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/z.gyWU. S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
JAMES J. DAVIS, SECRETARY
WOMEN’S BUREAU
MARY ANDERSON, Director
BULLETIN OF THE WOMEN’S BUREAU, NO. 25
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS
A STUDY OF HOURS, WAGES
AND WORKING CONDITIONS
IN 1920-1921
WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1923
U. S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
JAMES J. DAVIS, Secretary
WOMEN’S BUREAU
MARY ANDERSON, Director
BULLETIN
OF
THE
WOMEN’S
BUREAU,
NO.
25
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS
A STUDY OF HOURS, WAGES
AND WORKING CONDITIONS
IN 1920-1921
%
£?TE3 O*.
WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1923
I
CONTENTS.
Part
I. Introduction and summary...............
Facts about the industry...........................
Scope and method......................................
Occupations in the industry.........................................
Summary of facts......................................
Part II. Hours..................................................
.....................
Daily hours...........................................
Weekly hours...................................................
Saturday hours..................................
Hours actually worked..................................
Lost time...........................................
Overtime...........................................
Night workers’ hours..........................................
Conclusion...........................................
Part III. Seasonal nature of the industry................
Part IV. Wages..........................................................
Week’s earnings...................................
Earnings and hours...................................
Earnings and experience.......................................
Earnings and rates........................................
Variations in wages in the different factories.....................
Comparison of wages for a week in 1920 and one in 1921
Year’s earnings....................................
Night workers’ wages...........................................
Conclusion.............................................
Part V. Working conditions.........................................
General workroom conditions.......................................
Hazard and strain.....................................
Sanitation............................................
Service facilities..............................................
Employment management........................................
Part VI. The workers......................................
Nativity.......................................................
Age........................................................................ ’ ‘ ”
Age at beginning work....................................
Conjugal condition..................................................
Length of time in the trade........................................
Home responsibilities and living conditions..............
Appenau. General tables.......................................
Page.
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1
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2
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5
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7
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12
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12
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----15
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15
----17
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18
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19
----- 20-22
.... 23-41
----24
---31
---32
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33
----34
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34
----37
---38
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39
.... 42-52
■.- 42
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47
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48
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50
...
52
... 53-58
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53
...
53
...
54
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54
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54
...
56
...
59
in
CONTENTS.
IV
TEXT TABLES.
Page.
Table 1. Number of males and females employed, by occupation.......................
•2. Scheduled daily hours.......................................................................................
3. Scheduled weekly hours...................................................................................
4. Lost time of women employees, by scheduled weekly hours late
4
12
13
pay-roll period...................................................................- -;........................
5. Per cent relation between average, maximum, and minimum weekly
forces and pay rolls, Philadelphia, St. Louis, and Chicago..............
C. Week’s earnings, by occupation—late pay-roll period......... ....................
7. Week’s earnings of time workers and piece workers, by occupation-
16
late pay-roll period.......................................................................;
..........
8. Median week’s earnings, by hours worked—late pay-roll period -------9. Median weekly rates and median week’s earnings, by occupation-
28
32
late pay-roll period...............................................-........................................
10. Median week’s earnings of time workers and piece workers, by occu
pation—early and late pay-roll periods.....................................................
11. Median weekly rates and median week’s earnings of time workers, by
occupation—early pay-roll period..........................-..................................
12. Median weekly rates of time workers., by occupation—early and late
33
pay-roll periods............................................................... -..............................
13. Week’s earnings of women employees who were night workers, by
occupation—late pay-roll period.............................. -......................;----14. Years in the trade of women employees who supplied personal infor
mation, St. Louis, Chicago, and Philadelphia........................................
36
22
25
34
35
39
55
GENERAL TABLES.
I. Total number of employees, male and female, and total earnings during
each week of the year from February, 1920, to February, 1921, in 28
Chicago and 13 St. Louis factories........... ..............-....................;................
II. Week’s earnings, by hours actually worked—late pay-roll period..........
III. Week’s earnings, by years in the trade—late pay-roll period....................
IV. Weekly rates of time workers, by occupation—early and late pay-roll
periods............................................................................................................
V. Week’s earnings, by occupation—early pay-roll period......................- • - VI. Week’s earnings of time workers and piece workers, by occupation
69
60
62
63
65
early pay-roll period.................................. ........................................................
VII. Year’s earnings of women employees for whom 52-week pay-roll records
66
were secured, by occupation............................................................................
VIII. Year’s earnings, by weeks worked....................................................................
IX. Average retail prices of certain articles of food, of dry goods, and of coal,
Chicago and St. Louis, February 15, 1921....................................................
X. Nativity of the women employees who supplied personal information...
XI. Age of the women employees who supplied personal information................
XII. Age at beginning work of the women employees who supplied personal
68
69
information.............................................................................;........................
XIII. Conjugal condition of the women employees who supplied personal in
formation........................................................................... ................-
" "
70
71
71
71
72
%
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL.
U. S.
Department of Labor,
Women’s Bureau,
Washington, July 28, 1922.
I have the honor to submit the accompanying report of a
survey made of hours, wages, and working conditions of women in
the candy industry in Chicago and St. Louis.
The survey was begun the middle of February, 1921, and continued
until the middle of April of that year.
Miss Caroline Manning directed the field work and Miss Elizabeth
Hyde was in charge of the statistical compilation. The report was
written by Miss Mary V. Robinson.
Respectfully submitted.
Mary Anderson, Director.
Hon. James J. Davis,
Secretary of Labor,
Sir:
*
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
PART I.
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY.
This survey of the hours, wages, and working conditions of women
in the candy industry in Chicago and St. Louis was made by the
Women’s Bureau of the U. S. Department of Labor at the request of
certain organizations interested in the industrial status and oppor
tunities of women wage earners. The field work was begun the mid
dle of February, 1921, and was continued until the middle of April
of that year.
1
i he period of the survey was one of industrial depression which was
crippling practically all industries and causing much unemployment.
It is to be expected that under such circumstances candy sales would
inevitably drop and candy manufacture be curtailed since these prod
ucts not only come under the head of food but frequently are classed
as luxuries. A brief glance at the recent history of the industry will
aid in understanding the difficulties which confronted candy manu
facturers and workers in the closing months of 1920 and the opening
ones of 1921.
6
FACTS ABOUT THE INDUSTRY.
Few industries have grown so rapidly and extensively as the candy
industry m the United States. Some idea of the rapid strides made
can be gained from the following comparison set forth in an article
in the Financial World of May 31, 1920.1
A comparison of consumption between 1880 and 1919 shows:
n
ip
i ounds of candy.............................................................
Retail value of candy...................................................
Per capita consumption..............................pounds
xoou.
110,342,540
$33, 70oj 000
2 2
1919.
1, 400, 000, 000
$1, 219, 000, 000
13.1
For the last few years the total estimated candy business has
amounted to the followino1:
o
Pounds of candy.......................................................
Value.........................................................
Per capita consumption..............................pounds
Per capita cost................................................
1914.
550,000, 000
$170, 000, 000
5. 0
$1. 79
‘ Pat^,son' Schuyler. The sugar industry: Its past and present.
1919.
1, 400, 000, 000
$1, 219, 000, 000
13. 1
$11. 39
Financial World, May 31, 1920, Yol.
1
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
2
From this it is evident that candy consumption increased almost
155 per cent in five years, and that the total cost went up approxi
mately 600 per cent in that time. In 1920 the public was paying
about 87 cents a pound as against 32 cents in 1914, and was spending
almost seven times as much for candy as in 1914.
Nevertheless, the growth of the industry, meteoric as it appears,
had not been entirely free from clouds. The following quotation
from the address of the president of the National Confectioners
Association at its annual convention in May, 1920, gives the manu
facturers’ point of view on this subject: “Our industry has within
the past few years undergone the most trying conditions. We
experienced a great shortage of all kinds of raw materials. We
suffered from labor unrest and strikes, coal shortage, and inefficient
railroad traffic; and in spite of all this our records show our sales
have been greater in dollars, although our production has not been
greater, as a rule, in tonnage. The conditions of our present business
are widely different from the pre-war period. With higher labor
cost and higher price of raw material, we are on a higher plane, and
it is my belief that we will not return to pre-war times at least for
some years to come and probably never; so we must adjust ourselves
to the present conditions. Adjustments can not always be made
rapidly. It takes time, the best of judgment and the wisest
counsel,”2- The general tone of this convention was optimistic,
and the WAth»ok in May, 1920, was, on the whole, encouraging for
those connected with the candy industry. By November, 1920,
however, an undercurrent of anxiety was apparent in candy manu
facturing circles since orders were not flowing in with their usual
msh. Accordingly, in many plants the phenomenal activity and
preparation for Christmas were not experienced. This meant that
the prosperity of the industry was dealt a sudden blow from which it
was still staggering in February, 1921, and which had aroused among
candy manufacturers a feeling of caution and a tendency toward
retrenchment and had caused for candy workers a reduction in,
opportunities and earnings,
SCOPE AND METHOD.
Chicago and St. Louis are both definite candy centers. According
to the U. S. Bureau of the Census there were in 1914, 97 confectionery
establishments3 in Chicago and 48 in St. Louis. In the census
classification the term confectionery is applied to the manufacture
not only of-all kinds of candy and confections' but of ice cream,
chewing gum, salted nuts, and cake ornaments as well. The
survey made by the Women’s Bureau was intended to cover candy
Tpcich, Caul F. Presumes address. Proceedings of the 37th Annual Convention of the National
Confectioners’ Association. St. Paul, 1930, p. 15.
> XT. S. Bureau of the Census. Census of manufactures, 1914, Vol. X., pp. 339 and *02.
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
3
and confections only and not the other products. In the limited
time of the investigation, however, it was impossible to visit even
all of the candy factories in the two cities. Accordingly, an effort
was made to select a representative number of factories as well as
representative types.
In all, 32 establishments in Chicago and 19 in St. Louis were
inspected. The factories investigated varied in size from one
employing 5 workers to one with 639. The following summary
gives some idea of the size of the plants in the two cities:
Establishraen ts employing—
Fewer
than 50.
St. Louis..............................................
Chicago..............................
Total......................................
50 to
100.
12
8
10
20
12
100 to
200.
200 and
over.
5.
9 ..............im
Total.
19
1 One plant not included because number of employees was not given.
This shows that plants of all sizes were selected—large, small, and
medium sized. The factories in Chicago were in the main larger
than those in St. Louis, since 74.2 per cent of the former employed
50 or more workers as compared with 36.8 per cent of the latter.
The largest plant in St. Louis had only 134 employees, while in
Chicago there were 8 factories with a greater force than this, the
four largest having 639, 556, 307, and 275 workers, respectively.
Twenty-four of the plants included in Chicago were among the 46
in that city listed as members of the National Confectioners’ Associa
tion of the United States, while in St. Louis only 6 of those inspected
belonged to this association.
The factories visited manufactured practically all kinds of con
fections, from penny goods to the highest grade of chocolates and
bonbons. In addition to such is the following list of products
turned out by these plants: Stick and hard candies, cough drops,
lozenges, licorice, chewing goods, gumdrops, jelly beans, caramels,
nougats, fudge, butterscotch, peanut brittle, marshmallows, nut bars,
coconut confections, crackajack, iced cherries, pop corn, and fancy
novelties. It is apparent from this that virtually all branches of
candy manufacture are represented. Many plants produced a general
line of these confections, whereas a few specialized in one variety.
