might enable her to go on with her work.
In an emergency the lack of a restroom may cause distressing situa
tions. Facilities for resting are especially desirable in industries
where the women stand continuously at their jobs. In two glass
factories, for example, in which the women were allowed two short
rest periods a day, the arrangement was less advantageous because of
the lack of restrooms.
In a few plants comfortable and attractive rooms equipped with
couches, rocking-chairs, rugs, curtains, and sometimes with a victrola
and magazines, were a great asset.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Health equipment.

Because of an occasional accident or illness every establishment
should have a first-aid equipment. Of the 238 establishments for
which this information was secured, 116 had no such equipment or
one totally inadequate. The other 122 had first-aid equipment of
varying degrees of completeness. Among these have not been
included those plants which reported peroxide, linseed oil, “headache
medicine,” or butter for burns as the only remedy provided. One
manager in a textile mill lacking a first-aid equipment dismissed the
matter briefly with the remark, “None is needed.” In a few in
stances where a cabinet of remedies was found there was no person
in charge of administering aid. On the other hand, in some plants
were excellent measures for looking after the health of-the workers.
A hospital room was reported in 30 establishments, a nurse in attend
ance in 15, and a doctor giving medical attention in 2. Other man
agers stated that a doctor was on call and would be summoned in
case of an emergency. In 17 plants records were kept of accidents
occurring and of cases treated. Only 2 of the 37 establishments
where food was handled required a medical examination either upon
entering employment or during the period of service.
The following description illustrates the more extensive hospital
equipment found in a few of the large, progressive establishments:
A complete first-aid equipment is provided in the suite of hospital rooms for the use
of the nurse and doctor. The rooms are painted white. The suite consists of a small
waiting room, the private laboratory with the equipment, and a third room with two
beds and a hospital cot which serves as a restroom,. These rooms and equipment
are immaculately clean. As many as 145 to 150 cases have been taken care of in one
day by the nurse. There are all sorts of cases, ranging from such serious ones as the
loss of a finger to headaches, indigestion, cuts, and burns. The nurse emphasizes
the need of taking care of the general health of the women and pays attention to
general debility and building up the girls’ health. Such cases are kept on record.
This department keeps in touch with the organization of the Maryland State indus
trial nurses.

A complete arrangement of this sort is not to be expected in any
but a large plant, but it is possible for even the smallest industrial or
mercantile establishment to have a couch, in a rest room and a com
plete first-aid cabinet with a responsible persom in charge to admin
ister aid in case of an emergency.
EMPLOYMENT AND TRAINING.

Employment management.
Employment management is an extensive subject, about which
only a limited amount of information could be obtained in this in
vestigation. Questions were asked as to what person employed,
discharged, and transferred from one department to another within
the plant. A variety of answers was received. In 200 establish

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

ments the employment of workers was centralized; that is, all em
ploying, discharging, or transferring was done by the management or
referred thereto. In such cases the plant manager, the superintend
ent, the owner, or a foreman or forewoman with complete authority
was in charge of all matters of employment. In 29 establishments,
however, these matters were left to the separate departments,
frequently to the foreman in charge of each. In other cases the
employing was done by one person and the discharging or trans
ferring by another. Such methods mean a greater possibility of
injustice to individual workers than where these matters are under
one head. Sometimes in the plants visited a system of consultation
produced satisfactory results when the manager consulted with the
foreman or heads of departments. In the unionized shops of the
clothing industry it was reported that, although the managers usually
did the employing, the discharging was done according to the union
rules and under the supervision of the union. A definite employment
manager was reported in 15 establishments, which were for the most
part large and well systematized firms. The metal shops showed the
best record in this respect, as 6 of the 10 visited had employment
managers.
The excellent system in operation in one candy plant was described
as follows:
All work relative to employment ia done through the cooperation of the heads of
the departments with the superintendent and the woman in charge of the employ
ment department. Both men and women make application to the employment
manager. If approved, they are required to fill out cards and then to go to the nurse
for a physical examination. If they are not rejected oh account of physical condition,
they are given a job. In busy seasons there is a weekly meeting of department heads
for the discussion of general matters. A suggestion box is kept in the workrooms into
which employees may put suggestions; these are discussed at the meetings. If any
suggestion is found practicable, the employee is rewarded. In this way a spirit of
cooperation between employers and employees is maintained.

The method used in another plant tended to insure justice to the
worker. The overseers were required, in discharging a workeT, to
write out the reason for discharge and send it to the employment
manager. The worker was allowed to appeal his case to an employ
ment committee and to have a hearing.
It is now generally conceded that a carefully worked-out policy of
employment management is one of the best ways of securing labor,
of maintaining a low labor turnover, and of establishing satisfactory
relations between employers and employees. It is not to be expected
that a small plant employing but a few workers should have a person
devoting full time to this, but it is advisable for the sake of efficiency
and justice that matters of employment and personal supervision
should be in the hands of some intelligent person with the proper
qualifications for the work.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Where women are employed to any extent it is desirable to have a
competent woman in a supervisory position. Women are, as a rule,
better qualified to consider problems dealing specifically with women.
In 25 of the plants visited a woman was connected in some way with
the employment of the workers. In 2 of these a women was em
ployment manager and in 5 others a woman was the general business
manager. In a few plants forewomen were in charge of all matters
of employment, and in a few others they acted after consultation
with the manager.
Employment records were kept in 59 plants. These varied from
simple statements as to age and previous employment, to detailed
records of the personal and industrial history of the workers.
Training.
The amount of training necessary for a new and inexperienced
worker naturally depends upon the degree of skill required for a job.
In the industries investigated the training needed and supplied
varied from a few simple instructions to several months of careful
teaching. A number of managers stated that no training was given
in the plant, either because of the simple work or because of the policy
of employing only experienced workers.
A discussion of the systems or lack of systems for training encoun
tered in the several industries may serve to throw light on the indus
trial opportunities and needs of women in Maryland as well as on
the character of the industries employing women.
Of the women included in the survey the largest number engaged
in one type of work were the store employees. Also of the methods
of training recorded in the survey the most efficient were those in a
few of the large stores visited in Baltimore. In the last few years
there has been a definite movement throughout the country to train
store employees. That the Baltimore stores were progressive in this
respect was shown by the excellent systems of training encountered
in a few of the department stores of the city. The following descrip
tion gives some idea of the extent and workings of such a system.:
Training department is organized under an educational director with five assistants.
Classes are held for cashiers every day for a week, during one week each month..
These are arranged for various groups at the most convenient time. Classes for stock
girls in groups are held three times a week. The work in the classes is partly academic
and partly vocational.
New saleswomen are trained by the department sponsor, that, is, a sales person in
each department chosen to help beginners, to establish a personal relation with them,
and to instruct them about the stock, records, and gtore in general.
Weekly or biweekly talks on the particular goods in a department are given by the
head of the department. Meetings of various groups, such as the department heads
and sponsors, are held from time to time for educational purposes.

In a few other large stores were similar but less extensive systems.
Some of the smaller stores stated that their policy was to employ

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

only experienced workers, thereby relieving themselves of the bur
den of training. Although the 5-and-10-cent stores pursued the
policy of employing inexperienced girls, the stores of this type visited
had no efficient methods of training. Beginners were instructed by
managers or older workers or expected to “pick up the work.” One
manager’s plan was “to break the girls in gradually on Saturday
work.”
The next largest group of women in any one industry was in the
garment trades. As already shown, the women in this industry were
engaged largely in semiskilled jobs. There seemed, however, a very
strong trend toward not training the workers in the plants, since
one-half of the clothing factories visited reported that there was no
training done in the plant or that only experienced workers were
employed. This was generally true of the men’s clothing shops in
Baltimore. Some instruction in the plant was reported for a few of
the men’s clothing shops outside Baltimore and also for some of the
women’s clothing factories both in Baltimore and in the rest of the
State. In only two plants were special instructors found, and in a
third the beginners were taught by an experienced worker, who was
paid a time rate. In the other cases the foreman, forewoman, or
manager gave the instruction.
Although almost 1,700 women were engaged in textile occupations
which required in many cases a great deal of skill, the training in the
plants was largely unsystematized. Experienced workers, as a rule,
instructed beginners, or the beginners “picked up” their knowledge.
In only one mill was any statement made about special pay for the
teacher. The reports from two mills, however, indicated a branch
ing off from haphazard methods. In the one no beginners were
trained, the workers being obtained from textile schools; in the other,
although it was customary for beginners to be taught by the skilled
workers, an effort was being made to offer systematic instruction.
For two years a night class had been held, conducted by two special
teachers, giving training in textile processes and textile mathematics,
with an enrollment of 35 adults.
The metal establishments visited were an important industrial field
for women, employing over 1,000. Most of the processes performed
by women were mechanical in nature, such as the tending of auto
matic machines, and, as one manager said, “women learn their me
chanical tasks very easily.” Accordingly, the little training necessary
was given by the foremen or experienced workers. In one shop, how
ever, the women were engaged in the highly technical operations of
boring, milling, hammering, surfacing, grinding, filing, gauge setting,
inspecting with micrometer tests, and welding imperfections. At the
time of the investigation all the women in this plant were highly ex
perienced. During the war, when it was necessary to substitute

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

women for men in the skilled occupations in metal shops throughout
the country, women were given special training and a chance to prove
their ability in this line. Even after the return of men to the metal
industry many of the women who had acquired the necessary skill
were retained. Untrained women, however, have at present but little
opportunity of breaking into this field. If in the future women are
to enter upon such work for which a number have a natural aptitude
and ability, girls must be given the same opportunities as boys for
training in vocational schools. As yet, except for the usual courses
in dressmaking, sewing, and millinery, extremely little has been done
in this respect.
The straw-hat industry was found to be employing a large number
of women, and these were engaged in the jobs of cutting, machine
operating, hand sewing, blocking, and sizing, all of which usually
require considerable proficiency. According to the opinion of one
superintendent, three months’ experience was necessary before a girl
could attain sufficient skill to make much money. In his plant was a
separate instruction department. An experienced woman gave her
entire time to teaching machine and hand work to beginners In a
second straw-hat factory the employees also were instructed by a
woman engaged for that purpose. Such an arrangement is undoubt
edly more satisfactory than that encountered in the other plants in
this industry, where the forelady had the task of “breaking in green
help” added to her other duties.
Although cigar and cigarette manufacturing employed a large
number of women, some of them in the skilled process of hand cigar
making, very little information was obtainable about training. Two
of the five plants visited reported that there was no training at all,
and a third that there had been little since the war. The other two
stated that the foreman trained when necessary.
In candy manufacturing the only jobs performed by women
necessitating some degree of skill were the chocolate and cream
dipping. Any instruction needed in the plants visited was given
by the forewomen. In the various other food establishments there
was in only one instance a woman engaged especially to teach new
workers. The processes in the food plants were on the whole simple
ones, such as washing, labeling, and packing. Some of the occupa
tions in the meat-packing industry required experience—for example,
trimming meat and stuffing and twisting sausages—but at the time of
the survey, since plenty of experienced workers were available, there
were but few beginners.
In paper-box manufacturing women were engaged in both machine
and hand work. The operation of staying, stripping, or covering
machines was a mechanical job in each case, whereas hand covering,
decorating, and putting on fancy bottoms required more skill and

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

experience. A system of helpers is customary in this industry. The
helpers assist in turn at the various occupations and are gradually
initiated into the trade. In the plants visited the training was done
by the foreman or forewoman, and in one plant by experienced work
ers who were paid time rates while teaching.
The few women in the wooden-box factories were engaged in stay
ing and lining boxes. In two plants the instruction was given by
experienced workers. The teacher in one case received definite pay
in addition to her piecework wage. In the other the learner was given
a flat rate of #8 a week, and the teacher was allowed besides her regular
pay whatever the beginner would have made at a piecework rate. It
took two or three weeks for the new worker to earn as a pieceworker
more than the initial rate.
There were also only a few women in the highly skilled trades of
printing and publishing. These were engaged chiefly in bookbinding,
although several operated cylinder printing presses. The bindery
jobs were simple but varied, and girls changed from one to the other
in order to master the trade. Training was given by foremen and
forewomen. One foreman showed his union card, which he said it
was necessary to have in order to instruct apprentices.
In glass factories new workers were taught sometimes by foremen
and sometimes by experienced workers. The policy in one plant was
to start the new employees on simple jobs in the department. Al
though a few women in the plants visited were engaged in the proc
esses of putting on patterns, gold laying, and decorating, which
require some skill, the great majority were in such jobs as carrying
the glass from the furnace to the leer, tending automatic machines to
grind off rough edges on the glass articles, sorting, washing, cleaning
the molds, wrapping, and so on. For all of this work little skill is
necessary.
In the miscellaneous industries women were engaged on jobs too
varied to enumerate. None of the establishments reported any other
training than by foremen, forewomen, or experienced workers. The
manager of one small umbrella establishment producing high-class
goods stated that there was no training at that time in his plant, but
that his workers came from other large umbrella establishments. He
also said that it took three or four years for a girl to learn hand
sewing and tipping well enough to work on silk umbrellas, that she
had first to serve an apprenticeship on cotton ones.
Any little training given in laundries was by foremen, forewomen,
managers, or experienced workers, according to the individual plant.
In restaurants, where practically no training was necessary—as one
manager said, a girl became accustomed to the work in a day or two—
the head waitress, proprietor, or chef gave instructions.

WOMEK xy MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

A recapitulation of the foregoing indicates that all too frequently
the methods by which workers learn their trades are haphazard and
casual. It was only in a few well-organized establishments that a
special teacher was definitely appointed and paid for the task of
training beginners. In this way much better results are obtainable.
Waste and friction are reduced; efficiency is increased. On the other
hand, when experienced workers are expected to do the training, they
may resent the trouble and time required and, in the case of piece
workers, the money lost in the training of “green help.” The
beginner may develop slipshod habits or become so discouraged as
to give up the job. This method may serve as a serious handicap to
all concerned—the experienced worker, the new employee, and the
firm.

PART IV.
*
•

HOURS.