The inquiry was carried on along several main lines. Definite
information about numbers of employees, hour schedules, wages,
and working conditions were recorded by the investigators from
interviews with employers and managers, from inspection of plants,
and from examination of pay rolls. In order to obtain accurate
and uniform information data were taken personally from pay rolls
4
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
by the investigators. A special form was used for recording the
weekly earnings, rates, and hours of each woman in each occupa
tional group for a current week in 1921 and a representative week
during the slack season in 1920. A current week, one in the latter
half of February, was chosen for several reasons. In the first place,
although February is not the busiest season in the industry—the
fall months, in preparation for the Christmas trade, being the time of
greatest output—the six weeks or so preceding Easter are generally
recognized as the second busiest period in candy manufacturing.
The February or current pay roll also was of interest as reflecting
conditions in the industry during the period of widespread depres
sion, since wage cuts in general were occurring at the beginning of
1921. Another advantage in securing data from the current pay
roll was that it enabled the investigators to correlate these facts
with the personal records of workers who were then employed. A
week in June, 1920, was selected as representative of a normally
dull season since the summer months are almost invariably the
time of slackest activity in candy production. Individual yearly
earnings for a representative number of women in each establish
ment w'ere recorded on 52-week schedules. Furthermore, in order
to estimate, if possible, the extent of seasonal fluctuations, the total
number of wage earners and the total amount of wages paid out
for each week in the year from February, 1920, to February, 1921,
were obtained for most of the plants.
With the pay-roll data for the individual women were combined
facts obtained from cards filled out in the plants by these women
about age, nativity, experience in the trade, and conjugal condition.
In addition the investigators by means of home visits were able to
supplement this information with personal statements about the
educational and industrial history as -well as about the home re
sponsibilities of a certain number of women.
The following table gives the number of employees, by sex and
by occupation, for 31 establishments in Chicago and 19 establish
ments in St. Louis:
Table 1.—Number
of males and females employed, by occupation
St. Louis
Chicago
(31 establishments).2 (19 establishments).
Total
(50 establishments).2
Occupation.
Males.
Foremen or forewomen...............
80
161
Females.
79
J-JippiUg ......... '
Packing and wrapping.................
Machine operating.........................
Other occupations.........................
34
110
1,229
306
932
358
389
Total.:...................................
1,614
2,064
Males.
Females.
Females.
Total.
93
266
108
12
11
199
122
290
99
92
46
121
1,428
428
1,222
457
481
201
266
428
1,268
578
1,909
340
632
1,954
2,696
34,650
13
105
29
1 Office workers not included in this report.
2 One establishment excluded because number of employees not given.
3 Excludes 136 males and 6 females not reporting occupation.
Males.
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
5
The total number of workers in the 50 plants was 4,792, of whom
2,702, or 56.4 per cent, were women. In the 19 St. Louis factories
there were 632 women, who constituted 65 per cent of the total
working force, a larger proportion than was found in the 31 plants in
Chicago, where 54.2 per cent of the employees were women. These
figures, showing that women constituted over one-half of the workers
in the industry, are typical. The Bureau of the Census figures show
that in 1914, 60 of every 100 confectionery workers were women,4
and according to an investigation of the candy industry in Philadel
phia in 1919, women constituted 58.3 per cent of the working force
in 25 factories.5 Women are in general more in demand for most of
the occupations than are men. The more detailed figures show that
in some of the individual establishments the proportion of men, how
ever, was larger than the proportion of women. One Chicago plant
with men constituting 87 per cent of its 108 employees showed the
largest percentage of male workers.
.
OCCUPATIONS IN THE INDUSTRY.
In factories manufacturing the variety of confections already
enumerated, a diversity of occupations would be expected. The work
was found, indeed, to be greatly subdivided into special processes,
most of which were of a highly monotonous and repetitive nature,
but for the purpose of discussion these have been classified under
several main heads—foremanship, cooking and making, dipping,
packing and wrapping, machine operating, and other occupations.
Candy making has been reported upon frequently enough to make a
detailed description of the various processes unnecessary in this dis
cussion. It is of interest, however, to touch upon the types of work
performed by the men and women in the plants inspected.
On the whole, the jobs had been assigned according to sex, in the
usual way. In a comparison of the occupations of the men and women
it is apparent from Table 1 that men had a monopoly of the actual
making, that is, the mixing of materials and the cooking. No women
were found in these occupations, which require skill and much
physical strength. Only a comparatively small proportion of the
men (13.6 per cent) were engaged in these processes. The great bulk
of the men (73.1 per cent) were found in the “other occupations”
group. This was due largely to the fact that men and boys were
employed in the maintenance of the plant, in shipping and in doing
miscellaneous jobs connected with production. One kind of work
usually performed by men, and only occasionally by women, was the
rolling of stick candy. The job of foremanship was divided rather
4 U. S. Bureau of the Census. Abstract of the census of manufactures, 1914, p. 445. The exact per
centage is 59.7.
5 U. S. Department of Labor. Woman in Industry Service. Wages of candy makers in Philadelphia
in 1919. Bulletin 4,1919, p. 14.
6
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
equally between men and women, as there were 93 foremen and 108
forewomen reported in the plants investigated. There were no men
engaged in hand dipping. Only a small proportion of men (2.4 per
cent) were employed as packers and wrappers and a not much larger
number (6.2 per cent) as machine operators. In the latter group
were a few supervisors of enrobing machines and some operators of
machines for mixing ingredients, molding candy, cutting caramels,
and blowing off the starch used in the hardening process.
The one operation performed exclusively by women and the one
requiring more skill than any of the others done by women was hand
dipping. This is divided into chocolate and bonbon dipping, the
former requiring more dexterity and experience than the latter. One
manager stated that a woman could become a bonbon dipper in a
month, but that she required six months of practice to learn chocolate
dipping. An even more expert job is that of two-hand dipping at
which a girl must work for about a year and a half before attaining
proficiency. In this process a roller works with the dipper, throwing
the handmade centers into the chocolate. The dipper has two hands
in the chocolate, using the left one as a sort of cup in which to dip
the chocolate. The hand-rolled centers are more difficult to keep in
shape than the centers made in the starch room. Altogether only
15.9 per cent of the women were found in all kinds of hand dipping,
the smallest proportion, with the exception of forewomen, in any of
the occupational groups in the table.
Not all of the dipping was done by hand. A great many choco
lates, especially the cheaper grades, were machine dipped. The opera
tion of these machines, designated as enrobers, was a simple process,
usually performed by women. Four girls, as a rule, worked at an
enrober, one being in charge and the rest feeding and taking off.
Other automatic machines operated by women in some plants were
those for molding, wrapping, blanching peanuts, and cutting such
goods as caramels and chocolate and coconut bars.
By far the largest number of women were engaged in packing and
wrapping (45.3 per cent). These jobs, in the main, required speed
rather than judgment or skill. Frequently the packers also did the
wrapping and occasionally the weighing and tying. In many plants
they were classified as fancy, plain, chocolate, and pail, or bulk,
packers. Methods varied in the different establishments. In one, for
example, the girls doing fancy packing, which probably requires more
care than does any other sort, filled only one box at a time; whereas
in another establishment the fancy packers worked on as many as a
hundred boxes at once, moving from one to another where they were
spread out on a table. In some places the girls remained seated and
packed from a moving belt.
In the making of so many different kinds of candy there were qiany
miscellaneous jobs, for which women and girls were employed and
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
7
which required little if any skill. Among these occupations was the
“slab work,” a term used for such processes as cutting and powder
ing fancy candies, making fancy centers, assorting nuts, preparing
dates, hand decorating, and molding—the last two requiring a little
skill. Some of the workers were designated as helpers or floor girls,
whose duty it was to facilitate the work in any way possible; some
times they helped the dippers by bringing them the melted chocolate.
Sample girls ” was the name given to those who planned what candy
was to be packed. Other employees were engaged in labeling, tying,
checking, and helping with the shipping. In a number of plants the
girls changed from one of these small jobs to another and were known
as general workers.
SUMMARY OF FACTS.
1. Date —This study of candy manufacturing in two large middle
western cities deals largely with conditions in the industry in Feb
ruary to April, 1921. It includes, however, some information about
wages throughout 1920, with definite data for a week in June of that
yeai. It shows that the industry in a slack month in a prosperous
period was more active and thriving than it was in a supposedly busy
season during the industrial depression of 1921.
2. Scope. The study included 316 factories in Chicago and 19 in
St. Louis, employing, respectively, 2,070 and 632 women.
3. Chicago versus St. Louis.—In regard to hours, wages, and work
ing conditions candy manufacturing was on a generally higher plane
in Chicago than it was in St. Louis. The former city, however, is a
more important candy center than is the latter.
4. Hours. Despite the curtailment of working schedules during
the time of the investigation, normal scheduled hours were recorded.
The 31 Chicago establishments showed much shorter scheduled hours
and also much more lost time than did the 19 St. Louis plants—facts
shown by the following summary:
^ Daily hours. An 8-hour day had been adopted by 11 factories in
Chicago, employing 27.6 per cent of the women included in Chicago
and by 3 factories in St. Louis, employing 2.8 per cent of the women
included in St. Louis.
^ A 9-hour day was found in slightly less than one-third of the
Chicago factories employing somewhat over one-third of the women
in the Chicago survey and in almost two-thirds of the St. Louis
factories employing three-fourths of the women in the St. Louis
survey. No establishment in either city had more than a 9-hour day.
Weekly hours. A weekly schedule of 48 hours or less was found
m 22 Chicago factories employing almost two-thirds of the women
included in Chicago (65.1 per cent) and in 4 St. Louis factories em-1
1 One other establishment was inspected, but no record was obtained for number of employees.
8
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
ploying less than one-fifth of the women (17.6 per cent) included
in St. Louis. None of the Chicago factories had more than a 50-hour
week despite the State law permitting 70 hours for women in industry,
whereas 7 of the St. Louis factories employing over one-half of the
women included in that city had as much as a 54-hours week, the
maximum hours of employment for women permitted by the State.
Saturday hours—A. Saturday half holiday was customary in 26
of the 31 Chicago plants and in only 3 of the 19 St. Louis plants.
Lost time.—Much lost time was reported for both cities, due largely
to slackened production in the industry. Somewhat oyer one-half
of the women included in each city had lost some time during the
week recorded. The Chicago factories, on the whole, despite shoiter
scheduled hours, showed much more lost time than did the St. Louis
plants. Of the women with a record for time lost, 46.9 per cent of
those in Chicago as compared with 26.9 per cent in St. Louis had
lost 15 hours or more during the week.
5. Wages.—At the time of the investigation, earnings of women
in candy factories had dropped noticeably below the 1920 peak and
even below earnings in June, 1920, an admittedly dull season. This
decline was the result of official wage cuts, discontinuance of bonuses,
curtailed working schedules, and slackened production in the industiy.
The women in Chicago despite their much shorter hours received
considerably higher wages than did the women in St. Louis.
Piece workers in both cities earned more than did time workers.
Exclusive of foremanship, dipping—which is the most skilled work
done bv women and which employed 16 per cent of the women in
cluded in Chicago and 19 per cent of those in St. Louis—was by far
the best paid occupation. The great bulk of the women in both
Chicago and St. Louis (51 per cent and 46.1 per cent, respectively)
were packers and wrappers. These constituted the lowest paid
group in Chicago in the 1921 period, whereas in St. Louis the machine
operators showed the lowest median earnings. In the 1920 period,
however, exclusive of the unclassified, machine operators were the
most poorly paid group in both cities.
In the 1920 period there was but little variation between earnings
and rates, whereas in the 1921 period median earnings were less than
median rates in all cases, showing a decrease for dippers in St. Louis
and Chicago of 15 and 16.3 per cent, respectively. Furthermore,
rates for the 1920 pay-roll period were higher than for the 1921,
except for forewomen and dippers. Although the increase in the
median rates for the former was negligible, the increase in the median
rates of dippers was considerable, although their median earnings
showed practically no increase over the 1920 period
In the matter of yearly earnings, as would be expected, a group
of experienced and steady women workers in Chicago showed a
much better record than did a similar group of women in St. Louis.
IN' CHICAGO AKD ST. LOUIS.
♦
9
In general the great majority of the St. Louis women received
earnings which could scarcely be termed a living wage, in view of the
exorbitantly high cost of living which prevailed throughout 1920
and which had declined only slightly at the time of the investigation.
Even in Chicago where wages were generally higher a number of
women were inadequately paid.
The following summary of wage figures serves to substantiate the
foregoing statements:
Weekly earnings and rates.
1921 pay roll
(February and March,
usually a fairly
busy season).
1920 pay roll
(June, a slack
month).
Median weekly earnings of all women:
Chicago (1,832 women).......................... ...................... $14. 65 (2,268 women) $17. 05
St. Louis (579 women)................................................... 11. 95
( 609 women) 12. 60
Median weekly earnings of time workers:
Chicago.......................................................................
14. 35
16.00
St. Louis............................................ .......................
11.
45
12.
35
Median weekly earnings of piece workers:
Chicago.......................................................................
16. 80
20. 30
St. Louis.....................................................................
13. 40
14. 50
Median weekly earnings of all dippers:
Chicago.......................................................................
17. 45
18. 85
St. Louis.........................................................................
12. 85
13.35
Median weekly earnings of lowest paid group, exclusive
of the unclassified workers:
Chicago (packers and wrappers).................................. 13. 75 (Machine opera- 16. 30
St. Louis (machine operators)...................................... 10. 80
tors.)
12.35
Median weekly rates for all time workers:
Chicago............... ............................................................... 15. 75
15. 95
St. Louis............................................................................. 12. 60
12.80
Median weekly rates for forewomen:
Chicago............................................................................... 26.30
25.90
St. Louis........................................................................... 20.90
20.65
Median weekly rates for dippers who were time workers:
Chicago............................................................................... 20.20
16. 75
St. Louis............................................................................. 15.05
12. 75
4c
Yearly earnings.
Median yearly earnings:
Chicago (237 women; no forewomen included). .
St. Louis (88 women; no forewomen included)..
Median yearly earnings of dippers (best paid group):
Chicago...........................................................................
St. Louis........................................................................
Median yearly earnings of machine operators (lowest paid group):
Chicago...........................................................................
St. Louis.......................................................................
Of the women whose yearly records were obtained—
5.9 per cent in Chicago...
j-earned less than.
22.7 per cent in St. Louis..
28.7 per cent in Chicago... jearned less than..
73.9 per cent in St. Louis..
19.0 per cent in Chicago...
2.3 per cent in St. Louis.: •earned more than
$891
697
988
742
825
625
600
800
1,000
10
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
(5. Working conditions.—Although working conditions on the
whole were fair in the candy factories visited and in many cases
showed that a definite effort had been made to look after the upkeep
and sanitation of the plant as well as the health and comfort of the
workers, there was still apparent the need for higher standards and
improved conditions in an industry dealing with a food product and
employing such a large proportion of women. Chicago showed gen
erally higher standards than did St. Louis. In some plants every
precaution had been taken to insure the cleanliness of the product.
On the other hand, equipments and methods found in a number of
plants did not guarantee a strictly sanitary output and in a few
cases .appeared to be a positive menace to consumers. Despite legal
regulations in both cities in regard to the cleanliness of food estab
lishments, 10 plants in Chicago and 10 in St. Louis were reported as
having dirty workrooms and lack of systematic cleaning. Of the 51
plants visited, 37, or almost three-fourths, fell below the standard of
having hot water, soap, and individual towels—essential features
of sanitary washing facilities. There was also in many plants a
laxity about uniforms. Some sort of apron and cap would seem
necessary for workers in candy factories. Nevertheless, 14 plants
were recorded in which the employees wore no working garb of any
sort over their street clothes. In only 4 establishments were uni
forms supplied by the firm. Furthermore, although a physical
examination of employees in this industry is desirable, only 1 plant
reported such a requirement for new employees. In several other
plants it was stated that workers were examined if there was any
doubt about their health. Hospital rooms were found in 7 plants
and a nurse or doctor in attendance daily in 7.
There was in fact quite a difference in the facilities provided in the
various plants for looking after the health and comfort of the women.
Seating, in particular, had been given too little attention. In 25
plants there was an insufficient number of seats for the women; in
39 the only seats provided were stools or benches without backs,
while in 8 plants women were seen sitting on boxes and cans. In a
number of instances women who could have performed their work
equallv well while sitting were compelled to stand all day, since no
seats were available, or the seats provided were not adjustable to
worktables. The regulation of temperature and ventilation in cer
tain workrooms of candy factories is a difficult problem, which had
been satisfactorily solved by some but not by all the plants visited.
Women in 22 plants worked in a temperature below 66°, the mini
mum given by some managers as necessary for the preservation of
the product. The lowest temperature reported, 50°, was obviously
too cold for health or comfort. Another situation detrimental to
health was the stale air in a number of chocolate rooms, due to the
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
•
•
•
11
lack of proper ventilation. Otherwise there were few hazards or
strains for the women in the industry. Strain from undue speeding
was reported for 9 plants. Unguarded belts in 19 plants consti
tuted something of a hazard, but not so great a one as the un
guarded cutting machines which were occasionally operated by
women. Another menace to health was the use of the common drink
ing cup, reported for 10 plants.
The service rooms found in many factories added greatly to the
comfort of the workers. Nineteen firms in all, 6 in St. Louis and 13
m Chicago, had provided lunchrooms. There was an unusually good
record for cloakrooms, since all of the Chicago plants and 16 in St.
Louis had provided some sort of room where women could change
their clothes and leave their wraps. Many of the plants, however,
bad failed to recognize the value of a rest room, as only 19 factories—
lo in Chicago and 6 in St. Louis—had provided such. Service rooms
were in a number of cases inadequate as to equipment and arrange
ment.
7. ike workers. Women constituted a large proportion of the
working forces in the candy establishments visited in both cities, 54.2
per cent in Chicago and 65 per cent in St. Louis.
Candy manufacturing also attracts young workers. Of the women
reporting on age, 35.8 per cent in Chicago and 47.6 per cent in St.
Louis were under 20 years of age. However, there were women in all
age groups up to 60 and over.
( Of the women reporting on conjugal condition, 62.6 per cent in
Chicago as against 75.8 per cent in St. Louis were single; 27.5 per
cent in Chicago as compared with 14.3 per cent in St Louis were
married, while 10 per cent in round numbers in both Chicago and
St. Louis were widowed, separated, or divorced.
Of women reporting on nativity, only 5.8 per cent in St. Louis as
contrasted with 34.3 per cent in Chicago were foreign born.
^ Of women reporting length of time in the trade, 23.8 per cent in
Chicago and 24.4 per cent in St. Louis had had 5 years or more of
experience. These figures are proof of a large proportion of steady
workers.
8425°—23---- 2
PART II.
HOURS.
In a study of hours it is necessary to know both the daily hour and
weekly hour schedules in force in the establishments investigated;
that is, the number of hours stipulated by the firm that women in its
employ shall work regularly each day and each week. The policies
in regard to lunch periods, Saturday half holiday, and night work,
practiced in the plants are of great importance in determining whether
or not women in industry have satisfactory hour schedules. Also, it
is of interest to ascertain so far as possible the actual hours worked
by the women in these plants in order to measure lost time and
overtime.
_
Although the period of the investigation was characterized by a
great deal of lost time due to limited output in the industry, the
normal daily and weekly schedules of the plants were recorded in
each case.
Daily hours.
The following table gives the number of establishments and the
number of women having certain classified daily schedules:
Table 2.—Scheduled daily hours.
.... ............. —
—
Total number
reported.
Establishments and number of women whose daily
hours of work were-
Women.
ments.
Chicago:
Per cent distribution........
St. Louis:
Per cent distribution........
Total:
Per cent distribution........
Over 8 and under
9.
8.
Place.
Establishments.
Women.
Establishments.
Women.
0.
Establishments.
Women.
31
100.0
1,935
100.0
11
35.5
535
27.6
10
32.3
668
34.5
10
32.3
732
37. 8
19
UOO.O
618
100.0
3
15.8
17
2.8
5
26.3
136
22.0
12
63.2
465
75.2
50
1100.0
2,553
100.0
14
28.0
552
21.6
15
30.0
804
31.5
22
44.0
1,197
40. 9
1 Per cents of establishments total to more than 100 because one firm, employing some women SJ hours
and some 9 hours, is entered twice.
None of the factories in either city had more than a 9-hour day.
Chicago made a better showing in the matter of a shorter day than did
St. Louis. Eleven establishments in Chicago had adopted the 8-hour
day, as compared with three in St. Louis. Furthermore, in Chicago
slightly less than one-third of the factories (32.3 per cent) employing
somewhat over one-third of the women included in Chicago had a
9-hour day, whereas almost two-thirds of the St. Louis plants (63.2
per cent), employing three-fourths of the women included in St. Louis,
had so long a day.
Weekly hours.
The following table gives the number of establishments and the
number of women operating under certain classified weekly hours:
12
Table 3.—Scheduled weekly hours.
Establishments and number of women whose weekly hours of work were_
reported.
Estab
Estab
lish
Women. lish
ments.
ments.
Women.
Over 48 and
under 50.
48.
Over 50 and
under 54.
50.
Estab
Estab
Estab
Estab
lish
Women. lish Women. lish Women. lish
ments.
ments.
ments.
ments.
Women.
Estab
Estab
lish
Women. lish
ments.
ments.
Women.
19
i 100.0
Per cent distribution...
50
i 100.0
‘
1,935
100.0
16.1
393
20.3
618
100.0
1
5.3
1
0.2
12.0
394
15.4
2,553
100.0
9.7
151
7.8
715
37.0
45.2
1
6.0
5.9
15.8
108
17.5
34.0
823
32.2
6.5
4.0
Ill
5.7
111
4.3
22.6
565
29.2
10.5
25
4.0
36.8
23.6
7
36.8
54.7
9
18.0
590
23.1
7
14.0
146
5.7
7
14.0
338
13.2
1 Per cents of establishments total to more than 100 because one firm, employing some women 51 horn's and some 54 hours, is entered twice.
*
CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
31
100.0
Number...........................
Per cent distribution...
Total:
54.
IF
Chicago:
Number...........................