In a study of the hours of labor for women it is important to consider not only the working schedules prevailing in various establish
ments but also the State laws regulating hours. Despite those
progressive firms which voluntarily have adopted shorter schedules
than the hours permitted by law, there are always certain other
plants which keep their working hours stretched to the limit of the
law, no matter how backward that law may be.
Consequently, it is for such employers that effective legislation is
necessary, as a wall to prevent ebbing from the tide of industrial
progress. Maryland is one of the States which are conservative
about bringing hour laws up to modern standards. The State law
for women workers reads as follows:
No female shall be employed or permitted to work in any manufacturing, mechan
ical, mercantile, printing, baking, or laundering establishment more than ten hours
in any'one day, nor more than sixty hours in any one week, nor more than eight
hours in any one day, if any part of her work is done before six o’clock in the morn
ing or after ten o’clock in the evening of the said day. * * *
But the provisions of this section shall not apply to females employed in the can
ning or preserving, or preparing for canning or preserving of perishable fruit and
vegetables. And provided further that in any retail mercantile establishments
located outside of the city of Baltimore a female may be permitted to work on Satur
days and on Christmas Eve and the five working days next preceding Christmas
Eve not more than twelve hours, if during each of such Saturdays and Christmas
Eve and five days aforesaid the female so employed shall have at least two rest inter
vals of not less than one hour each, and this provision shall only apply to such mercan
tile establishments as have during the remainder of the calendar year a working day
of not. more than nine hours.1

In general this places Maryland in the lO-hours-a-day, 60-hours-aweek class. There are five other States in the country with a similar
law and only ten others more backward in hour legislation.
To turn from the legal to the industrial hour records obtained in
the survey, is to inspire hope that Maryland law will eventually be
brought up to the standards set by those plants now serving as
pioneers in the shortening of hours. This will give the necessary
momentum to the backward establishments.
Information about hours was obtained from the statements of
managers. The data given in this section represent the normal
scheduled hours of the establishments visited and not short-time
1 Session Laws of Maryland, 1916, ch. 147, sec. 14.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

schedules resulting from the industrial depression. It should be
borne in mind also that the hours tabulated are not the actual hours
worked by the individual women. It is not always possible to get
the actual daily hours for each worker, since in a number of estab
lishments no record is available; also, daily and weekly hours actually
worked by the women during the period of the investigation were
in many instances far below normal.
The great difference between the industrial status of Baltimore
and that of other cities and towns in the State has made it advisable
to consider Baltimore separately in this discussion. Furthermore,
in the matter of hours restaurants have been tabulated and treated
apart from the other establishments on account of the irregularities
characteristic of the industry.
DAILY HOURS.

The following table gives the number of establishments and of
women working certain specified hours a day:

Table 2.—Scheduled daily hours

of women, by industry—Monday to Friday.

BALTIMORE.

110119

Number whose hours were—
Total number
reporting.
Industry.

Under 8.

Over 8 and under 9.

Over 9 and under 10.

Manufacturing:
Boxes, paper..........................
Candy.....................................
Cigars......................................
Clothing, men’s.....................
Clothing, women’s and
children’s ........................
Hats, men’s...........................
Meat products.......................
Printing and publishing.......
Textiles..................................
Umbrellas..............................
Miscellaneous........................
General mercantile......................
5-and-lO-cent stores......................
Laundries.....................................
All industries.....................
Per cent distribution...................

5
3
6
4
26

218
59
384
825
935

465
929
87
978
28
1,170
'141
803
2,775
145
390

3
9
■4
6
3
13
MO
4
10
2 125

10,332
100.0

3
1
1
1
3

161
38
66
292
9

223

2
19

283

860

147

6
5

306
929

312

]
4
3

105
28
957

4
2
3
7

i
9
1
2

53
2,720
' 63
21

2
2
3
1

123
55
82
13

2,924
28.3

1,080
10.5

2,909 •
28. 2

250

344

104

141
511

20
113
35

349

2,333
22.6

912
8.8

1 Includes one establishment with 237 women working hours and 40 women working 8 hours.
2 Sum of establishments classified by hours exceeds total, because of certain establishments appearing in more than one column.

6
1
1

174
1.7

W O M E N IN M ARYLAND IN D U ST R IE S.

Estab
Estab
Estab
.Estab
Estab
Estab
Estab
lishments Women. lishments Women. lishments Women. lishments Women. lishments Women. lishments Women. lishments Women.

Table 2.—Scheduled

daily hours of women, by industry—Monday to Friday—Continued.

STATE EXCLUSIVE OF BALTIMORE.
Number whose hours were—
Total number
reporting.
Industry.

Under 8.

Over 8 and under 9.

Over 9 and under 10.

Manufacturing:
Clothing^

women’s

and

Laundries.....................................

614

4
83
5
9
20
4 16
8
10

128
89
219
665
618

288

3,045
100.0

91
10

64
362
7

101
3.3

5
5
1
17

393

2
3

58
62

1
2

36
27

37
42
32
49

4
3

94
68
14
40

5
8
2
1
4

518
466
82
8
247

3
1
2

115
11
11

163
5.4

432
14.2

1,777
58.4

2
3
1
2

104
136
10
3

214
7.0

358
11.8

2 Sum of establishments classified by hours exceeds total, because of certain establishments appearing in more than one column.
8 Includes one establishment with 14 women working 8J hours and 13 women working 9 hours. Also includes one establishment with 27 women working 8£ hours and 14 women
working 9 hours.
4 Includes one establishment with 2 women working 8 hours and 2 women working 10 hours, Also includes one establishment with 2 women working 8 hours and 4 women
working 8£ hours.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Estab
Estab Women. Estab Women. Estab Women.
Estab
Estab
Estab
lishments
lishments
lishments Women. lishments Women. lishments Women. lishments Women. lishments

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Using the 8-hour day as a standard, we find from the table that
the Baltimore establishments were more progressive than those in
the rest of the State. Of the 213 plants scheduled in the whole State,
the total number with eight hours a day or less was a little over
one-third (34.7 per cent), employing somewhat less than one-third of
the women (31.9 per cent). In Baltimore, 40 per cent of the 125
establishments visited—that is, 50 establishments employing 38.8
per cent of the Baltimore women included in the survey—had a
daily schedule of eight hours or less. Such hours also were reported
for 27.3 per cent of the 88 establishments inspected in the rest of the
State—that is, 24 establishments—in which were employed only 8.7
per cent of the women outside Baltimore for whom data were ob
tained. On the other hand, 141 establishments2 visited in the
entire State, employing over two-thirds of the women (68.1 per cent),
had a daily schedule of more than 8 hours. Although the group
which worked the legal limit of 10 hours a day comprised only 18
establishments, employing only 4 per cent of the total number of
women, it is sufficiently large to indicate the need of improvement
in the hour legislation. The record for Baltimore, where only 4 per
cent of the establishments visited reported a 10-hour day, was better
than that for the rest of the State where 14.8 per cent of the estab
lishments were in this class.
The table also shows which industries had made the most progress
in the matter of the 8-hour day. It is apparent that the numbers
of establishments scheduled in some of the industries are too small
to make a comparison of percentages of much value. However,
several significant things may be pointed out. Stores had the best
record, since all of the general mercantile and 5-and-10-cent stores
in Baltimore, as well as a little over two-thuds of the general mer
cantile and three-fourths of the 5-and-10-cent stores in the rest of
the State, had a working-day of 8 hours or less. More than one-half
of the men’s clothing factories and one-third of the women’s clothing
factories visited in the whole State were operating on a daily schedule
of 8 hours or less. Despite this strong trend toward the 8-hour day
in stores and garment factories, the three clothing shops and the
two general mercantile establishments outside Baltimore reporting a
10-hour day show that there were delinquents even in these industries.
The fact that none of the textile mills were in the 8-hour group, and
that four of the general textile mills and two of the hosiery mills re
ported a 10-hour day, reveals a tendency toward longer hours in the
textile industry.
WEEKLY HOURS.

The record of daily hours must be supplemented with the weekly
hour data to obtain a comprehensive view of the matter. The fol
lowing table shows the number of establishments (exclusive of
restaurants) and the percentage of women employees having certain
weekly hours:

Table 3.—Scheduled weekly hours

of women, by industry.

BALTIMORE.
Number whose scheduled weekly hours were—
Total
repc rting.

Under 44.

Over 44 and under 48.

44.

Over 48 and under 52.

48.

Industry.

Manufacturing:

All industries...........................................

3
61
4
26

218
59
384
825
935

929

9
4
6
3
13
19
4
10

978
28
1.170
'l41
803
2.769
3145
390

6.6

6.9

a 124

10,326

196

1.9

7
1

26
23

2.8
4.9

77.0

2
15
5

283
905
66

1,254

34.3
96.8
14.2

12.1

2
1

30
38

13.8
64.4

1
1
7
3

292
1
373
459

35.4
0.1
80.2
49.4

312

31.9

131

60.1

3.1

4
2

28 100.0
937 80.1

26.1

289

75.3

2
1
1

2
3
441

.2
.6
47.5

553

56.5

4
3
7

233
141
511

19.9
100.0
63.6

1
8
1
2

41
2,714
' 63
21

5.1
98.0
43.4
5.4

2
2

100
55

12.5
2.0

3.3

3
1

82
5

56.6
1.3

4,344

42.1

1,293

12.5

2,317

22.4

6
1
2

384
36
27

62.5
28.1
30.3

STATE EXCLUSIVE OF BALTIMORE.
Manufacturing:

614

89
219

9
19
5 16

610
286
64
303

784

2,978

A-

All industries...........................................

1.7

0.5

2
2
3

82
58
62

13.4
45.3
69.7

7.0

5.4

4
3

42
50

6.9
17.5

2
3

56
9

9.2
3.1

13.9

5
6
5
6
3

518
453
73
42
249

77.9
74.3
25.5
65. 6
82.2

1.2

336

11.3

108

3.6

1,782

59.8

W O M EN IN M ARYLAND IN D U ST R IE S.

Women.
Women.
Women.
Women.
Women.
Estab
EstabEstab
Estab
Estab
lish Num Per lish Num Per lish Num Per lishlish Women. lish- Num Per
Num Per
mcnts. ber. cent. ments. ber. cent. ments. ber. cent. ments. ber. cent. ments. ber. cent.
ments.

(
BALTIMORE.
Number whose scheduled weekly hours were—
Over 52 and under 54.

52.

54.

Over 54 and under 60.

Industry.

Over 60.

60.

Manufacturing:
Boxes, wooden...........................................
Candy....................................................................
Cigars.....................................................................
Clothing, men’s....................................................
Meat products......................................................
Metal products........................................
Miscellaneous.......................................................
Laundries.................................................................

i75

All industries....................................................

460

i
l

35
250

25.4

0.1

44.9

1
2

26
149

3.2
38.2

4.5

191

1.8

9.1
30.3

1
1

6
60

10.2
15.6

1
2
1

20
113
72

23. 0
11. 6
9.0

271

2.6

10.1

2
3
1
3
1
1

104
136
10
104
8
12

47.5
20.5
1.6
36.4
12.5
4.0

1.0

436

14.6

STATE EXCLUSIVE OF BALTIMORE.
Manufacturing:
Clothing, men’s....................................................
Clothing, women’s and children’s.....................
Hosiery.................................................................
Textiles............................................
Miscellaneous.......................................................
General mercantile.............................
5-and-10-cent stores....................................................
Laundries................................................
All industries.......................................................

1
1
2
1
3
1
1

40
34
84
11
16
42
14

6.5
26.6
38.4
1.7
2.6
14.7
21.9

241

8.1

14.2

1.0

1 Includes 1 establishment with 237 women working 45 hours and 40 women working 48 hours; 1 store excluded because of irregularity of hours.
2 One store excluded because of irregularity of hours.
* Includes 1 establishment with 14 women working 46f hours and 13 women working 49J hours; also 1 establishment with 27 women working 474 hours and 14 women working
hours.
1 One establishment excluded because of irregularity of hours.
6 Includes 1 establishment with 2 women working 50 hours and 2 women working 61 hours; also 1 establishment with 2 women working 48 hours and 4 women working 51 hours.
6 Three establishments excluded because of irregularity of hours.
i One miscellaneous manufacturing plant and 3laundries excluded because of irregularity of hours.

W O M EN IN M ARYLAND IN D U ST R IE S.

Women.
Women.
Women.
Women.
Women.
Women.
EstabEstabEstabEstabEstablish- Num Per lish- Num Per lish- Num Per
lish- Num Per lish- Num Per lishNum
Per.
ments. ber. cent. ments. ber. cent. nients. ber. cent. ments. ber.
cent. ments. ber. cent. ments. ber. cent.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Although not brought out in this table, the working week for women
in Baltimore establishments ranged from 39 to 56 hours, inclusive,
and those in the rest of the State from 41J to 64$ hours, inclusive.
One-half of the plants in the whole State for which this information
was obtained, employing more than one-half (56.9 per cent) of the
total number of women in the survey, exclusive of restaurant workers,
had a weekly schedule of 48 hours or less. Baltimore was far in
advance of the rest of the State in this respect, since 68.6 per cent
of the women in Baltimore and only 16.3 per cent of those outside
Baltimore had such a weekly schedule.
Among the 36 establishments with 44 hours and under in Baltimore
were 28 of the 40 establishments manufacturing clothing. According
to the more detailed figures only 4 women in men’s clothing factories
in Baltimore had a week of more than 44 hours, and only 3 in the
women’s and children’s clothing worked more than 47 hours. It
can be seen from the table that the hours of the garment trades in
the State exclusive of Baltimore, with 79.2 per cent of the women
in the men’s clothing shops and 54.7 per cent of those making
women’s and children’s clothing working more than a 48-hour week,
form a striking contrast to the hours in Baltimore, where only 0.3
per cent and 0.6 per cent, respectively, of the women in these two
industries had a weekly schedule of more than 48 hours.
Of the plants visited in Baltimore, the six having a weekly schedule
"of more than 54 hours for the women employed therein, who consti
tuted, however, only 2.6 per cent of the total number in the Baltimore
establishments, were as follows: Two metal shops, and 1 wooden-box,
1 candy, 1 meat-products, and 1 miscellaneous factory. In the State
exclusive of Baltimore there were 14.7 per cent of the women working
more than 54 hours a week, and although all the industries except
glass and women’s clothing factories showed some women in this
classification, the hosiery mills, with 47.5 per cent of the women
employees, and the general mercantile, with 36.4 per cent, had the
worst records in this respect.
From the foregoing it is evident that a legal reduction of the working
hours would benefit a large proportion of the women workers in
Maryland.
Whenever an effort is made to reduce the hours of labor for women
in any locality, the argument is advanced that such a limitation will
cause industries employing both men and women to discriminate
against women. Experience has tended to prove the invalidity of
this argument. The actual result of the legal reduction of women’s
hours is apt to be a corresponding reduction in men’s hours. A com
parison of the hours of the men and women in the Maryland estab
lishments included in the survey is of interest at this point. The
following summary prepared from Table I, page SO, in the appendix,
gives the percentages of men and women working certain classified
weekly hours:

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES,

State exclusive of
Baltimore.