Per cent distribution...
Over 44 and
under 48.
44.
Place.
OS
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
14
From the table it can be seen that the weekly hours of the Chicago
plants were much shorter than those of the St. Louis firms. Of the
31 factories in Chicago, 22, or 71 per cent, employing 65.1 per cent of
the women in the Chicago investigation, had a weekly schedule of 48
hours or less. None had more than 50 hours, despite the 70-hour
weekly maximum for women in industry permitted by the State law.
Of the 19 factories in St. Louis only 4, or a little over one-fifth,
employing 17.6 per cent of the women in the St. Louis investigation,
had a schedule of 48 hours or less a week, whereas 7 plants, employing
54.7 per cent of the women, had a 54-hour week. None had more
than 54 hours a week, the legal maximum hours of employment for
women in the State. It is interesting also to note that only 29 per
cent of the Chicago plants as contrasted with 84.2 per cent of the
St. Louis plants had more than a 48-hour week. The shorter work
ing week in Chicago, despite the much longer hour law, may be at
tributed partly to the organization of the candy workers in that city.
At the time of the investigation only 1 plant in St. Louis with 1
woman worker had a 44-hour week, as compared with 8 plants in
Chicago with such a schedule. The 44-hour week had been even
more universal in the candy industry in Chicago in June, 1920, than
it was in February, 1921. Of the 31 factories included, 29 were in
existence at the earlier date, and 27 of these were operating on a
44-hour schedule. Although by the beginning of 1921 the industrial
depression was crippling the industry, and although such a condition
would seem incompatible with an increase in the working schedule, 22
of the plants had abandoned the 44-hour week for a longer weekly
schedule, as the following summary shows:
8 factories increased from 44 hours to 50 hours.
1 factory increased from 44 hours to 49| hours.
I factory increased from 44 hours to 49 hours.
II factories increased from 44 hours to 48 hours.
1 factory increased from 44 hours to 47J hours.
1 factory increased from 46i hours to 48 hours.
Despite the adoption of such schedules a number of the plants were
not putting them into force, but because of the need for restricted
production were operating even less than 44 hours weekly by cutting
down the number of working days a week. Evidently these factories
were planning to use the new schedules when business in the industry
again became normal. Many of the workers objected to the change
in schedule, but did not dare make open complaints for fear of losing
their job and of not being able to get another during the stress of
unemployment. As one woman said, ‘‘Most of the women in our
factory are married, and though we didn’t like it when the hours
changed from 8 to 9 a day we couldn’t say anything.” In St. Louis
no plant had a longer schedule in 1921 than in 1920, while 4 had
shorter schedules.
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
15
Saturday hours.
A Saturday half holiday in manufacturing establishments is becom
ing more and more prevalent. Despite this tendency only 3 of the
19 St. Louis candy factories reported a half holiday on Saturday.
Four others had one hour less, and another one hour and a half less
than on other days. The Chicago plants showed a much better
record in this respect, since 26 of the 31 establishments visited in this
city were closed on Saturday afternoon.
Hours actually worked.
It was not possible to ascertain the hours actually worked by all
of the women during the week for which the 1921 pay-roll data were
taken, since in some cases no record was kept of the hours of piece
workers. Nevertheless such information was obtained for 94.5 per
cent of the women in St. Louis and for 80.2 per cent in Chicago.
The scheduled weekly hours and the hours actually worked by the
women during the week recorded did not coincide in many cases on
account of the large proportion of women working less than the
normal schedules and the very small percentage working longer. For
example, although no women in either Chicago or St. Louis had
schedules of less than 44 hours a week, according to Table II
in the appendix, of those for whom hour records were secured 47.9
per cent in Chicago and 23 per cent in St. Louis actually worked less
than this amount. Moreover, whereas 34.9 per cent of the women in
Chicago and 82.4 per cent of the women in St. Louis had a schedule
of more than 48 hours a week, it is seen from Table II that of those
with hour records, only 16.5 per cent in Chicago and 41.9 per cent in
St. Louis actually worked more than 48 hours a week.
lost time.
From this it is quite evident that there was much time lost by the
women. Although some of this may have been due to the absence of
the workers for personal reasons, by far the largest amount is attrib
utable to the general depression and the slackened production in the
plants.
An idea of the amount of time lost can be gained from the following
table which gives not only the number and percentage of women
with hour records who lost some time during the week selected but
the proportions of women who lost certain specified amounts accord
ing to the weekly schedules under which they worked.
Table 4.—Lost time of women employees, by scheduled weekly hours—Late pay-roll period.
Per cent of women who worked less than scheduled hours—
Number of women
reported with
hours worked.
Number and per cent of women who
worked less than scheduled hours.
Under 5 hours.
5 and under in
hours.
10 and under 15
hours.
15 hours and over.
Scheduled weekly hours.
Chicago. St. Louis. Chicago. St. Louis. Chicago. St. Louis. Chicago. St. Louis.
Number. Percent. Number. Percent.
y
44........................................................
Over 44 and .under 48....................
Over 48 and under 50.....................
328
99
687
5
349
Over 50 and under 54.....................
Total.......................................
1,468
99
25
91
332
547
144
87
401
5
165
43.9
87.9
58.4
100.0
47.3
802
54.6
46
46.5
19
61
179
76.0
67.0
53.9
305
55.8
22.9
8.0
20.4
40.0
15-8
52.2
18.7
20-7
21.1
1.6
19-0
26.4
36.8
12.2
40.0
21.8
19.6
17.4
10.5
60.7
45.3
42.0
17.4
9-2
15-5
14.5
................
14.8
13.0
5.3
3.3
12.8
10.5
1
33-3
46.0
51.9
20.0
47.9
46.9
►
17.4
63.2
34.4
22.9
26.9
W OM EN IN TH E CANDY INDUSTRY
St. Louis.
Chicago.
Chicago. St- Louis.
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
17
From this table we find that of the women with hour records, 55.8
per cent in St. Louis had lost some time as compared with 54.6 per
cent in Chicago. However, the amount of time lost was much greater
in Chicago than in St. Louis, even though, as we have already seen,
the scheduled hours in the former city were shorter than those in the
latter. In Chicago, 46.9 per cent of the women who worked less
than the time scheduled in the plants lost 15 hours or more during
the week, while in St. Louis only 26.9 per cent of those who did not
work a full week lost as much as this. Furthermore, 61.7 per cent
in Chicago lost 10 hours or more as compared with 37.4 per cent in
St. Louis losing this amount. In Chicago, even among women
whose scheduled hours were 44 a week, 43.9 per cent worked less
than a full week, and one-third of these lost 15 or more hours in the
week. No women in St. Louis whose hours were reported had such
a short weekly schedule.
When we consider only the women with hour records whose
scheduled hours in each city were 48 a week, we find that 46.5 per
cent of the women in St. Louis worked less than these scheduled
hours as compared with 58.4 per cent in Chicago. However, this
group in Chicago lost much more time than did the corresponding
group in St. Louis, since 51.9 per cent of those working less than their
scheduled 48 hours in the former place showed a record of 15 hours or
more lost during the week, while only 17.4 per cent of the women in
St. Louis who failed to work their full 48-hour week lost as much
as 15 hours or more. In the St. Louis group, by far the largest
proportion (52.2 per cent) lost less than 5 hours a week. Altogether,
the women in the Chicago establishments not only had much shorter
hour schedules, but also worked much less time than did the women
in the St. Louis plants.
•
Overtime.
In a period when so much time was lost on account of restricted
output in the plants, the amount of overtime would naturally be
slight. In fact, of the women with hour records only 2.4 per cent in
St. Louis and 8.1 per cent in Chicago worked longer than the scheduled
hours.
It must be remembered that these figures, taken during the indus
trial depression and for a season which even in normal times is only
second in output and activity during the year, are, in consequence,
not representative of the overtime problem in candy manufacture.
During the busy season preparatory to Christmas, work after sched
uled hours is apt to be much more prevalent. Of the firms visited,
13 acknowledged some overtime for women, but the pay rolls and
the statements of the workers made it evident that occasional over
time was customary in a few other plants. With some firms it was
18
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
the practice to have the women remain longer than the scheduled
hours during emergencies and especially during the Christmas rush.
One manager reported that a short time before, several girls had
remained for an hour or two on three nights in the week to work on
the wrapping machines, but that they had never had more than a
10-hour day. In another factory the only overtime was on Saturday
afternoon. Here the closing hour was 1 p. m., but the girls worked
until 3 or 4 o’clock, or even until 6 p. m., “if they cared to stay.”
Some of the women when interviewed in their homes contributed
information about overtime. Several spoke of working on Sundays
in the busy season. In one plant, for example, the girls worked
seven days a week for three weeks before Christmas. One girl who
had refused to work on Sunday said “They don’t do anything to you
if you refuse, but it is hard to refuse.” Two girls in another plant
said they were told they would be fired if they would not work
overtime. They added that for some weeks before Easter the girls
worked from 7.30 a. m. to 7.45 p. m., and sometimes even later, with
only a half hour for lunch, so that the girls who lived on the edge of
town did not reach home until 9 o’clock or after. Although the
general policy was to pay time and a half for overtime, a few plants
paid only straight time, and one firm paid double time. The system
of haying women work longer than the usual hours for even a few
weeks is to be discouraged both from the worker’s point of view,
since the gain in pay is frequently counterbalanced by a loss in
energy, and from the employer’s point of view, since the temporary
increase in production tends towards an eventual decrease in
efficiency.
Night workers’ hours.
A practice which is even more detrimental to the health of women
engaging therein and which should be prohibited by law is that of
night work. Despite the curtailed production and shortened sched
ules in many plants, night work was being performed by women in
two factories 1 included in the survey—one in Chicago employing
102 women as night workers, and one in St. Louis employing 13
women on a night shift. In the latter group were 11 machine
operators, 1 packer and wrapper, and 1 forewoman. Of the 102
women in Chicago, 56 were packing and wrapping, 42 were operating
machines, 2 were miscellaneous workers, and 2 were forewomen.
There were no night dippers reported in either city.
In Chicago the women worked for only 5 nights a week but for 10
hours a night, beginning at 7 p. m. and ending at 5.30 a. m., with
one-half hour for lunch, totaling 50 hours a week, the same number
of hours as for daywork in the factory. The women classed as
1 Seven other Chicago plants reported that women had been on night shifts at some time during the year.
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
19
night workers in the St. Louis plant were on an evening rather than
a night shift, as they worked from 3.30 p. m. to 11 p. m. for 6 nights
in the week, 45 hours in all. The management stated that this was
a temporary arrangement of only a few weeks’ duration.
The supposed lure of night work for women and their reasons for
engaging therein, is well illustrated by the story told by one Chicago
worker. She was the mother of four children, the oldest being 12
years old, the youngest too small to go to school. As her husband
had lost his position during the industrial depression and had been
able to get only an occasional odd job, the wife had become the main
support of the family. Answering a newspaper advertisement for
women night workers she had got a job in a candy factory, working
from 7 p. m. to 5.30 a. m. for 5 nights a week. At first she had been
pleased, thinking she would be able to look after her children during
the day and earn about $15 a week by working at night. After a
time, however, she had found that she could not stand the work, on
account of the long hours and her inability to sleep during the day.
She had arrived home too late in the morning to get any sleep before
the children got up and had found it practically impossible to sleep
during the day with the children running back and forth. “ It was a
case of quit or break down,” she said.
Conclusion.
On the whole the scheduled hours of the women in candy manu
facturing in the two cities were fairly satisfactory, the record for
Chicago being much better than that for St. Louis. The fact, how
ever, that in the latter city over one-half of the women included in
the survey worked 54 hours a week shows the need of improvement.
That such long hours are not inherent in the industry nor essential
for its success is proved by the situation in Chicago, where none of
the women had more than a 50-hour schedule. Also, since the wages
m Chicago were strikingly higher than those in St. Louis, shorter
lours do not necessarily mean lower pay. In any discussion of hours
of labor, it is important to bear in mind that women wage earners
frequently are home makers, performing household tasks before and
after the hours spent in industrial plants. Accordingly, the 8-hour
day for women in industry is a standard not only advisable hut
attainable.
PART III.
THE SEASONAL NATURE OF THE INDUSTRY.
The candy industry, on the whole, varies greatly throughout the
year in regard to the extent of output and the number of employees.
A survey of this industry in Philadelphia in 1919 showed a condition
generally conceded to be typical of candy manufacture, namely,
two busy seasons and two periods of depression, with pronounced
fluctuations in wages. The busy periods were the weeks preceding
Christmas and Easter. The slack seasons were the summer months
and the first part of January. The maximum force of employees
and the maximum total of wages were shown to be in December.
The minimum force was found in June, whereas the minimum pay
roll sum was for the first week in January, with a second low point
in August.1
It is a well-known fact that the fall months are the busiest season
in the manufacture of candy. At that time there is in most plants a
considerable increase in the number of employees and in some plants
a great deal of overtime. This period of extreme activity varies
in different establishments, lasting in many from the first part of
September until a week or two before Christmas. Of the factories
included in the survey in Chicago and St. Louis, some reported a
definitely busy period for November and December only, while others
stated that the rush began as early as August.
The next busiest season in the industry is the latter half of February
and most of March, the six weeks or so preceding Easter. This was
true for the majority of the plants visited in the two cities, although
some maintained that the output during these months in 1921 was
below normal because of the lack of orders.
The summer months are generally acknowledged to be the dullest.
A few plants included in the Chicago and St. Louis survey, however,
asserted that they had managed to do away with this seasonal
slackness, by the manufacture in the summer of such confections as
crackajack, marshmallows, and popcorn, thereby catering to the
amusement-park trade. One factory which had its busiest season
from May to October shipped goods of this sort south even in Febru
ary. Such systems might not be possible for those firms which spe
cialize in a particular variety of candy, but other adjustments mighti
i U. S. Department of Labor, Woman in Industry Service. Wages of candy makers in Philadelphia
in 1919, Bulletin No. 4, 1919, p. 31.
20
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
21
be made to prevent unduly long dull stretches. In one large factory,
for example, employing between 500 and 600 workers, and manufac
turing chocolates, bonbons, and hard candies, there was no slack
season, since the firm "put up stock” in the summer. Another
manager said that after seasonal rushes he made an effort to keep the
girls busy at boxcutting, folding, making bonbon cups, and so on.
An analysis of the normal seasonal fluctuation in terms of the total
number of employees and the total wages paid for each week of the
year in the factories visited in Chicago and St. Louis is hardly possible
since 1920-21 was such an abnormal period. Table I in the ap
pendix, which gives the total force and total pav rolls in a number
of identical plants week by week, from the latter part of February,
1920, to the same period in 1921, serves as an index not so much
of seasonal variations as of the effects of the industrial depression
upon the industry. The table shows that in 13 St. Louis factories the
maximum force was employed in the week ended October 2, while
the maximum amount of wages was paid the following week. The
minimum force and the minimum pay roll were found to be for the
same week in the year—the week ended January 1. The next lowest
in regard to number of workers and amount paid in wages was the
following week in January, a more representative period, since it
contained no holiday. A rather parallel record was shown for 22
Chicago plants. The maximum force was employed in the week
ended October 9, and the maximum pay roll was for the preceding
week. The minimum force and minimum pay roll were for the
week ended January 1. The next lowest week for wages for the
22 firms was the following week, although the next lowest from the
standpoint of number of employees was the week ended January 22.
Six other Chicago firms reported that output had been so ad
justed as to avert summer slackness or that because of the kind of
product the summer months were a busier season than were other
periods. The figures for these firms form a separate compilation in
the table. They show the maximum number of employees and the
maximum pay-roll to have been in the middle of September, but the
minimum force and pay-roll to have been for the week ended Jan
uary 1.
In general, the whole table would indicate certain fluctuations.
There appeared for 1920 a normal preparation for Easter in the two
cities. Apparently, because of the general business prosperity which
characterized the spring and early summer of 1920, the usual sum
mer slackness in the candy industry was not experienced. With
the beginning of the fall, the candy trade showed its usual increased
activity which reached a peak in the early part of October. Ac
cording to reports from the industry at about this time candy manu
22
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
facturers noticed a general falling off in orders. This led to a
gradual slackening in output instead of the usual increase in the
weeks which followed. Accordingly, the customary December cli
max was not reached. To be sure, the first part of December showed
a slightly rising curve for production but a falling one for the number
of employees. As has already been pointed out the lowest point for
the year was experienced the first part of January. By the middle
of February business was again increasing, but as far as number of
employees and amount paid in wages were concerned, it appeared on
the whole to fall below the level of the last week of February, 1920.
Some comparison of the year’s record in Chicago and St. Louis
with the year’s record in Philadelphia is possible from the follow
ing table which shows the relation to the average, of maximum and
minimum weekly forces and pay rolls:
Table 5.—Per cent relat ion between average, maximum, and minimum weekly forces and
pay rolls, Philadelphia J St. Louis, and Chicago.
Per cent maximum is
of average.
Per cent minimum is
of average.
Per cent minimum is
of maximum.
Phil Chi Chi
Phil Chi Chi
Phil Chi Chi
St.
St.
St.
adel cago cago Louis. adel cago cago Louis. adel cago cago Louis.
B.3
phia. A.2
B.3
phia. AK
B.3
phia. A.2
Number of employees... 127.6 123.2 131.4
155.9 4129.4 136.4
123.1
132.4
75.4
58.1
63.1
54.9
27.9
26.8
51.2
41.3
59.1
37.2
51.2
42.5
21.3
19.7
41.6
31.2
i U. S. Department ot Labor, Woman in Industry Service. Wages of candy makers in Philadelphia
in 1919, Bulletin No. 4,1919, p. 31.
.
a Chicago A represents 12 Chicago establishments reporting slack summer season,
a Chicago B represents 6 Chicago establishments reporting busy summer season.
i About 2 per cent lower than it should be because one plant gave no record of amount paid ill wages
for the week with the maximum pay roll.
If the average number of employees on the pay roll and the aver
age amount paid in wages be regarded as 100 per cent, we find that
the Philadelphia plants soared to a higher point above the average
in regard to both the maximum force and maximum pay roll than
did the St. Louis and Chicago establishments, with one exception.
The firms under Chicago B showed a higher peak than did the Phila
delphia firms for the maximum number of employees. However,
when all the 28 Chicago plants for which these data were gathered
are combined, the percentage which the minimum pay roll forms of
the maximum is pulled down below the corresponding Philadelphia
percentage. These more unfavorable conditions in Chicago and St.
Louis are unboubtedly traceable to the industrial depression. Lven
when due allowance is made for this abnormal slump, I able I in
the appendix throws considerable light on the seasonal vicissitudes
to which candy makers are subjected and is indicative of the hard
ships resulting from such irregularity of employment.
PART IV.
WAGES.
In 1920 wages in general had reached the highest peak ever known
in this country, as a result of the stimulus of war-time production and
of the labor shortage. By February, 1921, however, wages were in
an extremely unstable state, showing a downward trend, and a baro
metric relation to the industrial depression. Not only were official
wage cuts prevalent but the slackening of output, the closing of
many plants, and in others the reduction of the working week to
far below the normal schedule, meant for a considerable number of
workers either unemployment or a veritable landslide in actual
earnings.
Candy manufacturing, in the early months of 1921, although not
so much undermined as some other industries, was sharing in the
general slump just as it had shared in the general prosperity of the
several preceding years. Business was still in a prosperous state at
the beginning of the 1920 summer season since in May during the
convention of the National Confectioners’ Association the president
of the Association said in his report:
1 see no reason why we should not enjoy a good business throughout the year.
f onditions are generally good; the farmers are prosperous, receiving high prices for
their products; workingmen are earning excellent wages; the standard of living has
been raised; consequently candy is receiving its share of business. There is no set
rule by which to gauge the future, but I am optimistic enough to believe it will con
tinue to be exceptionoly good.1
Such was the note of optimism sounded by the manufacturers in
the late spring of 1920. Nor was it likely that labor in the candy
industry was any more expectant of the pending industrial crisis
with its accompanying drop in wages. The following quotation from
the report presented by the chairman of the executive committee to
the Confectioners’ Association in May, 1920, also is of interest:
Is there any relief from the present labor situation as to high wages and shortage?
1 don’t see any until we have an industrial panic. Labor is enjoying the benefits of
the laws of supply and demand working in its favor * * *.12
By February, 1921, there was a complete reversal of this situation.
Unemployment was flooding the market with surplus labor. “ Bene
1 Beich, Paul F. President's address. _ Proceedings of t he 37th Annual Convention of the National Con
fectioners' Association, St. Paul, 1920, pp. 18,19.
2 Price, \ . L. Report of the discussion of the executive committee. Proceedings of the 37th Annual
Convention of the National Confectioners' Association, St. Paul, 1920, p. 69.
23
24
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
fits” were fast changing into hardships. Wages of candy workers
were dwindling considerably. Not only had definite cuts in rates
averaging as a rule from 10 to 20 per cent caused a reduction in many
cases but in many others curtailed factory schedules—an abridgment
to 3 or 4 working days a week—were responsible for an even greater
shrinkage in earnings. Piece workers were being handicapped in
some instances by long profitless intervals when they waited for
work, slow in coming because of lessened production. Another
factor contributing to flabby pay envelopes was the discontinuance
of attendance and production bonuses. Piece workers who formerly
had been able to earn $20 to $30 or more a week were obtaining at
the time of the investigation not more than one-half of these amounts
and even less. The opinion expressed by one women—“What can
you do but accept such cuts, when there is no work elsewhere and
when there are many people after your job?”—was the necessitous
attitude of the majority of workers.
Week’s earnings.
Even in a normal year wide variations in the weekly wages of
women workers in the candy industry are to be expected, because of
many modifying factors, such as the seasons of the year, the occupa
tions of the women, the time and piece work system, the hours ac
tually worked, employment in different establishments, the length of
time in the trade, and even less obvious influences like the section of
the United States where industrial establishments are located, and
the economic conditions existing in the country. Fluctuations are
found in the earnings of an individual worker week by week in the
year and also in the earnings of a number of women for any one
week in the year. An analysis of the earnings of a large group of
women for one week is possible from the following table, which gives
the number of women in the various occupations who received
certain classified amounts:
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
Table 6.- -Week's
25
earnings, by occupation '—late pay-roll period.
CHICAGO.
Number of women earning each specified amount.