Baltimore.

Total in State.

Scheduled hours.

Under 44....................................
44.................................................
Over 44 and under 48...............
Over 48 and under 52...............
Over 52 and under 54...............
Over 54 and under 60...............
60................................................
Over 60......................................

Per cent
of men.

Per cent
of women.

6.2
16.5
21.0
17.9
26.5
2.8
2.5
.3
6.5
.3

1.9
12.1
42.1
12.5
22.4
4.5
1.8

0.1
.5
18.2
1.3
50.5
2.6

2.6

25.8

Per cent
of men.

Per cent
of women.
0.2
1.2
11.3
3.6
59.8

Per cent
of men.

Per cent
of women.

4.4
11.7
20.2
13.0
33.7

1.5
9.7
35.2
10.5
30.8

8.1

2.5

3.2

14.6

12.2
(>) '

5.3

1 Less than 0.05 per cent.

The summary figures for the total in the State show that the
proportion of men working 44 hours or under (16.1 per cent) is
greater than the proportion of women with these hours (11.2 per cent),
and that the proportion of men working 48 hours or under (49.3 per
cent) is only a little less than the proportion of women in this group
(56.9 per cent). Furthermore, the percentages of men who worked
more than 52 hours and more than 54 hours a week are not strikingly
higher than the percentages of women working these hours. Finally,
despite the 60-hour limitation for women in most industries and the
absence of limitation to the hours of work for men, only one man
was found to be working over 60 hours in these establishments,
whereas three women had a schedule of more than 60 hours.
What is true of a 60-hour limitation is in a large measure true of
one of 48 hours. In substantiation of this statement are the facts
given in an investigation made by the Women’s Bureau after the
48-hour law for women went into effect in Massachusetts. The
investigation showed that when hours were reduced for women they
were reduced for 77.7 per cent of the men in the same establishments
studied in Massachusetts.
The report of that investigation also helps to answer the argument
that reduction in women’s hours means reduction in pay, by show
ing that one-half of the establishments visited in Massachusetts had
increased both their time and piece rates when hours were reduced.
In ofher plants the shortening of hours had led to an improvement of
working conditions, the installation of labor-saving devices, and more
efficient management, all with the idea of maintaining production
and thereby keeping up wages. On the whole, opinions as well as
definite facts given by the managers of the various factories seemed
to show tEat a reduction of working hours was a good thing from
their point of view. A concrete example of this is given in the follow
ing quotation from the report:

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

The report oi another manager in an establishment manufacturing a rubber product
in Massachusetts said that when the shorter week was put into effect a careful study
was made of each process to see if it was done with as little waste and as much effici
ency as possible. Piece rates were not increased but weekly earnings of pieceworkers
were the same under the shorter hours. During the year this firm made no change in
its selling price. The cost of labor had been increased owing to shorter hours, but it
had been compensated for by better management and more efficient organization in
the plant. The general output of the plant was better under the new week than
under the old.3

The testimony of the workers also is interesting.
None of the many working women interviewed in the course of this investigation
reported any discrimination against them since the 8-hour law went into effect, and
the great majority reported that the increased time for rest and recreation had been
of great benefit and that the decreased working hours had resulted in only a few in
stances in reduced pay.4

Thus a law limiting the industrial week for women produces a
benefit in more ways than one. It tends to prevent that undue
fatigue resulting from long hours of labor, a fatigue which acts as a
poison to the system, decreasing output and increasing accidents
during working hours, sapping energies and destroying ambition for
activities after working hours. In many cases these activities are
of a most essential and vital nature—the maintenance of homes and
families. Consequently, in the final analysis, the individual women,
the industries, and the community at large share in the benefits of a
law which reduces hours.
SATURDAY HOURS.

Because of the realization of the need for some time to he spent in
rest, recreation, and the pursuit of personal activities, the custom of
Saturday half holiday has become more and more prevalent in in
dustrial circles. A large majority of the plants visited in Maryland
had adopted this practice. Nevertheless, 47 plants (about onefourth) still had a full Saturday or one even longer than other days.
The following summary of Table II, page 84 in the appendix, gives
the number of establishments in the various industries which em
ployed women full time on Saturday, a full day, for this tabulation,
being considered one of 7 or more hours:
Baltimore.

9
4
2
4

State ex
clusive of
Baltimore.
16
8
4

3 U. S. Dept, of Labor, Women's Bureau. Some effects of legislation limiting hours of work for women.
Bulletin No. 15, 1921, p. 16.
* Ibid., p. 24.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES,

The length of the Saturday in these establishments varied from a
7-hour day to one of 12£ hours in two stores outside of Baltimore.
f This summary shows that of the 47 establishments with a long
Saturday 37 were stores. Of this number, 28 had Saturday hours
longer than those of Monday to Friday. Only 6 of the 28 were
Baltimore stores, and only 1 of these 6 remained open for more than
an hour longer than on other days. On the other hand, 9 of the
stores outside Baltimore had a Saturday from 3 to 4 hours longer
than the other working days.
The more detailed figures of the table show that in Baltimore
34.2 per cent of the women—almost wholly store employees—had a
long Saturday, but only 13 women, or one-tenth of 1 per cent of the •
total number, worked as long as 10 hours on Saturday. In the
State exclusive of Baltimore, although only 14.4 per cent of the women
had a long Saturday, 9.8 per cent of the women worked 10 hours or
more and 3.8 per cent of them had a day of 12 or 12J hours.
Altogether, 144 of the establishments reporting had a shorter
schedule on Saturday, while 12 factories, 1 mill, and 5 laundries
reported that the women did no work on Saturday.
Credit must be given to certain Baltimore stores for falling in
line with the movement recently instituted in large cities of closing
for the whole day on Saturday during the summer months. Five
of the stores visited in Baltimore are closed all day on Saturday
during August, and three others during both July and August.
REST INTERVALS AND VACATIONS.

Lunch periods.

An analysis of the length of the lunch period in 213 establishments
(restaurants omitted) shows that 72 allowed a half hour for lunch
and 120 an hour. Only four establishments had a lunch interval of
more than one hour—two were stores with an hour and a half, while
one was a 5-and-10-cent store and one a laundry with an hour and
a quarter. One plant, a metal shop, had only a 25-minute period,
and it was not surprising that some of the employees in this plant
complained that the lunch time was too short to permit them to go
to the cafeteria at the other end of the building.
The length of the lunch period is a matter to be decided by indi
vidual establishments, the needs and desires of the workers being
taken into account, but every establishment should have at least
a 30-minute interval.
Rest periods.

The matter of rest periods is also one to be decided by individual
plants. Experience has shown that an asset to health and effi
ciency is a 10 minutes rest in the middle of each working period

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

without an increase in the length of the working-day. In only three
factories of all the Maryland establishments visited was such an ar
rangement found. All three of these factories manufactured glass
products. The first plant allowed two 15-minute periods to the
employees in the furnace room, the second gave two 15-minute
periods to all workers, and the third gave two half-hour rests, one
from 9 to 9.30 in the morning and the other from 3 to 3.30 in the
afternoon.5
Vacations.

A vacation for each worker at some time during the year, although
a principle generally recognized in theory, is not practiced so ex
tensively nor considerately in industrial as in business circles. A
vacation with pay has long been customary for employees in mer
cantile establishments, and in Maryland this practice was followed
in three-fifths of the stores visited. Length of vacation, as a rule,
was regulated by length of service. A vacation of one week was the
usual allowance after a year with the firm, although in a few stores
two weeks with pay were granted employees with a record of two
years or more with the firm.
Despite the growing tendency to give a vacation with pay to fac
tory workers, but few instances of this were encountered in the
Maryland manufacturing establishments visited. In a number of
plants such a vacation was allowed to superintendents, heads of de
partments, foremen, forewomen, and office workers, but in only very
rare cases was it granted to other employees. The most generous
arrangement was that in a printing establishment, where all em
ployees were given two weeks with pay after one year’s service. A
small mattress factory and two large cigar factories paid all the work
ers during a week’s rest. Three laundries reported vacation with
pay, the first granting one week to all employees, the second five
days to those who had worked one year in the plant, and the third
one week to employees after two years’ service and two weeks after
five years’ service.
A number of manufacturing establishments permitted workers to
take a vacation without pay if they so desired. In the great ma
jority of these cases there was no systematic arrangement. In some
plants a vacation was forced upon the workers because of a slack
condition in the industry. Since no pay was given during this pe
riod, there was, in consequence, strong possibility of financial hard
ship to these employees. Even when time off without pay is al
lowed, many workers feel that they can not avail themselves of the
privilege when wages are meager and personal needs numerous.
Some plants reported that neither a vacation with pay nor one with
out was permitted.
& Restaurants are not included in this discussion.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Obviously, at least a week's rest with pay is desirable for every
manual as well as for every mental worker. In industries where it
would not be feasible to close the plant for any one week, vacations
could be adjusted so that only a few employees would be out at one
time.
Seasonal nature of the industries.

The system of enforced vacations caused by the seasonal nature
of industries is a very definite problem because of resulting hard
ships to the working forces in such industries. The effects of a slack
period are different in different plants. In some the condition is so
serious as to cause the closing of the plant for several months and
the suspension of all wage payments. In other instances, when only
a part of the force is dropped, the effect is not so far-reaching. A
third consequence may be the reduction of working hours for all
employees with a corresponding cut in wages. In this way the de
pression, instead of falling entirelv on any one group, is shared by
all.
Since industries are more or less the victims of the capricious law
of supply and demand, a complete elimination of such slack periods
doubtless is impossible. However, a great deal can be done to lessen
the evils of the system, and much already has been done in some
industries and in some establishments. Careful study of the market
and analysis of the possibilities in a plant for the manufacture of a
somewhat different product during a dull season, have proved effec
tive in minimizing the slack-time evil.
An attempt was made in the Maryland investigation to ascertain
in which industries the seasonal nature of the work necessitated wage
cuts or enforced vacations for the workers. Clear-cut information in
this respect was difficult to obtain on account of the tendency on the
part of some managers to confuse the slackness due to the nature of
the industry with that resulting from the general industrial depres
sion.
Perhaps the most definitely seasonal of all the industries investi
gated in Maryland were the candy and straw-hat trades. As might
be expected, the candy factories had their busiest time in the fall
months and their next busiest time before Easter. One plant which
at the time of the investigation had on the pay roll only 124 women
and 22 men, reported that there had been employed before Christmas
about 700 women and 300 men. The candy factories all had a
definitely slack period during the summer months. Of the five
straw-hat factories four reported a dull season in the summer. Two
of these plants stated that they never shut down entirely, but that
workers “took vacations” during the dull period. Another firm
made a practice of closing for as long as six weeks in July and
August.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

In other industries the steadiness of work throughout the year
varied in degree for different establishments. In the garment
trades, for example, a number of managers declared that their pro
duction was steady during the year. Others reported that although
the industry was not seasonal they were much busier at certain times
than at others. A large group announced that their plants were
very busy at some seasons and very dull at others, the slack season
varying in the several factories and lasting for different periods.
With some firms business was exceedingly dull for six months out
of the twelve. January, February, June, July, and August were
the months most commonly designated as dull. Only two of the
six paper-box establishments reported a slack period; in each case
this occurred in the summer. In all three wooden-box factories,
however, there was a dull season, the time differing somewhat in
the several plants.
The reports from mills showed that the textile industry was
normally very steady, but that it had been crippled greatly by the
industrial depression. Only one textile plant reported a slack
season in normal years, and that was a knitting mill which always
curtailed its output in June, July, and August. Nor did the metal
establishments have slack seasons, although in one plant some
fluctuations in production were said to occur, though not system
atically. The cigar industry appeared to be one in which fluctua
tions also took place, but likewise with no seasonal regularity. The
five cigar factories visited all stated that they were very slack at
the time of the investigation. Two of the five glass plants admitted
a dull season in the summer months. A food-product establish
ment was slack from January to July. One umbrella factory re
ported greatly decreased production in February, while another
acknowledged May and June to be the poorest months. In a brush
factory the period from April to September was dull.
Stores are not definitely seasonal in their trade, with the exception
of the greatly increased activity for the weeks immediately preced
ing Christmas. It is a well-known fact that the force in stores is
augmented for this period, and that the extra employees taken on
for the emergency usually are dropped when it is over.
The large majority of laundries reported that business was steady
throughout the year. Although a few plants had less work at
certain times of the year than at others, these periods varied in the
several laundries in such a way as to indicate that the location of
the plant and outside circumstances were responsible, and not the
nature of the industry.
From the foregoing discussion it would seem that a considerable
number of workers would be greatly handicapped in the matter of
securing a living yearly wage because of the seasonal nature of their

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

occupations. Workers in such industries must in many cases weather
a period of six weeks or more in the year without pay. Another job
during the off season is not always obtainable, especially when
managers realize that a worker is applying for temporary work. If
slack seasons are inevitable in certain industries, this fact should be
considered in setting wage rates.
In some industries in Maryland apparently the dull periods could
have been averted by more careful adjustment. As an example of
good management was one textile mill which reported that its
busiest season was from December to April in preparation for the
spring demand, but that the plant contrived to run steadily through
out the year by manufacturing a slightly different product the rest
of the time. Such efforts and results would seem possible for other
establishments.
Undertime and overtime.