Week's
earnings.
All
women
reported.
Fore
women.
Other
Packers
Occupa
.
occupa tion not
Dippers. Machine
and
operators.
tions
wrappers. reported. reported.
Under $1................
$1 and under $2...
$2 and under $3...
$3 and under $4...
$4 and under $5...
$5 and under $(>...
$6 and under $7...
$7 and under $8...
$8 and under $9...
$9 and under $10..
$10 and under $11.
$11 and under $12.
$12 and under $13.
$13 and under $14.
$14 and under $15.
$15 and under $16.
$16 and under $17.
$17 and under $18.
$18 and under $19.
$19 and under .$20.
$20 and under $21.
$21 and under $22.
$22 and un der $23.
$23 and under $24.
$24 and under $25.
$25 and under $30.
$30 and under $35.
$35 aud under $40.
$40 and over..........
3
13
40
23
18
48
33
41
84
92
71
97
140
93
180
178
138
117
84
71
61
30
40
23
23
56
21
4
Total............
1,832
59
294
292
935
238
Median earnings..
. $14. 65
$26.20
$17. 45
$15.75
$13.75
$14.50
7
1
1
2
3
1
5
2
3
2
5
19
9
3
3
5
1
4
3
25
6
4
7
4
7
11
10
10
9
12
9
16
17
20
21
26
23
18
15
13
9
9
13
5
10
24
6
4
11
11
6
16
34
15
35
42
42
21
12
5
3
4
3
2
1
2
24
5
6
11
11
4
58
44
64
57
94
87
58
55
32
34
27
8
17
10
5
20
6
1
I
1
2
1
1
12
34
32
17
16
9
8
9
1
4
1
2
2
■>
3
2
1
14
0)
ST. LOUIS.
Under $1.................................
$1 and imder $2.............
$2 and under $3...................
$3 and under $4...................
$4 and under $5...........................
$5 and under $6...........
$6 and under $7...............................
$7 and under $8.........................
$8 and under $9.....................
$9 and under $10...........................
$10 and under 311...........................
$11 and under $12.......................
$12 and under $13...........................
$13 and under $14...........................
$14 and under $15..................... .
$15 and under $16..........................
$16 and under 117...........................
$17 and under $18...........................
*18 and under S19..........................
$19 and under $20.................
$20 and under $21...........................
$21 and under $22.................
$22 and under $23.....................
$23 and under $24.....................
$24 and under $25...................
$25 and under $30...................
$30 and under $35.................
$35 and under $40..........................
$10 and over..............................
2
21
4
5
6
5
17
11
43
47
85
48
102
20
31
29
30
21
8
11
2
8
3
1
1
2
1
Total......................................
.
Median earnings...............
1
1
1
1
1
l
2
1
5
9
12
23
5
8
8
2
2
1
5
4
10
I
2
4
3
2
1
n
2
1
1
1
1
2
1
579
25
110
85
267
92
$11.90
$20.30
$12.85
$10. 80
$11.10
$11.00
1 Night workers not included.
....
a Not computed, owing to small number involved.
26
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
This table shows the actual earnings during a current wTeek in
1921—for the most part in the latter half of February3—for 579
women in 18 candy factories in St. Louis, and 1,832 women in 31
candy establishments in Chicago; that is, for a total of 2,411 women
employed in 49 plants. It has already been pointed out that this sea
son, preparatory to Easter, is normally one of increased activity in
candy manufacturing, although secondary in importance to the fall
trade, but that the production for Easter in 1921 was slackened below
normal on account of the industrial depression. Earnings in many
cases were reduced because of the great amount of lost time.
The median earnings—irrespective of any qualifications—of all
women in St. Louis are $11.95, and of all women in Chicago $14.65;
that is, in each case one-half of the workers received more and onehalf less than this amount. The difference of $2.70 between the
medians of the two cities indicates that the industry in Chicago was
based for some reason on a higher wage scale than that prevailing
in St. Louis, an indication that is crystallized into a fact by the figures
in the ensuing discussions.
It is of interest to compare with the Chicago and St. Louis figures
those obtained in the survey of the candy industry in Philadelphia
in 1919. The median earnings of 1,246 women included in that in
vestigation were only $10.30.4 Apart from forewomen only 2.7 per
cent of the women in St. Louis for whom wage data were gathered
earned $20 or more a week, as contrasted with 12.2 per cent of the
Chicago women and 4.9 per cent of the Philadelphia women earning
such an amount. If $15 a week he taken as a measure—the ap
proximate amount estimated by various minimum wage hoards in
the last few years as necessary for a living wage—it will be found that
over three-fourths of the women included in St. Louis (77.2 per cent)
earned less than this amount, as compared with 53.3 per cent in
Chicago. The Philadelphia figures, taken for a period when the cost
of living was somewhat less, show that four-fifths of the women sur
veyed (81.5 per cent) received less than $15 a week. Furthermore,
if $10 a week be used as a line of demarcation, 27.8 per cent in St.
Louis, 21.6 per cent in Chicago, and 45.3 per cent in Philadelphia
failed to receive such a wage. The great difference here between the
figures for Philadelphia on the one hand, and those for Chicago and
St. Louis on the other, would make it appear that with the increase in
cost of living, there was of necessity a rise in the lowest wage rates
in the candy industry. Nevertheless, the proportion of women in
Chicago and St. Louis who received inadequate earnings was suffi
ciently large to be of significance.
8 A pay roll in March, 1921, was taken for four firms in Chicago.
4 U. S. Department of Labor.
Woman in Industry Service. Wages of candy makers in Philadelphia
in 1919. Bulletin 4,1919, p. 17.
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
27
Time work and piece work.
It is generally supposed that piece workers, those paid by the
amount of work done, earn more than time workers, or those receiving
a definite hourly, daily, or weekly rate. On the whole, this is true.
Nevertheless, the earnings of the former are sometimes reduced by
contingencies which do not affect the earnings of the latter, such as
delays in the arrival of work or losses on account of disorders in
machinery. Women on piece work need, as a rule, to be highly ex
perienced in order to earn more than do time workers in the same
occupations. Accordingly, the proportion of piece workers in an
industry is apt to be smaller than that of time workers. Table
7 shows the earnings of these two classes of women employees in the
candy industry in Chicago and St. Louis.
8425°—23----- 3
bo
Table 7 —Week’s earnings of time workers and piece workers,1 by occupation—late pay-roll period.
00
Number of women who were—
Number of women reported.
Dippers.
Forewomen.
Week’s earnings.
Chicago.
St. Louis.
Chicago.
St. Louis.
St. Louis.
Chicago.
Under $1..........................
SI and under $2.............
$2 and under $3.............
S3 and under $4.............
$4 and under $5............
$5 and under $6.............
S6and under $7............
$7 and under S8............
$8 and under $9............
$9 and under $10..........
$10 and under $11........
$11 and under $12........
$12 and under $13........
$13 and under $14........
$14 and under $15........
$15 and under $16........
$16 and under $17........
$17 and under $18........
$18 and under $19........
$19 and under $20........
$20 and under $21........
$21 and under $22........
$22 and under $23........
$23 and under $24........
$24 and under $25........
$25 and under $30........
$30 and under $35........
$35 and under $40........
$40 and over..................
7
3
4
5
29
26
27
61
8
6
6
12
15
4
17
58
17
28
22
25
27
32
41
29
27
19
15
12
12
14
21
11
1
4
102
63
150
138
99
74
50
37
45
14
24
10
28
10
Total....................
|
Median earnings
12
30
18
1
3
41
38
78
41
84
12
19
20
11
19
6
11
6
17
s
7
9
10
2
..........
2
3
1
5
1
1
i
3
2
9
1
5
4
8
2
g
19
1
1
2
1
i
2
1
3
7
3
5
2
S
3
9
10
10
7
12
11
12
7
7
5
3
2
2
1
3
1
3
6
3
6
5
7
9
13
14
9
6
8
5
4
8
10
1
3
2
1
1,278
425
486
83
58
25
130
135
$14.35
$16. 80
$11.50
$13.30
$26.20
$20.30
$16.90
$18.40
1
i
i
2
4
8
3
2
5
4
2
1
3
2
4
.
«
4
1
1
4
7
8
15
2
6
3
5
2
9
1
2
i
34
-------- —
$13.00
$12.80
1
76
W O M E N IN T H E CANDY IN D U STR Y
Piece
Time
Piece
Time
Piece
Time
Piece
Time
Piece
Time
Piece
Time
workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers.
I
%
Number of women who were—
Machine operators.
In all other occupations reported.
Packers and wrappers.
In occupations not reported.
Week’s earnings.
Chicago.
St. Louis.
St. Louis.
Chicago.
Chicago.
St. Louis.
Chicago.
St. Louis.
Time
Piece
Time
Time
Piece
Time
Piece
Time
Piece
Piece
Time
Piece
Time
Piece
Time
Piece
workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers.
2
10
2
4
11
11
6
16
33
15
35
34
41
19
10
4
3
3
1
2
1
Total.............................
271
Median earnings.........
$14.50
1
4
1
2
2
1
10
10
16
6
17
6
1
2
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
9
(*)
83
$10.70
1 Night workers not included.
2
(*)
19
10
12
11
16
16
42
40
36
51 •
43
33
75
64
32
29
16
14
14
1
9
]
1
5
10
3
3
3
3
4
5
2
4
5
12
4
11
22
16
16
15
20
25
14
17
13
6
7
8
4
10
6
1
597
255
$12.90
$16.20
8
6
27
16
43
23
28
9
9
13
6
3
6
2
3
1
4
1
1
3
2
2
8
2
3
4
2
1
2
1
1
2
6
1
4
7
4
1
9
11
7
17
12
30
30
15
7
7
9
1
4
IN' CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS,
9
4
1
3
4
3
1
1
1
1
4
2
l
1
4
3
3
3
8
12
4
24
4
1
2
1
1
1
2
1
4
2
2
1
1
1
1
2
3
1
1
1
3
1
1
2
2
2
1
............
1
*
1
1
1
222
37
209
26
80
$10.80
$13.75
$14.55
$13.50
$11.00
10
(*)
13
(*>
2Not computed, owing to small number involved.
............j..........................
- 1
1
.... 1... "I-........
to
CO
30
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
The time workers constituted by far the largest proportion, 83.4
per cent, of the women included in St. Louis and 69.8 per cent of those
in Chicago. A comparison of the median earnings of the time workers
and the piece workers in the two cities shows that in each case the
piece workers earned in round numbers 17 per cent more than did the
time workers, St. Louis showing $11.45 for the thneworkers and $13.40
for the pieceworkers, and Chicago $14.35 for the former and $16.80
for the latter. These figures reveal an even more striking difference
in wages in the two cities, since the median for time workers in Chi
cago is $2.90 higher than the median for this class of workers in St.
Louis, and the median for piece workers in Chicago is $3.40 above that
of piece workers in St. Louis. Furthermore, the time workers in Chi
cago, the lower wage group there, show a median that is 95 cents
more than the median for the wage-earning women in St. Louis who
were paid by the piece and belonged, on the wolhe, in the more highly
paid class.
In regard to the difference in wages of women in the various occu
pations, the two foregoing tables contribute interesting information.