At the time of the investigation in Maryland an abnormal amount
of slackness was found on account of the general business depression.
Undertime was very general. Many plants were operating not only
fewer hours a day, but fewer days a week. In fact, about one-third
of the manufacturing establishments visited reported that they were
running on a shorter weekly schedule or that they had been completely
shut down for a period.
From this it is obvious that the matter of overtime work by
women in manufacturing plants was not important during the survey,
since there had been practically none for a year or more prior to that
time. Also, any information obtained about overtime policies in
normal years was too fragmentary to be of value.
As the hours of stores and laundries were virtually unaffected by
the industrial depression, a discussion of their overtime practices
is more significant. Although the custom of night work for women
for a week or two preceding Christmas was found in some of the
Maryland stores. None of the general mercantile establishments in
Baltimore remained open longer than their regular hours during the
Christmas rush. The overtime schedules varied in such stores as
did remain open at night. One 5-and-10-cent store in Baltimore,
which required employees to work until 10 p. m. from one to two
weeks before Christmas, and two department stores outside Balti
more which kept the women a 12-hour day for 10 days during the
busy period were among those with the worst record in this respect.
Very little overtime was reported for mercantile establishments at
any other season. The women in the alteration department of one
store remained before Easter until 8 p. m., and in several other stores
girls occasionally worked for a few hours in the evening, making
inventories and taking stock. Except in a few instances, store

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

employees received no extra compensation for overtime. Six stores
stated that they gave some remuneration for time worked after
regular hours. Women in such cases usually were paid at the same
rate as for regular time, although the women in the alteration depart
ment already referred to received a half day’s pay for the extra time.
In laundries where hours were more or less irregular, and where
undertime was common, it was difficult to ascertain the amount of
overtime worked by women. In fact, in only three laundries did
the overtime appear of sufficient importance to merit any considera
tion. In one plant the women worked for about two hours on 20
or more Sundays during the year, receiving $1 a Sunday. In another
laundry six people worked each Sunday for an hour and a half with
out extra pay; they were permitted to leave at 2 o’clock one week
day to offset this. A third laundry, which was scheduled to close
at 1 o’clock on Saturday, sometimes required the women to remain
until 6 o’clock. There was no report on the overtime pay here.
POSTING OF HOURS.

As a guard against the arbitrary stretching of working hours and
as a definite means of chocking up on overtime, is the practice of
posting in a plant the hours of labor. In this way are prevented
misunderstandings about the length of the working-day on the part
both of employer and of employees. According to the State regula
tion in Maryland, the hour schedule in force in the establishment,
together with a copy of the law regulating hours for women, must
he posted in a conspicuous place in each plant. Of the 213 plants
visited6 78 were complying with the law, 96 did not have the hours
posted, and 9 others had wrong schedules posted.7
Of the nine plants displaying wrong hour notices, eight had allowed
former schedules with longer hours to remain posted; several of such
schedules were dated as far back as 1914. Another firm had paid
so little heed to this regulation that the hour schedule of the firm
which formerly had occupied the premises had been left up, even
though the schedule was an hour and a half longer than that of the
present firm. In a few plants where the hours were not posted, it
was said that the notice had been taken down when walls were cleaned
or painted and never had been put up again.
RESTAURANT HOURS.

The study of the hours of restaurant employees is exceedingly
intricate. Each establishment, and in fact the schedule of almost
every restaurant employee, is a problem in itself. Consequently,
restaurant working hours are probably more irregular and ineon6 Restaurants are not included, since this law does not apply to them,
f For 30 plants there was no report on this subject.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

yenient than those of any other industry in which women are engaged.
Examination of the schedules and shifts is likely to reveal the preva
lence of unduly long daily and weekly hours, objectionably early and
late hours for beginning and ending work, night work, the seven-day
week, the lack of definite meal time, and the split shift with long
over-all hours.8 At first glance most of these evils may seem
inherent in the industry or, as many proprietors of hotels and res
taurants assert, may be attributed to the public, with its habit of
eating at all hours. However, that they are not unavoidable is
shown by the fact that the protective hour legislation for women in a
number of States applies to restaurants as well as to other industries.
Not only the daily and weekly hour limitation, but the laws prohibit
ing night work and providing for definite meal intervals, and one day
of rest in seven, cover restaurant employees in a considerable number
of States.
Maryland is not one of these States, however. The legal limit of
60 hours a week and 10 hours a day does not apply to restaurants
and hotels, a fact well illustrated by the data gathered in the survey.
Twenty-seven restaurants were visited, 17 in Baltimore and 10 else
where in the State. These establishments were of all types, each
type having its own problems. There were included department
store restaurants, lunch counters, and tea rooms, which had the same
hours and regulations as the stores in which they were located; lunch
rooms open for only one meal a day; hotel dining rooms with exceed
ingly long hours; and restaurants with 24 hours’ service. The
ensuing analysis of restaurant hours shows the absence of any stand
ardization throughout the State and the need for great improvement
in this respect to make restaurant work a more satisfactory kind of
employment for women. .
In a study of restaurant hours it is necessary to consider the
schedules of individual women, since shifts and irregularities cause
great variation in hours for the different workers within any one
establishment. Accordingly, for 264 women in Maryland restaurants
the weekly schedule was secured, that is, the beginning and ending
hours for each day in the week, the number of meals on or off duty,
with time allowed, and the intervals between shifts.
Weekly hours.

The hours of restaurant employees were, on the whole, more
standardized in Baltimore than in the rest of the State. The follow
ing table furnishes a comparison between the number working certain
specified weekly hours in the Baltimore restaurants investigated and
the number working those hours outside Baltimore:
8 The time from the beginning to the end of the working-day, including meal periods and time off from
work.

WOMEN IX MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.
Table 4.—Weekly

hours of women employees in restaurants.
W omen working each specified number
of hours—

Weekly hours.

State exclusive
of Baltimore.

Baltimore.

Number. Percent. Number. Per cent.

Over 48 and under 54........................................................................
54.........................................................................................................
Over 54 and under 60........................................................................
60.........................................................................................................
Over 60 and under 65........................................................................
65 and under 70.................................................................................
70 and under 75.................................................................................
75 and over.........................................................................................
Total.........................................................................................

8.2

16
13
9

21.9
2.7
17.8
12.3

16.4
4.1

100.0

59
5
29
49
24
9
5

30.9

2.6

1.6

191

1
1

2.6

15.2
25.7
12.6

4.7
2.6

6
6
12

8.2
8.2

The table shows that, in all, 43.9 per cent of the restaurant women
in the survey worked more than 48 hours a week, hut that only 25.7
per cent of those in Baltimore restaurants, as compared with 91.8 per
cent of those in the restaurants visited outside Baltimore, had such
hours. Furthermore, only 5.2 per cent in the Baltimore establish
ments worked more than 60 hours a week, whereas 37 per cent in the
rest of the State had a week of more than 60 hours. From this it is
apparent that the restaurant hours in Baltimore, a large and busy
city, catering to a large and varied public, are strikingly better than
those in the much smaller towns in the rest of the State. Evidently
the restaurant hours outside Baltimore could be remedied—if not by
public opinion, then by legislation—without jeopardizing the success
of the industry.
It is important to consider weekly hours not only according to
location, but in relation to occupation. Of 251 restaurant workers
under consideration,0 139 (55.4 per cent) were dining-room em
ployees—waitresses and counter girls—and the others were almost all
workers behind the scenes, that is, the kitchen and pantry corps and
the cleaners.
A comparison of the weekly hours of the waitresses 910 and the other
workers can be drawn from the following statement prepared from
Table III, page 86 in the appendix:
9 The 13 cashiers are excluded from this discussion, since their work differs so fundamentally from that
of the waitresses and other workers. Eleven of the cashiers had regular hours. Of these only two had a
7-day week and only one had more than an 8-hour day. The two irregular cashiers alternated a 5£ and a
10£ day for seven days in the week.
10 Throughout the following discussions counter girls are included under the term waitresses.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Wait
resses.
Percentages of women working—
More than 48 hours a week.........................................................
More than 60 hours a week.....................................................

Others.

Total.

Per cent. Per cent. Per cent.
46.8
11.5

42.0
17.9

44.6
14.3

From this it appears that the proportion of waitresses working
more than 48 hours was a little greater than that of other workers,
but the proportion working more than 60 hours was a little less than
that of others. The significant fact is that 14.3 per cent, or a con
siderable number of the women employed in the restaurants visited
in Maryland, worked more than 60 hours a week, the legal maximum
stipulated for most industries in which women are engaged in this
State.
Irregularity of hours.

A characteristic feature of the work in restaurants which may or
may not be objectionable is the irregularity of daily hours. The
term “irregular ” is applied to shifts which require a different number of
hours, and to work beginning and ending at various hours, on the several
days of the week. In some cases the women alternated a long and
short day, or had a split shift on some days, but not on all, or had
different hours of beginning and ending work on the various days.
Only 189 of the 264 workers whose weekly schedules were obtained
were sufficiently regular to be tabulated according to occupation and
hours actually worked daily. (Tabic IV, p. 86, appendix.) It is
generally supposed that the hours of the waitresses are longer and
more irregular than those of the other restaurant workers. On the
whole, the detailed data obtained for Maryland bear out this idea.
Over one-third of all the waitresses (34.5 per cent) had irregular
hours, as compared with less than one-fourth (22.3 per cent) of the
other workers. When such schedules enable the women to perform
their home duties to better advantage they are a boon, but when they
compel women to work during hours which are outside the range of
general industrial hours they are more often than not a hardship.
Daily hours and the 7-day week.

One of the greatest drawbacks to the industry from the viewpoint of
the worker is the too prevalent custom of the 7-day week. To analyze
the question of restaurant hours, it is necessary to ask not only how
many hours a day but how many days a week employees work.
Furthermore, since the irregularity of schedules precludes the
tabulation of actual daily hours in so many cases, average daily
hours must be considered in any general discussion. The following
table gives the number of women in restaurants within and outside
Baltimore who worked a 6-day or a 7-day week and the number of
hours which these women averaged daily:
110119

22----- 5

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Table 5.—Number

of ruomen employees In restaurants working 6 days or 7 days a week
classified by average daily hours.
Women in restaurants in—

Hours.

6 days.

Under 7.
7.......................................................................
8___

9.......................................................................
10.....................................................................

State exclusive of
Baltimore.

Baltimore.

17
4
52
49
18
7
1
1
2

171

7 days.

6 days.

6
1
11
1

5
3
4
3
1
1

5
1
1
8

6 days.

7 days.
6

17
24
52
49
23

186

2
8
6

3
20

7 days.

Total.

8
2

c>
14
1

18
5
9

The table shows that 29.5 per cent of the women worked a 7-day
week, but that only one-tenth (10.5 per cent) of those in the Baltimore
restaurants had such a schedule, compared to 79.5 per cent, or more
than three-fourths, of those in restaurants outside Baltimore. Also,
the daily hours of women in Baltimore restaurants were much better
than those of women employed elsewhere. A little more than onefifth of the women (21.5 per cent) in Baltimore averaged more than
an 8-hour day for a 6-day or a 7-day week, as compared with almost
three-fourths (74 per cent) of those outside Baltimore. Only 3.7 per
cent of the women in the Baltimore restaurants averaged 10 or more
hours daily, while 31.5 per cent in the restaurants outside Baltimore
were in such classification.
Even in Baltimore there were some women with exceedingly long
schedules. For example, one woman who had a 7-day week worked
as many as 15£ hours on one day during the week. Two other
women were on duty 12^ and 14 hours, respectively, on one day in a
7-day week. Outside Baltimore, one woman was reported as work
ing 11| hours for 6 days and 10 hours on Sunday, and two others 11
hours a day for 7 days.
Considering all workers, we find from Table III that approximately
one-third (32.4 per cent) of the waitresses and about one-fourth of the
other employees (25.9 per cent) had a 7-day week. The more de
tailed figures of the survey show that the difference between the pro
portion of waitresses and the proportion of other workers who aver
aged a daily schedule of more than eight hours for a 6-day or 7-day
week was slight, 39.6 per cent of the former and 37.5 per cent of the
latter.
Over-all hours.

The hours actually worked by restaurant employees do not tell
the whole story of hardship. Over-all hours, or the time from the

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

beginning to the end of the working-day, including time off duty, fre
quently make the industrial day extremely long and burdensome.
The following summary, arranged from Table V, page 87 in the ap
pendix, gives the over-all hours of the regular workers:
Table 6.—Daily

over-all hours of women restaurant employees with regular hours.
Number in each specified hour group who were—

Daily over-all hours.

Waitresses.

Others.

Total.

6-day week. 7-day week. 6-day week. 7-day week. 6-dav week. 7-day week.

11
8 and under 9............................

9 and under 10..........................
10 and under 11.........................
12 and under 13.........................

29
17

6
2

14....................................
Total.............................

2
1
6
1
1

9
23
25
5
1

75.

5
1

8
2
2

52
42

138

11
2
8

3
4

From this we see that—
Of the waitresses:
16.5 per cent had daily over-all hours of 10 to 12, inclusive, for 6
days a week.
14.3 per cent had daily over-all hours of 10 to 14, inclusive, for 7
days a week.
Of the other workers:
6.9 per cent had daily over-all hours of 10 to 12, inclusive, for 6
days a week.
14.9 per cent had daily over-all hours of 10 to 14, inclusive, for 7
days a week.
.
Altogether the waitresses showed a larger proportion with long
over-all hours than did the other workers.
Of all the regular workers, including waitresses and others with
either a 6-day or a 7-day week, over one-fourth (26.4 per cent) had
daily over-all hours of 10 to 14, inclusive.
The over-all hours of the irregular workers varied so from day to
day that for them such a tabulation as the foregoing is impossible.
Nevertheless, some idea of their over-all hours can be obtained from
Table VI, page 91 in the appendix, in which the actual weekly working
hours of these irregular employees are coupled with their longest
over-all hours on one or more days during the week. A little over
three-fourths of these women (76.7 per cent) had daily over-all hours
of 10 to 18, inclusive, for a varying number of days a week, and 15.1
per cent had an actual working week of 60 to 77 hours, inclusive.
According to more detailed figures of the survey almost two-tliirds
(64.4 per cent) had daily over-all hours of 10 to 18, inclusive, for three

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

or more days a week. Sixteen of these women had an 18-hour
stretch from the time of beginning to the time of ending work, but
they were off duty 7 or 8 hours during this time.
Time off.