The forewomen, a very small group of 25 women in St. Louis with a
median of $20.30, and of 59 women in Chicago with a median of
$26.20, are far ahead of all other groups in the amount of earnings.
This is not surprising, for even though the forewomen were all time
workers, they were in supervisory positions. The excess of $5.90 in
the median of the Chicago forewomen over that of the St. Louis
group is striking. The forewomen in the Philadelphia investigations,5
showed a median of $18.50, which falls even below the St. Louis
figures.
The next highest paid occupation in Chicago and St. Louis was
dipping, the most skilled work done by women in the trade. The
weekly median for the dippers in St. Louis is $12.85 as contrasted
with $17.45 for this group in Chicago, the latter showing an increase
of 35.8 per cent over the former. In fact the St. Louis median is
only a little above the median for such work in Philadelphia, which
was $12.60. The great difference between the earnings of women in
this occupation in Chicago and those in St. Louis is partly attribut
able to the fact that there was a larger proportion of piece workers
among this occupational group in Chicago (45.9 per cent) than among
the corresponding one in St. Louis (30.9 per cent). Furthermore,
the median for the dippers on the piece system in Chicago shows an
8.9 per cent excess over that of the time dippers, whereas in St. Louis
the median for the piece rate dippers is only 1.6 per cent greater than
the median for the time rate dippers. The dippers in each city
i TJ. S. Department of Labor. Woman in Industry Service. Wages of candy makers in Philadelphia
in 1919. Bulletin 4, 1919, p. 17.
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
31
showed a much larger proportion of piece workers than did any other
occupational group.
The next largest percentage of piece workers in both Chicago and
St. Louis was among the packers and wrappers, that is, 27.3 per cent
and 13.9 per cent of the total number of women included in this occu
pational group in each city, respectively. Despite this fact the
packers and wrappers in Chicago were the most poorly paid group,
with a median of $13.75. By far the largest proportion of the Chi
cago women were doing this work, that is, a little over one-half (51
per cent) of the total number included in Chicago. The median of
these women is pulled down by the large number of time workers with
their low median of $12.90, which is in striking contrast to the $16.20
median of the packers and wrappers on a piece-work basis. As has
been shown, these constituted only a little over one-fourth (27.3 per
cent) of all the women in this occupational classification. The
packers and wrappers in St. Louis also formed much the largest occu
pational group in the candy plants there, 46.1 per cent of the total
number in the St. Louis survey. They were next to the lowest paid
class in that city, with a median of $11.10. Also in the Philadel
phia survey the packers, who constituted 62.7 per cent of the total
number of women, were the lowest paid group, with a median of
$10.20.6
Earnings and hours.
The earnings discussed in the foregoing paragraphs were tabulated
without relation to the hours worked during the pay-roll period.
Wages do not necessarily vary in direct proportion to the number of
hours worked. This is true for time workers in any one establish
ment, but not for piece workers. For the latter, wide variations in
earnings are usual among those in any one plant who are working
the same number of hours. Since it is frequently the custom not to
record the hours of piece workers, it was not possible to secure
the hour data for all the women for whom wage figures were taken.
However, for 94.5 per cent of the women included in St. Louis and
for 80.2 per cent of those in Chicago hour records were obtained.
For this survey, made during a period when cut schedules were
found in so many plants, it is especially significant to correlate
earnings and time worked. A week of 44 hours may be considered
as a measure of a fairly full week. According to Table IT in the
appendix, 52.1 per cent of the women in the Chicago survey and
77 per cent of those in the St. Louis worked 44 hours or more.
The table shows that in Chicago the median for women who
worked such hours is $16.45, which is $1.80 higher than that for all
6 U.Bulletin
S. Department
ol 17.
Labor, Woman in Industry Service, Wages of candy makers in PhiladclDhia
in
1919,
4,1919, p.
v
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
32
women irrespective of time worked. The St. Louis figures show a
median of $12.45 for those who worked 44 hours or more, which is
only 55 cents above the median for all women. The greater difference
in Chicago can be explained by the fact that the proportion of women
in this city who did not work 44 hours (47.9 per cent) was much
larger than that in St. Louis (23 per cent). For all groups where
women in the two cities worked the same number of hours the
Chicago women show higher medians. Also, the median earnings
for all the women in Chicago whose hours were given ($14.43) are
$2.63 higher than the median for the St. Louis women with hour
records ($11.80), despite the fact that a much larger proportion in
Chicago had shorter hours than in St. Louis. Only 9.3 per cent in
St. Louis worked less than 30 hours as compared with 21.2 per cent
in Chicago, only 11.9 per cent in St. Louis worked less than 36 hours
as compared with 31.1 per cent in Chicago, only 23 per cent in St.
Louis worked less than 44 hours as compared with almost one-half in
Chicago (47.9 per cent), and finally only a little over one-half in St.
Louis worked less than 48 hours (51.9 per cent) as compared with
two-thirds in Chicago.
The following summary of Table II in the appendix gives the
median earnings for women working certain classified hours:
Table 8.— Median week’s earnings, by hours worked—late pay-roll period.
Chicago.
Horn's worked.
St. Louis.
Median N umber Median Number
earnings of women. earnings. of women.
*17.15
15.75
16.35
14.50
15.65
17.00
200
73
249
21
in
76
19.25
35
$11.25
10.93
13.50
11
126
55
31
12.45
12.80
32
148
<9
6
i Not computed owing to small number involved.
This shows that increase in hours did not always mean increase
in pay. To be sure in Chicago the highest median ($19.25) is that
for the 35 women working over 54 hours, but the next highest median
($17.15) is for the 44-hour group, consisting of 200 women. In
St. Louis the highest median ($13.50) is that for the 31 women who
worked between 48 and 50 hours, and the next highest ($12.80) is
for the women with 54 hours, or the longest hour classification.
Earnings and experience.
It seems reasonable to expect that earning capacity should in
crease with years in the trade. On the whole, this was found to be
true in the candy industry in St. Louis and Chicago. According to
IN CHICAGO AXD ST. LOUIS.
33
Table III in the appendix, the median weekly earnings for
the various groups in Chicago show a steady increase with the in
crease in experience, with the exception of a 5-cent drop in the
median earnings of the women who had been in the trade for 4
years as contrasted with the median of the 3-year group. The
upward curve for St. Louis is not so uniform, since there is an
occasional fall in the median earnings despite the increase in years
of service. The most conspicuous drop is in the median of the
women who had worked in the trade for 15 years or over as compared
with that of the employees with a 10 to 15 years’ record, the latter
median being 85 cents higher than the former. Accordingly, the
maximum of the wage medians computed according to years of
experience in St. Louis is '$17.35, or that of the women with from
10 to 15 years in the industry; whereas in Chicago the maximum
median is for the women with 15 years or more of experience ($21.65).
A comparison of the minimum median earnings—those for women
having less than three months’ experience in the industry—with the
maximum in each city shows for Chicago an increase of 73.9 per
cent over a stretch of 15 years and more, and for St. Louis an increase
of 68.4 per cent over a stretch of from 10 to 15 years.
Earning’s and rates.
Because of the slackened production and lost time during Febru
ary and March, 1921, a discrepancy between rates and earnings
would be expected. The following summary prepared from Table 7,
page 28, and Table IV in the appendix, giving the median earnings
and median rates of time workers for a week during this period,
makes a comparison possible:
Table 9.— Median weekly rates and median week’s earnings, by occupation—late pay
roll period.
Chicago.
Occupation.
Median
rate.
Forewomen.........................................................
Dippers...............................................................
Machine operators.............................................
Packers and wrappers......................................
All other occupations reported.....................
All occupations1.................................................
$26. 30
20.20
15.55
15. 35
15. 60
15. 75
St. Louis.
Per cent
decrease
Median
of
earnings. earnings
below
rate.
$26.20
16.90
14.50
12.90
14. 55
14. 35
0.4
16.3
6.8
16.0
6.7
8.9
Median
rate.
$20.90
15.05
12.65
12.10
12.20
12.60
Per cent
decrease
Median
of
earnings. earnings
below
rate.
$2a30
12.80
10. 70
10.80
11.00
11.45
2.9
15.0
15.4
10.7
9.8
9.1
iIncludes those with occupation not reported.
This table shows the median earnings to be below the median rate
in all occupations in both cities. In Chicago the greatest difference
is for the dippers, whose median earnings fall 16.3 per cent below
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
34
the median rate. In St. Louis, although the machine operators
show the greatest decrease (15.4 per cent), the dippers stand next,
with .a drop of 15 per cent of median earnings below the median rate.
Variations in wages in the different factories.
The striking difference between Chicago and St. Louis in the
wages of workers in candy factories shows a certain lack of standard
ization in the industry. The question arises, Do the various factories
in one city also show such a wide divergence in rates of pay ? The
more detailed figures of the survey offer an affirmative answer to this.
For example, in the larger plants in Chicago, those employing 50 or
more women engaged in all types of work, the median weekly rate
ranges from $12.65 in one plant to $18 in another, showing a differ
ence of $5.35. The total median rate for this group of firms is
$15.65, the minimum median dropping $3 below and the maximum
rising $2.35 above this amount. In St. Louis the difference between
the lowest and highest median rates found for those establishments
employing 50 or more women is not quite so great as in Chicago,
the lowest being $10.95, the highest, $15.25, with a median of $12.60
for the total number of firms in this group.
Comparison of wages for a week in 1920 and one in 1921.
In order to ascertain the conditions in the industry in a slack
season, wage data for a week in June, 1920, were secured in the iden
tical plants7 where the 1921 wages were recorded.
The following table compiled from Table 7 and Table VI in the
appendix, makes a comparison of the two periods possible:
Table 10.— Median week’s earnings of time workers and piece workers, by occupation—
early and late pay-roll periods.
Median week’s earnings of—
Occupation.
1921
1920
Piece workers.
Time workers.
All women
1921
1920
1920
1921
ChiSt.
ChiChiSt.
St.
CMSt.
St.
ChiSt.
Chicago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis.
18. 85
Machine operators__ 16. 30
Packers and wrappers 16. 50
All other occupations
reported................... 16. 50
Occupation not re10.75
820.30 $25. 40 $20. 85 $26.20 $20.30
13. 35 17.45 "12.85 16.95 12. 45 16.90 12.80 $23.15 $16. 50 $18.40 $13.00
12. 35 15. 75 10. 80 15.85 12.20 14. .50 10.70 22.05 12. 75 m
12. 75 13.75 11.10 15.75 12.45 12.90 10.80 20.95 15.00 16.20 13. 75
11.30 14.50
(b)
11.00 16.45
9.90
11.25 14.55
17.05
12.60 14. 65
11.90 16.00
12.35 14.35
Number of women
included.................... 2,268
609 1,832
579 1,607
444 1,278
Total..................
11.00 16.00
m
13.50
11.50 21.40
486
523
15.00 16.80
134
425
a Includes women engaged on both time and piece work.
*> Not computed, owing to small number involved.
.