Time off duty during the day naturally is of great importance in
connection with the over-all hours. The individual workers’ records
show that a little over two-thirds of the regular workers and almost
one-third of the irregular workers had no time off duty other than
meal time. Accordingly there was, for these women, on the one
hand definite time for eating meals, and on the other hand no waste
time during the over-all period.
A further analysis of the records shows that 36 of the regular
workers had no definite time off duty between their beginning and
ending hours. Also, a considerable number of the irregular workers
had no definite time off on certain days in the week, even on days
with the longest over-all. Almost invariably these women were
supposed to have one, two, or three meals while on duty, that is,
to eat their meals when opportunity offered. That such opportunity
might not occur, on exceptionally busy days, especially for waitresses,
is a possibility strong enough for serious consideration. Or, if the
opportunity could be seized, the uncertainty of the hour and the
intervals for meals would brand the system of “meals on duty”
as exceedingly detrimental to health and comfort. For example,
of the 36 regular workers, with no definite time off duty for meals
or for anything else, one-half had daily over-all hours of 10 to 12,
inclusive, and one-third had such hours for a 7-day week. In addi
tion to these women were others who were expected to eat meals
on duty, but who had some time off during their over-all period.
Time off is not necessarily an asset in the worker’s personal time
ledger; in fact it may be a liability. For example, of the 22 women
with regular hours who had time off other than meal time in the
over-all period, 11 had between I t and 2J hours, a time longer
than would be needed for a rest but in most cases too short to permit
them to go home for any purpose. Also 11 of the irregular workers
had such a short interval between work hours on several days in
the week. Split shifts were more characteristic of the irregular
than of the regular workers, for 63 per cent of the former as opposed
to 12.4 per cent of the latter worked according to such a schedule.
As would be expected, the proportion of waitresses who worked
split shifts (40.3 per cent) was also greater than the proportion of
other restaurant workers who did so (10.7 per cent). The split shift
is not necessarily an objectionable feature; it may be an advantage
to certain women, if the interval between shifts is of sufficient length
to allow them to pursue their own interests during the time off.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Beginning and ending hours.

It must be pointed out that the system of split shifts or of long
straight shifts in restaurants serving meals to the public at all hours,
means inconvenient hours of beginning and ending for women
working therein. As an illustration of this is the following summary,
prepared from Tables V and YII of the beginning and ending hours
of the regular and irregular workers who went on duty before 7
a. m. or ended work after 7 p. m.:
Number of women.
#

Hours.

Beginning at—

Ending at—

Regular Irregular
workers. workers.1

6
12
12

16
8

25
25
14
1

2
12

5
3

1
2
1

i The irregular workers had such beginning and ending hours for one or more days in the week.

Altogether 17.1 per cent of the workers began before 7 a. m. on
some or all days of the week, and 18.7 per cent worked until midnight
or after on some or all nights of the week. Four women worked all
night. The only law for the limitation of night work by women in
Maryland reads, “If any part of a female’s work is performed before
6 a. m. or after 10 p. m. not more than 8 hours in any one day are
permitted.”11 This law applies to women in manufacturing, mechan
ical, mercantile, printing, baking, or laundering establishments, but
not to women in restaurants. Accordingly, 35 of the women in
restaurants whose hourly records were obtained and who began work
before 6 a. m. or worked after 10 p. m. had more than an 8-hour day.
Furthermore, 24 women who worked until midnight or after had
a “day” of from 10 to 12 hours for 1 to 7 days in the week. A
dishwasher, for example, worked for 16| hours 1 day a week, be
ginning at 6 a. m. and ending at 11:30 p. m., with only 1J hours
off for meals. The other 6 days she began at the same hour
but stopped work at 5:30 p. m. on 5 days and at 2:30 p. m. on
the other day, totaling a week of 761 hours. A cook who went on
duty at 5:30 a. m. worked 111 hours a day for 7 days a week, with no
11 Session laws of Maryland, 1916, ch. 147, sec. 14.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

definite time for meals. A waitress beginning at 5:45 a. m. worked
101 hours daily for 7 days a week, with no definite intervals for meals.
In view of such long and fatiguing hours, and in view of the steps
already taken in a few States to regulate night work for women in
restaurants, it would seem possible and highly desirable for the Mary
land law to be amended to prevent women who work in restaurants
between the hours of 10 p. m. and 6 a. m. from being on duty more
than 8 hours in the 24. Such a law, or one somewhat similar, has
been passed in Delaware, New Hampshire, and Wisconsin. Massa
chusetts has gone a step further and prohibited women from working
in restaurants at all between 10 p. m. and 6 a. m.
Not only do the schedules of night workers in restaurants stress the
need for improvement in the Maryland hour laws, but the schedules
of day workers also pile up more arguments for such revision. The
following specimens are some of the worst records encountered:
Waitress: 7 a. m. to 5 p. m., 7 days and 70 hours a week; eats
on duty.
Waitress: 7 a. m. to 8 p. m., 7 days and 70 hours a week; eats on
duty with 3 hours off in afternoon.
Dishwasher: 8 a. m. to 8.30 p. m., 7 days and 70 hours a week;
eats on duty, with
hours off in afternoon.
Dishwasher: 6.30 a. m. to 5 p. m., 7 days and 73} hours a week;
eats on duty.
Cook: 7 a. m. to 9 p. m., 7 days and 77 hours a week; eats on
duty, with 3 hours off in afternoon.
Kitchen helper: 6.30 a. m. to 5.30 p. m. on 6 days, 6.30 a. m. to
8.30 p. m. on 1 day, and 72} hours a week; 1 hour off for meals
on 10-hour day and 1J hours off for meals on J 2’-hour day.
The idea that hours for restaurant employees must necessarily be
long because of the demands of the public is an antiquated tradition,
which gradually is being discarded. Even though restaurants re
main open for 24 hours’ service, improvements can be made in the
schedules of the women workers. The 8-hour day and 48-hour week,
as well as 1 day of rest in 7, are possible. In fact, a little over onehalf of the restaurant workers reported in the survey had a week
of 48 hours or less. Furthermore, definite time for meals should be
allowed all restaurant employees. Waste time between shifts and
unduly long over-all hours often could be prevented by better adjust
ments of shifts.

PART V.
THE WORKERS.

The realization that women are employed in vast numbers in
industrial enterprises throughout the country and that not only are
they indispensable to the industrial world but the industrial world
in turn is indispensable to'them in their economic struggles has led
to the study of the question of women in industry. Interest in this
matter is growing rapidly. Careful study to produce the smooth
adjustment of the workers in industry is more important than the
perfect regulation of machinery, since the well-being of the worker
is essential not only for successful industries but for a successful
society. The protection and adjustment of women workers is
especially imperative since women have the additional r61e of mothers
and homemakers. They are the producers of future citizens as well
as of economic goods. Moreover, the greater necessity for control
of standards affecting women workers is due to the fact that women
have been in a weaker position economically than have men. They
have not been able to control conditions for themselves.
In a consideration of the subject of women in industry certain
questions arise. What proportion of women workers in an industry
or locality are foreign born, and does nativity in any way affect their
industrial situation? In what respects does age enter into the
problems of women wage earners? Are women steady in their
gainful occupations and does their experience in a trade and with
a firm prove of value to them ? What bearing does the conjugal
condition of the women have on their work, and what influence do
their jobs have on home responsibilities?
NATIVITY.

Of the 6,527 women reporting on nativity, 94 per cent were born
in the United States (Table IX, page 93 in the appendix). Of the
6 per cent of the women who were foreign bom, 1 per cent were
born in English-speaking and 4.9 per cent in non-English-speaking
countries. The more detailed figures show that in the State, ex
clusive of Baltimore, the women reporting on nativity were prac
tically all American born; among 1,679 women, less than 1 per cent
were born elsewhere than in the United States. In Baltimore, where
7.8 per cent of the women reporting were foreign born, the largest
proportion in any industry were in clothing manufacturing, with
28.1 per cent foreign born of the women in the industry who reported

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

place of birth. Exclusive of the meat-products industry (with 24.1
per cent) and of cigar manufacturing (with 13.4 per cent) the pro
portions of foreign-born women in the other industries were small.
As has been shown from Table 1, page 9, the proportion of colored
women in the industries investigated was small, only 5.6 per cent of
the total number of women and girls included. Since the great pre
ponderance of the women were white and American born, the ques
tion of race and nativity would not appear to complicate to any
great extent the problems of women in the Maryland industries
investigated. The one fact significant enough for some emphasis is
that in the garment establishments of Baltimore, which show a
larger proportion of foreign bom than any other industry—that is,
over one-fourth of the women reported in the industry—unusually
poor working conditions were allowed to exist. It would seem that
foreign-born women tolerate worse conditions than do American-born
women, partly on account of lower standards of living and partly on
account of their need to secure a job under any circumstances.
Such an attitude may be attributed to their realization of the handi
cap of being a foreigner when in quest of work. Sometimes the
employers of these women also are foreign bom, as was the case in
many of the garment factories in Maryland. For no reason, how
ever, should the presence of foreign workers encourage the existence
of bad working conditions and the lowering of standards. Educa
tion and legislation should be combined as preventive and remedial
measures.
AGE.

The matter of the age of women workers is significant in several
respects. If a large proportion of girls become industrial workers at
an early age, they are apt to drift into industry without any trade
training and hence are restricted in their opportunities for advance
ment. Also, there is danger that the educational level of the State
will be held down. In answer to the argument that girls do not need
trade training because they are only transients in the industrial
world, it is important to ascertain the proportion of mature women
found in industry. It is of value, moreover, to know the kind of
occupations in which women of different ages engage, and to dis
cover which jobs attract young workers and which furnish the best
opportunities for older women.
Of the 6,519 women in Maryland reporting on age, the following
summary (prepared from Table X, page 94 in the appendix) shows
the distribution according to age:

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Age.

Under 20 years............
20 and under 25 years.........
25 and under 30 years ..
30 and under 40 years........

Women
report
ing.

Per cent.

35.7
23.1
12.7
14.5

Age.

40 and under 50 years..........
50 years and over__

Women
report
ing.

Per cent.

8.4
5.6

100.0

•-------------------

This shows that although there was a large group of young workers,
since more than one-third of all reporting their age were under 20,
there was likewise a considerable proportion of mature women. The
fact that over one-fourth of the women (28.5 per cent) were 30 years
of age and over does not substantiate the theory that women work
for only a few years in industry and then drop out.
In general the detailed figures from the survey show that candy,
paper-box, and wooden-box factories, 5-and-10-cent stores, and metal
shops were more especially the provinces of the workers under 20
years of age. The other industries show a fairly even distribution of
workers in the various age groups up to 50 years of age. Meat-pack
ing plants, men’s clothing factories, laundries, restaurants, general
mercantile establishments, and textile mills showed the largest propor
tions of women 30 years of age and over. Meat-packing showed the
highest percentage in this age group, or slightly over one-half of the
total number of women in the industry. The detailed figures also show
the industries having the largest percentages of women in the young
est and oldest age groups. Wooden-box, candy, and paper-box man
ufacturing showed the largest proportions of girls under 16, whereas
textiles and men s clothing had the highest percentages of women who
were 50 years of age and over. It is of equal importance to safeguard
young people in industry in order to prevent their energies from being
prematurely sapped and older women workers who frequently are
carrying heavy economic and domestic responsibilities.
Closely allied with the foregoing subject is the age at which the
women began to work for wages. The following summary (prepared
from Table XI, page 94 in the appendix) gives the percentages of
women who began to work at the several different ages:
Age at beginning work.

Under 14 years..
14and under 16 years.....
10 and under 17 years...........
17 and under 20 years...........
20 and under 25 years........
25 and under 30 years........

Women
reporting.

Per cent.

11. 8
34.3
25.0
15. 5
5.5
2.6

Age at beginning work.

Women
reporting.

Per cent.

100.0

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

It is evident that the vast majority of women (86.7 per cent) began
to work before they were 20 years of age, almost three-fourths (71.1
per cent) before they were 17, and almost one-half (46.1 per cent)
before they were 16. The age at which a worker makes her entry
into the industrial world is a strong factor in molding her personal
and industrial history. If girls of from 14 to 16 years, devoid of
vocational training, in many cases lacking an elementary education,
are driven by economic circumstances to earn a livelihood, they are
likely to accept the first available job. Too frequently they engage
in work of a mechanical and monotonous nature, requiring no skill,
giving no training nor chance for advancement, and tending to check
initiative and ambition. Such a situation may, on the one hand,
make them unduly restless, causing them to go from plant to plant
seeking a change in environment if not in occupation. It is not un
common for a girl to give as her reason for leaving a job, “ Oh, I just
got tired; I wanted a change.” On the other hand, girls may stick
at their “blind alley” jobs, grinding along through life until, as one
woman put it, “We don’-t have any more bright thoughts”—that is,
until ambition and ability become atrophied. There is, of course, the
third possibility, which is far from being a probability, that inexperi
enced young girls who enter industrial establishments will be given a
chance to learn a trade requiring skill or offering opportunities for
advancement. Only in very rare instances is such good fortune
encountered.
Too frequently girls who enter industry at an early age have had
but little education and are thus handicapped in their progress.
Although no comprehensive investigation was made of the educa
tional history of the women included in the survey, a small group of
workers (48 women) when visited in their homes gave information
about their education. As these women were chosen at random,
they may be considered as somewhat representative. About twothirds of those reporting had left school for economic reasons, the
most usual statements being “I left to go to work,” “I was needed
by my family,” “My father died,” “ I had to support myself,” “ I had
to help do housework at home.” About one-half of these women had
left school at 14 years of age or under, and more than three-fourths
had not gone beyond the seventh grade. There is small likelihood
that girls will supplement then education by attendance at night
school after they enter upon industrial jobs, for even if they should
have the ambition, the majority would not have the energy at the
end of a working day to profit greatly by night classes.
TIME IN THE TRADE.

Of interest in view of the preceding discussion is the information
given by 6,240 women as to the length of time they had worked in the

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

trade. The following summary (prepared from Table XII, page 95
in the appendix) shows the proportions of women with the number
of years of experience in the trade:
Time in the trade.

Under 6 months.....................
6 months and under 1 year..
1 and under 2 years...........

2 and under 3 years.............
3 and under 4 years.............
4 and under 5 years...........
5 and under 10 years___
10 and under 15 years.............

Women
reporting.

Time in the trade.

Per cent.

11.4
9.6
15.0
13.0
9.8
7.2
16.0

Women
reporting.

Per cent.
20 and uder 30 years...............
30 and under 40 years.............

3.9
4.0
.9
.5
.1

100.0

8.6

This indicates that there was a large group of steady women work
ers, since the largest proportion in any group was in the 5 and under
10 years group, and since over one-third of all the women reporting
(34 per cent) had worked in the trade 5 years and over. Although
21 per cent of the women reported that they had had less than one
year’s experience in the trade, it must be remembered that this group
includes the beginners. Seventy-nine per cent had been in the trade
for one year and over. From the table it can be seen that textile
mills, restaurants, and laundries, followed by clothing factories and
geneTal mercantile establishments, had the largest proportions of
women in the 5 and under 10 years group. The more detailed figures
of the survey show that the highest percentages of the women report
ing on time in the trade in wooden-box, cigar, and hat factories also
were in this group, while the largest proportion in umbrella establish
ments had had 10 and under 15 years of experience. These facts
indicate that many women do acquire a trade and stick to it.
TIME WITH PRESENT EMPLOYER.

The next question that arises is, Do women remain with one em
ployer sufficiently long to become valuable, or do they add to the
labor turnover by changing from plant to plant within an industry ?
Some light is thrown on this subject by the following summary (pre
pared from Table XIII, p. 95 in the appendix), giving the proportions
of women who had been with their present employer certain classified
numbers of years:
Time with present employer.

Under 6 months........................................
6 months and under 1 year.......................
1 and under 2 years...........................
2 and under 3 years...................................
3 and under 4 years.............
4 and under 5 years....................
5 and under 10 years..................

Women
reporting.

Time with present employer.

Per cent.

17.4

12.1

16.9
12.9
9.1
6.3
13.1

Women
reporting.

Per cent.
15 and under 20 years....................

6.0
2.8

2.3

.4
100.0

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

The figures show that one-fourth of the women (25.2 per cent) had
been with their present employer five years or more and that the
large majority (70.4 per cent) had a record of one year or more with
the present firm. Although the highest percentage of workers is
found in the under-6-months class, again it must he remembered
that this group includes the beginners in these industries and does not
necessarily indicate that there is a large number of women workers
shifting about. Naturally there is always a certain amount of labor
turnover among women wage earners, as among men. It is very
difficult to get figures on the turnover of particular establishments,
since such records are not generally kept. Although all managers
were questioned about the matter, only two or three attempted to give
any specific figures; but the majority thought that women workers
were steady, especially at the time of the survey. Only a few said
that the turnover among women employees was high.
There are many different elements contributing to the problem of
labor turnover, some of which can be noted from the answers of 36
women who gave reasons for changing their jobs. Twelve women
said that they had given up former jobs because of their health; that
is, because the work was too heavy for them or had certain objec
tionable hazards and strains. Nine had left jobs for such personal
reasons as to get married, to take care of families, or to work in a
more congenial place. Eight had left because the plants had been shut
down or work had become slack. Two had made a change because
they had grown tired of their old place, and two others in order to
get higher wages. One had left because the plant was too dirty, and
another because the hours were too long.
CONJUGAL AND LIVING CONDITION.

It is interesting to note that of the 36 women who gave reasons
for leaving their jobs, the two who left in order to get married and
the one to take care of her young children later returned to their
industrial work. In general the figures on conjugal condition ob
tained in the survey help to disprove the theory that girls engage in
industrial work only until they marry.
Table XIV (page 96 in the appendix) shows that 67.6 per cent of
the women were single, 18 per cent were married, and 14.4 per cent
were widowed, divorced, or separated. Accordingly, of the 6,571
women reporting on conjugal condition, almost one-third (32.4 per
cent) were or had been married. Restaurants, with 53.8 per cent of
all their women employees married, widowed, divorced, or separated,
laundries, with 42.8 per cent, and garment factories, with 41.9 per
cent, showed the largest proportions of women who were or had been
married.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Any discussion of married women wage earners inevitably leads to
a consideration of home responsibilities, both financial and domestic.
This subject was too extensive to be handled in the type of investi
gation made in Maryland, but in visits to the homes of some of the
women workers various significant bits of information along this
line were picked up.
Widows and women with husbands reported that they were the
entire or partial mainstay of their families. These wage earners
were conspicuous examples of the economic struggle which many
women must make to keep their families together and to provide
a home and a livelihood. The hand-to-mouth existence of some of
the families visited was not surprising, since the mother frequently
was compelled to perform all her household duties and take care of
small children in addition to her industrial job. More than one
woman who had the burden of heavy domestic tasks reported that
her plant work also was heavy. “They never put girls on this job
who don't have to work and aren’t strong enough for a man’s job,”
was the lrank statement of one widow. Even though such a worker
had a man’s responsibility in the home and did a man’s work in the
plant, she did not necessarily receive a man’s pay. One woman,
for example, who was operating a big cutting machine in an under
wear factory for which, she said, a man would be paid $25 a week
was given a weekly stipend of only $12. With very meager wages,
which in most instances had suffered a recent reduction, it seemed
almost incredible that women could keep their families together.
That this could not always be done in the case of a large family is
shown by the experience of one widow. Upon her husband’s death
several years before, when she had been left with six children, all
under 12 years of age, she had gone to work in a mill. Her wages
always had .been too low to enable her to support her whole family. .
At the time of the visit only the youngest child was living with the
mother. Two others were “adopted out,” two were in a home,
and one was with an uncle. Another widow whose husband had
died of “the flu” was receiving $10 a week, the only means of sub
sistence for herself and three children. The oldest child, a boy of
15, had just obtained his work permit, but on account of the
unemployment situation was unable to get a job. As the only
living quarters which they could afford were too small for more than
one bed, all four slept together. The reduction of another widow’s
wages from $16 to $11 had made it difficult for her to buy sufficient
clothing to permit her to keep her four children at school.
The women who were making such efforts were not all widows.
According to the report in one community where the men were
miners, the wives as mill workers had been the chief breadwinners

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

for several months since the closing of the mine. One woman in a
garment factory in Baltimore said, “I never worked in a down-town
shop before, but hard times drove me to it.” As her husband was
an invalid she had been the family mainstay for years, earning a
livelihood by sewing at home. “I guess I’m one of the people who
were born to work and carry burdens,” she added philosophically.
Incident upon incident could be piled up of the burdens of married
women wage earners.
As many cases could be cited of single women and girls who were
forced to carry heavy financial and domestic burdens. The follow
ing stories are illustrative of such responsibilities for young girls.
One 17-year-old girl was receiving $10 a week for her work in a
laundry. She assisted her widowed mother and her brother in sup
porting a family of nine children. The girl had hoped to go to high
school but had been prevented by her father’s death. Another
girl of 17 was the sole support of her family. As a cream dipper in a
candy factory she normally earned $11 a week, but at the time of the
visit, since there was no Saturday work, her weekly wage was reduced
to $9.73. The mother was sick in bed; the father was sickly and
unable to work. There were two sisters, one married, the other 9
years old, and two brothers aged 6 and 12 years. In another family
a daughter who was just 14 years old and therefore permitted to work
only eight hours a day, was receiving $7.50 a week. Her job of
packing kept her standing all day. Her father was a tailor and had
been laid off for three or four months, although he was working at
the time of the visit. The girl and her two older sisters helped in
the support of the family. The other five children, ranging in age
from 2 to 12 years, were unable to contribute anything to the family
income.
At the other end of the age scale was an unmarried woman 69 years
old, a laundry worker, who with her weekly wage of $12 supported
herself and an older sister, the latter being unable to work.
Some idea of the difficulties which beset a single woman supporting
herself and living alone can be obtained from the experience of one
worker who volunteered the following information. She was receiv
ing $12 a week, but as she had “got behind” during the previous
weeks when she was “out of a job,” she was trying to make up her
deficit and also to put something by for another rainy day. She
lived alone and did light housekeeping in two small rooms devoid of
all conveniences, but renting for $1.25 a week. She spent $5 a week
for food, altogether averaging $6.87 for her weekly expenses. She
did her own laundry and her own sewing. She spent no money for
car fare, as she lived near her work and church, and walked to town.
For months she had bought no clothes except shoes. She was com
pelled to buy these because her work in a glass factory was unusually

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

detrimental to footwear. Another single woman because of slack
work and reduction in pay had been forced to give up boarding and
resort to light housekeeping in order to make ends meet. By
severest economy she was planning to live on $16 a month, spending
only $2.56 for food, buying no clothes and only the barest necessities.
According to Table XV (page 96 in the appendix) the proportion
of women who were living independently was only 12.1 per cent as
compared with 87.9 per cent who were living at home. Sufficient
evidence has been obtained to show that frequently women living
at home have just as heavy and often heavier financial responsibilities,
and consequently as urgent a need for a living wage, as those women
living independent of families.
In general, so slender is the average wage earner’s pay envelope,
so many the demands made upon it—whether she is married or single
or whether she is aiding in the support of others or not—that very
clever manipulation of the contents is necessary to enable her to meet
the vicissitudes inherent in an industrial job; to permit her to keep
her feet on the level of present subsistence, to wipe out past arrears,
and to store up for possible future misfortunes. When working
women make such remarks as, “I’m never out of debt, for no sooner
do I finish paying for one dress than it is worn out and I have to get
another,” or “I’ve never been able to save any, and though I hate
to think about it, the only thing left for my old age is the poorhouse, ”
it is quite evident that no insignificant part of the burden of a wage
earning woman is the worry of getting a living wage, not only for
present demands but for future needs. Accordingly, when minimumwage laws guarantee to all working women a rate not only covering
bare living expenses but allowing some margin for dependents or
for savings for “ a rainy day” and old age, there will be made a long
step forward toward the social betterment of a large and very im
portant part of the population.

APPENDIX.
GENERAL TABLES.
Table

I.—Scheduled weekly hours of men and women by industry.
BALTIMORE.
Number whose scheduled weekly hours were—

Total number
reporting.

Under 44.

Over 44 and under 48.

44.

Over 48 and under 52.

48.

Industry.
EsEsEsEsEsEstab- Men. Women. lish- Men- Women. tab- Men. Women. tab- Men. Women. tab- Men. Women. tab- Men. Women.
lishlis
Il
lishlishlishments.
ments.
ments.
ments.
ments.
ments.
Manufacturing:

Clothing! women's and chil-

185

218
59
384

126

1,304

935

•'S

2
isl

298

1,814

929
87
978

1 130
46
1 352

1,170
141
803

' 145
390

3 1

.......

14 1

536

6.2

196
1.9

1 10

' 23
176

U24

8,576

1 5

113

All industries.....................

100.0

10,326
100. 0

2
1

6
20

30
38

131

289

53
1,243

283
905

1
1

43
3

292
1

116

7
3

101

1
2

121

3
441

124

373
459
3i2

1,454

553

4
3
7

ISO
46
367

233
141
511

2
2

16
25

82
5

2,276
26.5

2,317

1
8
1
2

1,412
16. 5

1,254
12.1

320

1,112

7
17
1,802
21.0

72
950

28
937

41
2,714
63

2
2

438
39

100

4, 344
42.1

1,537
17.9

1,293
12.5

22.1

110119°— 22-

I—1
O
I—1
I—1
zoo

Number whose scheduled weekly hours were—
52.

Over 52 and under 54.

54.

Over 54 and under 60.

60.

Over 60.

Industry.

os
Manufacturing:
Boxes, wooden......................
Candy.....................................
Cigars......................................
Clothing, men's.....................
Hats, men's...........................

1
1

Metal products.....................
Miscellaneous........................
Laundries......................................

1
1

124
46

175

26
149

All industries.....................
Per cent distribution...................

196
2.3

460
4.5

214
2.5

1.8

35
250

1
2

14
74

1
1

5
52

1
2
1

191

24
0.3

93
46

236
93

113
72

554
6.5

271

1
2

2.6

25
0.3

W O M EN IN M ARYLAND IN D U ST R IE S.

EsEsEsEsEsEstabtabtabtabtabtablish- Men. Women. lish- Men. Women. lish- Men. Women. lish- Men. Women. lish- Men. Women. lish- Men. Women.
ments.
ments.
ments.
ments.
ments.
ments.

to
to

Table

I.—Scheduled weekly hours of men and women, by industry—Continued.

STATE EXCLUSIVE OF BALTIMORE.
Number whose scheduled weekly hours were—
Total number
reporting.

Over 48 and under 52.

48.

Over 44 and under 48.

44.

Under 44.

EsEsEsEsEsEstab- Men. Women. tab- Men. Women.
tab- Men. Women. tab- Men. Women. tab- Men. Women. tab- Men. Women. lishlishlishlishlishlishments.
ments.
ments.
ments.
ments.
ments.
Manufacturing:
Clothing, men's.....................
Clothing, women’s and chil-

Miscellaneous........................
General mercantile......................

4
13
5
9
19
116

Laundries......................................

Glass.......................................
Hosiery...................................

All industries.....................
Per cent distribution...................

i 84

65
11

257
35
485
2,534
128
9
107
3,631

100.0

128
89
219
665
610
286
64
303
2,978

100.0

614

3
1

2
0.1

5
5

0.2

17
0.5

36
41.2

222

58
62

4
3

407
4

42
50

660
18.2

336
11.3

3
6

384

36
27

1,457
41

42
5

5
3

453
73
42
249

49
1.3

108
3.6

1,832
50.5

1,782
59.8

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES,

Industry.

Number whose scheduled weekly hours were—

52.

Over 52 and under 54.

54.

Over 54 and under 60.

60.

Over 60.

Industry.
EsEsEsEsEsEstab- Men. Women. tabtabtabtabtablishlish- Men. Women. lish- Men. Women. lish- Men. Women. lish- Men. Women. lish- Men. Women.
ments.
ments.
ments.
ments.
ments.
ments.

All industries.....................
Per cent distribution..................

20
0.6

1
2
1

1
8
6

34
84

61
15

16
42
14

1
1

2.6

241

8.1

9
326
550
40

104
136

3
1

3
1
1

18
0.5

1.0

104

8
12

937
25.8

436
14.6

(*>

0.1

1 This tabulation is based on actual number of employees reported as working certain hours. An establishment reporting that its 200 factory employees have a 54-hour week
but that its 4 office clerks work 48 and its 4 janitors 60 would appear in the 3 columns specified.
2 Less than 0.05 per cent.

W O M EN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Manufacturing:
Clothing, men's.....................
Clothing, women's and chil
dren’s..................................
Hosiery..................................
Textiles..................................
Miscellaneous........................
General mercantile......................
5-and-l0-cent stores......................
Laundries......................................

00
CO

Table II.—Saturday hours, by industry.
BALTIMORE.

7 and
under 8.

8 and
under 9.

9 and
under 10.

10 and
under 11.

11 and
under 12.

Establish
ments.

6 and
under 7.

Establish
ments.

Establish
ments

5 and
under 6.

Establish
ments.

4 and
under 5.

12 and

over.

Manufacturing:
5
3
6

4
19

Clothing^ women’s and chil-

218
59
384
825
52

4
1

12
2
2

433
929
5
87
3
978
9
28
4
5 1,135
141
3
803
13
i 9 2,769
4
145
7 363

All industries............................ Ull 9,349

6
0.1

Laundries..........................................

100.0

3
4
16

3
4
3

4
2

1
2
2

11
21

738

691

221

2
1
6

178
16
387

181

207
38
225
825
49
433
191
67
273
28
957
125

62 3,820
40.9

a
o
is

a
©

l
is

d
1
is
©

d
®
a
o
£

d
I
©

Establishments.

B
£o

d
©
1
is

14
1
41
6 2,317

102

26 2,210
23.6

8 2,373

1.2

25.4

4
3
1

154
452
132
13

751

8.0

1
1

0.6

13
13

0.1

s
a
o
is

Establish
ments.

d
©
1
is

Establish
ments.

1
is

Establish
ments.

Industry.

d
©i
o
is

W O M EN IN M ARYLAND IN D U ST R IE S.

Under 4.

Establish
ments.

Number whose Saturday hours were—
Total num
ber
reporting.

J
STATE EXCLUSIVE OF BALTIMORE.
Manufacturing:
Clothing, men’s............................
Clothing, women’s and children’s.........................................
Glass..............................................
Hosiery.........................................
Textiles.........................................
Miscellaneous...............................

565

4
3
5
9
19
2 16

128
89
219
665
610
286
64
290

Laundries............................................
All industries............................
Per cent distribution..........................

2 80 2,916
100.0

191

374

2
1

58
27

2
2

70
62
167
605
474

127

37
1.3

406
13.9

9
2

238

32 1,990

68.2

60
3

2
21

158
5.4

2.2

i Includes one establishment with 237 women working 7\ hours and 40 women working 8 hours.
* Includes one establishment with 2 women working 10 hours and 2 women working 11 hours.

1
1

2.2

25
0.9

1.6

15
0.5

8
112

3.8

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

86
Table

III.—Weekly hours offull-time women restaurant employees who worked a 6-day
or 7-day week.
Number who were—

Weekly hours.

Days
worked
per
week.

Total.

Irregular.

Regular.

<
Wait-

Wait
resses.1

Others.

Wait-

Others.

Others.
24

Under 44.....................

1
5

44..................................

6
'29

Over 44 and under 48.

27
Over 48 and under 54..

13
5

54..................................

Over 54 and under 60.
60..................................
Over 60 and under 65.
65 and under 70..........
70 and under 75..........
75 and over............ .
83
29

Total............

112

139

Grand total..
1 Includes counter girls.
Table IV.—Number

offull-time regular women employees in restaurants working classi
fied daily hours for a 6-day 1 and a 7-day week, by occupation.
Women whose daily hours were—
Days
worked
per
week.

5 and
under 6.

6 and
under 7.

7 and
under 8.

Occupation.

Over 8
and
under 9.

83
1

8 15

27
1

7 1

1
1

Kitchen help................................
Cleaners9......................................
Pantry help 10..............................
Miscellaneous11............................ l

f
Total................................... {

Grand total........................
(See footnotes on following page.)

f
12

1
1

54
7

52
3

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

IV. Number of full-time regular women employees in restaurants worhinq classi
fied daily hours for a 6-day1 and a 7-day week, by occupation—Continued.

Table

Days
worked
per
week.

Occupation.

/
1

/
\
/
1
/
l
/

1
/
\
r
l
f
l
r
l
/
\

Women whose daily hours were—
Over 9
and
under 10.

6
7
6

6
129

Oyer 11
and
under 12.

11.

Total.

7
6

2
2

131

14 l

9
13

147
42

189

7
6

1
1

Grand total......................

who

Over 10
and
under 11.

10.

dLTwSaofl and°“^te sSy 'y 3 ^ °* °r e™ry °ther Sunday-and 2 womeu

2 Includes 4 with one day of 7 hours.
3 Have one-half day off every other Sunday.
4 Includes one candy clerk.
6 Includes bakery women.
6 Includes 2 with one afternoon a week off.

7 Has every other Sunday off.
8 Has one day of 10 hours.

9 Includes laundresses and scrub women.

10 Includes sandwich and salad makers.
11 Includes hostesses and 3 storeroom keepers.
2 “el l2 with one aftlmoo®! a we'lfcoff.

°“ day °* 44 h°UrS’ aild 0ne wlth one ** <* 3i hours-

14 Has one day of 12\ hours.

Table \ .

Beginning, ending, and over-all hours offull-time regular women employees
in restaurants, by length of time off duty.
WAITRESSES.
WOMEN WHO HAD NO DEFINITE TIME OFF DUTY.

6-day week.

Num
ber of Beginning hour.
women.
21

31
a1
33
31
21
3411
3411

7 a. m...
7 a. m...
7.30 a. m.
8 a. m...
9 a. m...
9.15 a. m.
10 a. m..
10a. m..
10.30 a. m
3 p. m...

Ending hour.

3 p. m...
5 p. m...
3.30 p. m
5 p. m—
7p. m....
7 p. m__
3.30p. m.
8 p. m....
5 p. m—
12 p. in...

7-day week.
Over Num
all
ber of Beginning hour.
hours. women.

10
8

21
21
21
21
21
21
21

Ending hour.

Over
all
hours.
10i
10

10
10J
10

women"

nsr

maryianb industries.

Table V —Beginning, ending, and over-all hours offull-time regular women employees,
in restaurants, by length of time off duty—Continued.
WOMEN WHOSE TIME OFF DUTY WAS ONE-HALF HOUR.

7-day week.

6-day week.

Num
ber of Beginning hour.
women.
64
51

1
66

i,b

Ending hour.

2.30 p.m............
4p.m.................
8 p. m.................
5 p. m................. 12 p. m...............
7.30 p. m............. 2 a. m.................

7 a. m..................

8 a. m..................
11 a. m................

Over Num
ber of Beginning hour.
all
hours. women.
74

4,5

5.30 a. m............

Ending hour.

2 p. m..............

Over
all
hours.
8J

9
7
64

WOMEN WHOSE TIME OFF DUTY WAS 1 AND UNDER 2 HOURS.

6-day week.

Num
ber of
women.

Over
all
hours.

Ending hour.

Beginning hour.

91
9
9

e1
e621
62
64

616

^.............

9
8

8.45 a. m..........................................................

81
81
81
9

1626
8831
«1
61

9
9

61
WOMEN WHOSE TIME OFF DUTY W’AS 2 AND UNDER 3 HOURS.

7-day week.

6-day week.

Num
ber of Beginning hour.
women.

Ending hour.

9 a. m.................- 8 p.m.................

Oyer- Num
ber of Beginning hour.
all
hours. women.
12
12

2 1

8 a. m.................

Ending hour.

8 p. m..............

Over
all
hours.
12

WOMEN WHOSE TIME OFF DUTY WAS 3 AND UNDER 4 HOURS.

7-day week.

6-day week.

Num
ber of Beginning hour.
women.
51
2 1

Ending hour.

8.30 a. m----------- 7.30 p.m.............
8.30 a. m............ - 7.30 p. m............
12 m................... . 12 p. m..............-

Over Num
ber of Beginning hour.
all
hours. women.
11
11
12

2
2
2
2

1
1
1
1

6.30 a. m............
7 a. m.................
8 a. m.................
8 a. m.................

Ending hour.

7.30 p. m.........
8 p.m..............
7 p. m..............
9 p. m..............

Over
all
hours.
13
13

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.
Table V.—Beginning,

ending, and over-all hours offull-time regular women employees,
in restaurants, by length of time off duty—Continued.
WOMEN WHOSE TIME OFF DUTY WAS 4 HOURS AND OVER.

7-day week.
Num
ber of
women.

Over
all
hours.

Ending hour.

Beginning hour.

13
14

OTHER WORKERS.
WOMEN WHO HAD NO DEFINITE TIME OFF DUTY.

7-day week.

6-day week.

Num
ber of Beginning hour.
women.

Ending hour.

Over Num
all
ber of Beginning hour.
hours. women.
8
10
10
10

»1
31
21

21
22
21
<2
21
21
21

Ending hour.

Over
all
hours.
11£

ioi
9"
10|

10
12 m....................

4 p. m.................

12 p.‘m............

9!
8

WOMEN WHOSE TIME OFF DUTY WAS ONE-HALF HOUR.

6-day week.

Num
ber of Beginning hour.
women.
52
57

5 1

Ending hour.

7-day week.
Over Num
all
ber of Beginning hour.
hours. women
7!
f

11 a. m................

7.30 p.m............

Ending hour.

Over
all
hours.

5 1

WOMEN WHOSE TIME OFF DUTY WAS 1 AND UNDER 2 HOURS.

6-day week.

Num
ber of Beginning hour.
women.

Ending hour.

63
65

61
65
68
62

9
9

8!
8!

i 13
<■2

■i

Over Num
all
ber of Beginning hour. Ending hour.
hours. women.
9
8!
9
9

61
81

7-day week.

12 p.m...

la’.m.................. 11 a. m................

9
9

61
61
61
82

6.30 a. m............

Over
all
hours.
10
10
11

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Table

V.—Beginning, ending, and over-all hours of full-time regular women employees,
in restaurants, by length of time off duty—Continued.
WOMEN WHOSE TIME OFF DUTY WAS 2 AND UNDER 3 HOURS.1

7-day week.
N um
ber of
women.

Over
all
hours.

Ending hour.

Beginning hour.

21
WOMEN WHOSE TIME OFF DUTY WAS 3 AND UNDER 4 HOURS.

7-day week.

6-day week.

Num
ber of Beginning hour.
women.
51
e1

8 a. m..................

Ending hour.

8 p. m.................

Over Num
all
ber of Beginning hour. Ending hour.
hours. women.
9 p. m.............

10i
12

Over
all
hours.
14

WOMEN WHOSE TIME OFF DUTY WAS 4 HOURS AND OVER.

7-day week.
Num
ber of
women.

Beginning hour.

351
21

Ending hour.

Over
all
hours.

m
8.30 p. m.........................................................

101

1 Cashiers not included. Among 6-day workers are 25 who have 1 day off a week or every third Sunday
and 5 who have 1 shorter day a week. Among 7-day workers are 4 who have one-half day off every other
Sunday, 1 who has every other Sunday off, 5 who have 1 shorter day in the week, and 1 who has 1longer
day in the week. In some instances the shorter day means a difference in number of meals on or off duty.
2 Three meals on duty.
3 Two meals on duty.
4 One meal on duty.
s One meal of one-half hour off duty.
6 Two meals of one-half hour each off duty.
i One meal of one-half hour and 1 meal of three-fourths hour off duty
s One meal of 1 hour off duty.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.
Table

VI.—Weekly hours of women employees in restaurants whose hours were irregular,
classified by longest daily over-all hours.
Number whose weekly hours were—

Longest daily over-all hours.
Under
48.
9 and under 10:
Waitresses.............................
Others....................................
10 and under 11:
Waitresses.............................
Others....................................
11 and under 12:
Waitresses.............................
Others....................................
12 and under 13:
Waitresses.............................
Others....................................
13 and under 14:
Waitresses.............................
14 and under 15:
Waitresses.............................
Others....................................
15 and under 16:
Others....................................
17 and under 18:
Waitresses.............................
Others....................................
Over 18:
Waitresses.............................
Total:
Waitresses...................
Others..........................

48 and
54 and
60 and
72 and
66 and
under 54. under 60. under 66. under 72. under 78.

Total.

2
1
1
2
11

1
1

1
1
1

18
3

13
15

3
17

3
3

1
2

VII.—Beginning, ending, and over-all hours on day or days with longest over-all
hours, of full-time irregular women employees, by length of time off duty.

Table

WAITRESSES.
Women who had no definite time off duty.
Num
ber of Beginning hour.
women.
11

Ending hour.

7 a. m.................. 7 p. m.................
9 a. m..................

Women whose time off duty was one-half hour.

Over Num
all
ber of Beginning hour.
hours. women.
12
11

24
^1

Ending hour.

Over
all
hours.

101

Women whose time off duty was 1 and under 2 hours.
Num
ber of
women.
51
51
6 1
68

Beginning hour.

Ending hour.

7 a. m.....................................................
7 a. m...................................

8 a. m..............................................
10 a. m...................................................

Over
all
hours.

m
11.30 p. m.

14
15J
9£

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

VII.—Beginning, ending, and over-all hours on day or day with longest over-all
hours, offull-time regular women employees, by length of time off duty—Continued.

Table

WAITRESSES—Cont nued.1 2 * 4 5 6 7 8
Women whose time off duty was 3 and under 4
hours.
Numher of Beginning hour.
women.
11
»1

6 a. m..................

8 a. m..................
11 a. m................

Ending hour.

Women whose time off duty was 4 hours and
over.

Over- Numall
her of Beginning hour.
hours. women.

7 p. m.................

Overall
hours.

3,6 16

64
51
61

124

8 p. in.................
12~p. m...............

Ending hour.

17*

OTHER WORKERS.
Women who had no definite time off duty.
Num
ber of Beginning hour.
women.

Ending hour.

Women whose time off duty was one-half hour.

Over Num
all
ber of Beginning hour.
hours. women.

Ending hour.

Over
all
hours.
11*

9 a. m................. 6 p. m.............
11.30 a. m........... 8.30 p. m.........

9
9

Women whose time off duty was 1 and under 2 hours.
Num
ber of
women.
6
7
6
6

Beginning hour.

Over
all
hours.

Ending hour.

1
1
1
1

14
17*
12
10

Women whose time off duty was 3 and under 4
hours.
Num
ber of Beginning hour.
women.

Ending hour.

i1
61
1 Three meals on duty.
2 One meal of i hour off duty,

a Two meals on duty.
One meal on duty.
Three meals of h hour each off duty.
Two meals of \ hour each off duty.
No report on meals.
Four meals on duty.

4
5
6
7
8

Women whose time off duty was 4 hours and
over.

Over Num
all
ber of Beginning hour.
hours. women.
14

12*

Ending horn-.

Over
all
hours.
17

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

VIII.—Over-all hours for one or more days in the week, of women restaurant
employees whose hours were irregular, classified by length of time off duty.

Table

Women whose time off duty was—
Longest daily over-all hours.
Not
definite.
9 and under 10:
Waitresses.............................
Others....................................
10 and under 11:
Waitresses.............................
Others....................................
11 and under 12:
Waitresses.............................
Others....................................
12 and under 13:
Waitresses.............................
Others....................................
13 and under 14:
Waitresses.............................
14 and under 15:
Waitresses.............................
Others....................................
15 and under 16:
Others....................................
17 and under 18:
Waitresses.............................
Others....................................
Over 18:
Waitresses.............................
Total...................................
Table

1 and
One-half under
2
hour.
hours.

4
5

2 and
under 3
hours.

3 and
under 4
hours.

4 hours
and over.

Total.

1
1
2

1
8

1
1

5
1

8
1
1

3
17

IX.—Nativity, by industry—(For entire State).
Number of women who were bom in—

Industry.

Manufacturing:
Clothing, men’s...............................
Clothing, women’s and children’s.
Metal products...............................
Textiles............................................
Miscellaneous1...............................
General mercantile...............................
5-and-lO-cent stores...............................
Laundries............................................. .
Restaurants...........................................
Total.

£■
*

Number
of women
reporting. United
States.

Foreign country.
NonEnglish
No
speaking. English report.
speaking.

351
215
770
1,183
1,998
1,160
146
497
207

320
189
710
1,166
1,847
1,073
142
493
194

2 6,527

fi, 134

1
2
10

23
1

3
3

28
23
50
13
129
64
3

1
10

321

1 Industries with fewer than 10 establishments.
2 Of the 6,800 women who supplied personal record cards, 273 did not report country of birth.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.
Table X.—Age, by industry—(For entire State).
Number of women whose age was—
Number of
women Under 16 and 18 and 20 and 25 and 30 and 40 and 50 and
under under under under under under under
report
16
40
50
60
ing.
18
20
25
30
years. years. years. years. years. years. years. years.

Industry.

Manufacturing:
Clothing, men’s..
Clothing, women’s and children’s..............
Metal products..
Textiles..............
Miscellaneous i.........
General mercantile..

60
years
and
over.

507

104

200
774
1,204
1,956
1,021
149
495
213

3
32
31
90
25
5
3

15
110
185
354
138
64
69
13

31
180
203
345
148
28
66
26

58
204
267
450
249
22
101
48

37
93
133
236
121
17
83
52

28
88
154
284
181
8
89
36

16
' 45
114
126
106
5
51
26

11
16
78
52
42

l
6
39
19
11

23
6

10
6

Total............... 2 6,519

191

1,030

1,107

1,503

828

946

550

256

108

Laundries.................
Restaurants..............

1 Industries with fewer than 10 establishments.
2 Of the 6,800 women who supplied personal record cards, 281 did not report their age.
Table

XI.—Age at beginning work, by industry —{For entire State.)1 2
Number of women who began work for wages at—

Industry.

of women
reporting.

14 and
15 and
16 and
17 and
18 and
Under
under
under
under
under
14 years. 15under
years. 16 years. 17 years. 18 years. 19 years.

Manufacturing:
Clothing, men’s....................
Clothing, women’sand chil
dren’s.................................
Metal products.....................
Textiles.................................
Miscellaneous1.............................
General mercantile....................
5-and-lO-eent stores.....................
Laundries.....................................
Restaurants.................................

460

125

202
771
1,201
1,955
1,058
147
492
206

22
90
255
231
35
3
70
22

37
248
301
514
139
24
61
24

27
120
152
255
122
6
85
17

39
168
284
507
282
69
105
44

20
52
57
126
102
15
43
22

20
24
49
89
103
14
29
24

Total...................................

2 6, 492

767

1,392

836

1,623

485

399

Number of women who began work for wages at—
Industry.

Manufacturing:
Clothing, men’s..............................
Clothing, women’sand children’s.
Metal products...............................
Textiles...........................................
Miscellaneous 1...............................
General mercantile...............................

19 and 20 and 25 and 30 and 35 and 40 and 45 and
under under under under under under under 50 years
and
30
20
25
35
40
45
50
years. years. years. years. years. years. years. over.

35
12
23
26
78
119
6
39
16

16
5
15
22
48
43
2
8
12

12
3
6
12
26
37
2
10
6

6
6
10
14
9
20
2
10
2

8
4
2
8
14
11

4
2
1
3
9
4

2
6
16
9

Laundries..............................................
Restaurants...........................................

14
5
10
' 12
33
32
4
11
7

7
5

7
3

7
2

Total............................................

128

354

171

114

1 Industries with fewer than 10 establishments.
2 Of the 6,800 women who supplied personal record cards, 308 did not report age at beginning work.

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES,
Table XII.—Time in the trade, by industry—(For entire State).

Number of women who had been in present trade or business—
Number
of women
1 and
2 and
3 and
4 and
re
6 6 months
porting. Under
under under 2 under 3 under 4 under 5
months. and
1 year.
years.
years.
years.
years.

Industry.

Manufacturing:
Clothing’

women’s

and

Total...................................

457

188
715
] 158
1,838
1,078
137
473
196

59
47
85
198
100
45
70
14

5
68
58
218
139
26
48
22

25
145
137
312
135
29
64
32

12
119
123
256
128
14
76
24

14
104
128
148
116
8
42
22

13
76
89
117
64
5
28
20

26,240

709

599

933

812

614

450

Number of women who had been in present trade or business—
Industry.

30 and
5 and
10 and
15 and
20 and
40 and 50 years
under 10 under 15 under 20 under 30 under 40 under 50
and
years.
years.
years.
years.
years.
years.
over.

Manufacturing:
Clothing,

women’s

and

Textiles............................... .

Total...................................

32
104
220
271
172
8
80
36

11
34
114
170
111
1
30
17

8
8
68
67
55
1
20
1

9
9
75
63
50

30
14
8

10
6

2
1

1,001

536

242

250

1
24
4

1 Industries with fewer than 10 establishments.
2 Of the 6,800 women who supplied personal record cards, 560 did not report on time in present trade or
business.
Table

XIII.—Time with 'present employer, by industry—(For entire State).

Industry.

Number of women who had been with present employer—
Total
Number
of women
1 and
2 and
3 iand
4 and
Under 6 6 months
re
under under 2 under 3 under 4 under 5
porting. months. and
1 year.
years.
years.
years.
years.

Manufacturing:
Clothing, men’s....................
Clothing, women’s and
children’s...........................
Metal products.....................
Textiles................................
Miscellaneous1.................... .
General mercantile.....................
5-and-10-cent stores.....................
Laundries.....................................
Restaurants.................................

499

160

215
774
1,198
1,982
1,159
147
487
214

122
54
113
294
194
65
124
38

7
80
79
278
202
27
61
40

34
155
155
382
189
24
77
42

14
124
148
263
139
16
66
26

13
114
130
140
112
7
32
22

5
84
91
119
48

Total...................................

2 6,675

1,164

810

1,128

864

605

419

281
10

WOMEN IN MARYLAND INDUSTRIES.

Table XIII.— Time with present employer, by industry—(For entire State)—Continued
Number of women who had been with present employer—
Industry.

5 and
10 and
15 and
20 and
30 and
40 and
50 years
under 10 under 15 under 20 under 30 under 40 under 50
and
years.
years.
years.
years.
over.
years.
years.

Manufacturing:
Clothing, men’s........
Clothing, women’s
children’s...............
Metal products.........
Textiles.....................
Miscellaneous1..........
General mercantile.........
5-and-10-cen t stores.........
Laundries.........................
Restaurants.....................

17
112
219
243
140
7
62
28

1
38
101
139
70

1
6
53
72
37

1
6
58
43
26

26
6
2

20
5

11
2

6
1

Total.......................

872

403

188

156

1
20
3

1 Industries with fewer than 10 establishments.
* Of the 6,800 women who supplied personal record cards, 125 did not report time with present employer.
Table

XIV.—Conjugal condition, by industry—(For entire State).
Number of women who were—
Number
of women
report
ing.

Industry.

Manufacturing
Clothing, men’s..........................................................................
Clothing, women’s and children’s............................................
Metal products............................................................................
Textiles........................................................................................
Miscellaneous1............................................................................
General mercantile............................................................................
5-and-10-cent stores...........................................................................

Single.

Married.

Wid
owed,
sepa
rated, or
divorced.

Restaurants.......................................................................................

495
200
767
1,192
1,966
1,104
144
493
210

292
112
541
796
1,383
822
116
282
97

147
66
112
201
335
122
21
115
67

56
22
114
195
248
160
7
96
46

Total....................................................................................... *

2 6,571

4,441

1,186

944

1 Industries with fewer than 10 establishments.
* Of the 6,800 women who supplied personal record cards, 229 did not report conjugal condition.
Table

XV.—Living condition, by industry—(For entire State).
Number
of women
report
ing.

Industry.

Manufacturing:

Total.............................................................‘.............................................

At
Home.

Inde
pend
ently.

506
210
776
1,204
1, 996
1,166
149
502
211

447
171
702
1,063
1, 816
'975
144
426
164

59
39
74
141
180
191
5
76
47

2 6,720

5,908

812

1 Industries with fewer than 10 establishments.
2 Of the 6,800 who supplied personal record cards, 80 did not report living condition.

Number of women
who were living—

PUBLICATIONS OF THE WOMEN’S BUREAU.
BULLETINS.

No. 1. Proposed Employment of Women During the War in the Industries of Niagara
Falls, N. Y. 16 pp. 1918.
No. 2. Labor Laws for Women in Industry in Indiana. 29 pp. 1918.
No. 3. Standards for the Employment of Women in Industry. 7 pp. 1919.
No. 4. Wages of Candy Makers in Philadelphia in 1919. 46 pp. 1919.
No. 5. The Eight Hour Day in Federal and State Legislation. 19 pp. 1919.
No. 6. The Employment of Women in Hazardous Industries in the United States.
8 pp. 1919.
No. 7. Night-Work Laws in the United States. 4 pp. 1919.
No. 8. Women in the Government Service. 37 pp. 1920.
No. 9. Home Work in Bridgeport, Connecticut. 35 pp. 1920.
No. 10. Hours and Conditions of Work for Women in Industry in Virginia. 32 pp.
1920.
No. 11. Women Street Car Conductors and Ticket Agents. 90 pp. 1920.
No. 12. The New Position of Women in American Industry. 158 pp. 1920.
No. 13. Industrial Opportunities and Training for Women and Girls. 48 pp. 1920.
No. 14. A Physiological Basis for the Shorter Working Day for Women. 20 pp. 1921.
No. 15. Some Effects of Legislation Limiting Hours of Work for Women. 26 pp.
1921.
No. 16. State Laws Affecting Working Women. 1920. 104 pp. 1921.
No. 17. Women’s Wages in Kansas. 1920. 104 pp. 1921.
No. 18. Health Problems of Women in Industry. 11 pp. 1921.
No. 19. Iowa Women in Industry. 73 pp. 1921.
No. 20. Negro Women in Industry. 65 pp. 1922.
No. 21. Women in Rhode Island Industries. 73 pp. 1922.
No. 22. Women in Georgia Industries. 89 pp. 1922.
No. 23. The Family Status of Breadwinning Women. 43 pp. 1922.
No. 24. Women in Maryland Industries. 96 pp. 1922.
No. 25. Women in the Candy Industry in Chicago and St. Louis. (In press.)
No. 26. Women in Arkansas Industries. (In press.)
No, 27. The Occupational Progress of Women. (In press.)
First Annual Report of the Director. (Out of print.)
Second Annual Report of the Director.
Third Annual Report of the Director. ,
Fourth Annual Report of the Director. (In press.)

CHARTS.'
Eight-hour and eight-and-a-half-hour laws for women workers.
Nine-hour laws for women workers.
Ten-hour laws for women workers.
Ten-and-a-quarter hour, ten-and-a-half-hour, eleven-hour, and twelve-hour
laWs for women workers..
v
V. Weekly hour laws for women workers.

I.
II.
III.
IV.

VI. Laws providing for a day of rest, one shorter work day, time for meals, and rest
periods for women workers.

VII. Night-work laws for women workers.

VIII. Home-work laws for women.

IX. Minimum wage legislation in the United States. 3 sections.
X. Mothers’ pension laws in the United States. 4 sections.i

i Separate charts out of print. Revised and published in pamphlet form in Bulletin No. 16.

Full text of Women in Maryland Industries: A Study of Hours and Working Conditions : Women's Bureau Bulletin, No. 24

FRASER