. ,
i Five of the plants for which wage data were secured in 1921 were not in operation m June, 1920.
m
(J)
m
13.30
83
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
35
The table shows that in 1920, in a slack season, there were more
women employed in the plants included in the survey than there
were m the 1921 period, even though there were five additional plants
m the latter period. This reduction in forces can be traced to the
industrial depression. Because of this depression which had checked
the usual output of the normally busy months of February and March
and had led to a reduction in actual working hours and to some extent
to a downward revision in rates, it is not surprising to find that the
earnings m June, 1920, were greater in almost every instance than
(hose for the 1921 period. The only exceptions were the St. Louis
dippers on a time work basis, whose median weekly earnings are 35
cents higher in 1921 than in June, 1920, and the Chicago forewomen
whose median is 85 cents greater in the late than in the early period!
A comparison of the rates and earnings in June, 1920, as well as a
comparison of rates paid in the two pay rolls is of interest at this point
m a general discussion of the two periods.
The following summary from Tables IV and VI in the appendix
gives the median rates and median earnings of time workers in
June, 1920:
Table
11.—Median weekly rates and median week's earnings of time workers
by occupation—early pay-roll period.
Chicago.
St. Louis.
Occupation.
Forewomen...........................
Dippers.........................
Machine operators......................
Packers and wrappers...............
All other occupations reported
All occupations1.........................
Median
rate.
Median
earnings.
Median
rate.
Median
earnings.
$25.90
16.75
15. 90
15.90
15. 90
15. 95
$25.40
16.95
15. 85
15. 75
16. 45
16.00
$20.65
12.75
12.70
12. 85
12. 65
12.80
$20. 85
12. 45
12.20
12.45
11.25
12. 35
1 Includes those with occupation not reported.
The table sbows for ea('t city a very close resemblance between
earnings and rates throughout the several occupations. In St. Louis
except for a negligible increase of 1 per cent in the earnings of fore
women over their rates, earnings fall slightly below rates, as would be
expected on account of time lost from work for various reasons. In
Chicago the median week’s earnings for the total group of all occu
pations show the insignificant increase of less than 1 per cent over the
median rate. Also the median earnings both for dippers and for the
miscellaneous group (all other occupations reported) surpass median
rates by very small amounts. This indicates perhaps that there may
have been a little overtime or a bonus in a few cases.
Candy manufacturing like other industries had joined to some
movement of reducing wages at the beginning of 1921.
Ihe diff erence between rates of time workers in June, 1920, when wages
WOMEN TN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
36
were at their peak and rates of time workers in 1921 after some cuts
had been made can be seen in the following summary of Table TV
in the appendix:
Table
12.—Median weekly rates of time workers, by occupations, early and late pay
roll periods.
St. Louis.
Chicago.
Occupation.
Forewomen................... .....................................
Dippers.................................................................
Machine operators.............................................
Packers and wrappers......................................
AU other occupations reported.....................
All occupations1................................................
1920
1921
$25.90
16.75
15.90
15.90
15.90
15.95
$26.30
20.20
15.55
15.35
15.60
15. 75
Per cent
of increase
(+) or of
decrease
(-)■
+1.5
+20.6
-2.2
-3.5
-1.9
-1.3
1920
1921
$20.65
12.75
12. 70
12. 85
12.65
12.80
$20.90
15.05
12.65
12.10
12.20
12.60
Per cent
of increase
( + ) or of
decrease
(->•
+ 1.2
+ 18.0
-.4
-5.8
-3.6
-1.6
Uneludes those with occupation not reported.
From this it appears that there is a slight decrease in median weekly
rates in 1921 as against 1920 for all occupations except for those
requiring the most experience and the most skill, namely, foremanship
and dipping. For the forewomen there is a small increase in the 1921
median weekly rate over the 1920 rate for both cities. Not much
importance can be attached to this, however, because of the small
number of women involved. The increase in the dippers median
weekly rate in each city in 1921 as against 1920—an increase of 18
per cent in St. Louis and 20.6 per cent in Chicago is striking
enough to justify some discussion. Several possibilities suggest
themselves as explanatory of these findings. In the first place this
astonishing rise in rates apparently was not a means of increasing
wages at the time of the investigation but served only as a deterrent
in the lowering of the actual earnings of the dippers, a fact illustrated
by the following figures:
Median week's earnings for dippers who were time workers.
Pay-roll date:
1920.........
1921.........
Chicago.
$16. 95
16.90
St. Louis.
$12. 45
12. 80
From this it appears that there was very little difference in the earn
ings of dippers in both cities in the two periods. Accordingly, it
would seem that at some time in the interval from June, 1920, to
February, 1921, probably at the beginning of the fall rush in Sep
tember or October before the industrial depression had clouded the
horizon of the candy industry, the rates of the dippers, the most skilled
workers, had been increased and up to the time of the investigation
had not been cut. The 52-week schedules of individual workers
bear out this theory. To be sure the fact that many plants were
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
37
operating for much less time than their full schedules at the time
of the investigation served as a virtual reduction in wages. More
over, the nominal increase in weekly scheduled hours reported for most
of the Chicago plants doubtless contributed in some slight degree to
an increased quotation in weekly rates in those plants where rates
were given in hourly terms.
The foregoing figures show the median weekly rates of time workers
in Chicago for both periods to be considerably higher in every occu
pation than the corresponding medians in St. Louis. The greatest
difference is for forewomen, the Chicago group showing median
weekly rates which are $5.25 and $5.40 greater than the median
weekly rate of the forewomen of the early and late pay-roll periods,
respectively, in St. Louis. The median weekly rate for dippers also
varies quite materially in the two cities. The median for Chicago
in the early period is $4 more than that in St. Louis, and for the
late pay roll $5.15 more than the St. Louis median.
Year’s earnings.
The foregoing wage figures are those for a given week irrespective
of the other weeks in the year. Because of the fluctuations in the
candy industry and the vicissitudes in the industrial records of the
women, the wages of individual workers are apt to suffer consider
able variation from week to week. The question of yearly income is
the important one in judging whether a woman is receiving a living
wage, since it is the year’s earnings which of necessity regulate the
standard of living. Accordingly, it is important to know not only
what wages women in the candy industry earned during one specific
week but how much they obtained during the year.
In the study of yearly earnings an effort was made to secure'the
wage data of women who were steady, experienced workers, who had
worked with the firm for at least one year, and who had not been
absent from their post for more than a few weeks in the year. Alto
gether, annual earnings were recorded for 88 women in St. Louis and
237 in Chicago. These constituted 15.2 and 12.9 per cent of the
entire number for whom the current weekly pay roll was secured in
the two cities, respectively.
The following summary of Table VII in the appendix shows the
median year’s earnings, exclusive of those of forewomen, for the
various occupations in the two cities to be as follows:
Chicago. St. Louis.1
DiPPera........................................................................................................................... $988
$742
Machine operators................................................................................................
Packers and wrappers..........................................................................................
All other occupations reported..........................................................................
All occupations...............................................................
1 Not computed, owing to small number involved.
825
893
875
825
(jgg
m
§91ggy
38
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
The summary reveals that one-half of the candy workers in St.
Louis whose yearly records were obtained earned less than $697 and
one-half in Chicago earned less than $891, showing a difference of $194
between the medians in two cities. The dippers in Chicago with
a yearly median of $988 and the dippers of St. Louis with a yearly
median of $742 surpassed all other groups in yearly earnings,
whereas the machine operators, with a median of $825 in Chicago
and $625 in St. Louis, ranked below all others.
If we take as a measure a yearly income of $800, approximately
$15.50 a week, which in many places is considered a fair minimum
wage rate, we find that all of the medians for St. Louis fall below
this, while all for Chicago surpass it. It should be remembered that
these yearly figures represent not only the earnings of a picked group
of steady workers but typify on the whole wages at their peak in the
industry, since only about a month and a half of the 1921 wages were
included.
In a classification of women with incomes of less than $600 a year,
22.7 per cent of those whose yearly earnings were recorded in St.
Louis received less than this amount as compared with 5.9 per cent
in Chicago. Furthermore, 73.9 per cent in St. Louis as against 28.7
per cent in Chicago earned less than $800 a year. At the other end
of the wage scale we find that only 19.3 per cent or a little less than
one-fifth of the St. Louis women earned more than $800 as op
posed to 59.1 per cent or a little less than three-fifths in Chicago, and
that only 2.3 per cent in St. Louis had yearly earnings of more
than $1,000 as contrasted with 19 per cent in Chicago. With such
an income no women in St. Louis earned more than $1,100 a year.
Only eight women in Chicago earned as much as $1,600 or over.
The degree of steadiness of the women workers whose annual
earnings were ascertained is shown in Table VIII in the appendix.
In both cities the largest group worked 52 weeks in the year, that
is, 44.3 per cent in St. Louis and 32.5 per cent in Chicago. Of the
88 women in St. Louis, 95.5 per cent worked at least 46 weeks, and
of the 237 women in Chicago, 82.3 per cent worked this number
of weeks. Accordingly, the great preponderance of workers whose
annual earnings were recorded did not miss more than six weeks in
the year either through slackness in the industry or for personal
reasons. It must be remembered that these women are representa
tive of those with steady employment throughout the year and not
of the rank and file of the workers.
Night workers’ wages.
As a rule night workers are paid a higher rate than are day workers,
but that this is not always true is shown by the following table of the
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
39
women working at night in the one Chicago and in the one St. Louis
plant reporting such work for women:
Table 13.— Week’s earnings of women employees who were night workers, by occupa
tion—late pay-roll period.
^
Number of women earning each specified amount who were—
Number of
women
reported.
Week's earnings.
Chicago.
Forewomen.
Machine
operators.
Packers and
wrappers.
All others.
St.
St.
St.
St.
St.
Louis. Chicago. Louis. Chicago. Louis. Chicago. Louis. Chicago.
Louis.
Under S6...................
$6 and under $8........
$8 and under $10___
$10 and under $12...
$12 and under $14...
$14 and under $16...
$16 and under $18...
$18 and under $20...
$20 and under $25...
$25 and under $30...
13
3
11
6
6
45
14
2
1
1
Total.................
102
13
2
3
7
1
8
2
2
2
2
2
7
16
11
2
1
1
1
42
11
4
1
9
4
6
29
2
1
56
1
1
1
1
2
In St. Louis all the night workers except one earned less than $10
a week, whereas in Chicago 26.5 per cent earned less than $10, 82 4
per cent earned less than $16, and all but two women received less
than $20 a week. It is somewhat difficult to compare the earnings
of night workers by percentages and medians with the earnings of
dayworkers, srnce there are so few of the former and so many of the
latter. In Chicago, however, the median for the 102 night workers is
$14.75 as against the median of $14.65 for 1,832 dayworkers, a differ
ence too slight to be of significance. It means more, perhaps, to
point out that 82.4 per cent of the night workers earned less than
$16 as opposed to 63 per cent of the dayworkers receiving less than
this amount. With the small number of night workers in St.
Louis the only comparison possible is one showing that the weekly
rates of night workers were about the same as the weekly rates of
women workmg by day in the same plant, but that since the weekly
schedule of the night workers was only 45 hours instead of the 54hour schedule of the day workers, the hourly rates of night workers
were higher.
Conclusion.
In conclusion it is well to emphasize certain significant facts In
general, wages were considerably higher in Chicago than in St. Louis.
The median weekly earnings of all women included in Chicago for
February, 1921, were 23.1 per cent higher than the corresponding
median in St. Louis. An even greater difference existed in June,
1920, since a comparison of the weekly medians for that period shows
40
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
a 35.3 per cent excess in favor of Chicago. Moreover, median yearly
earnings were over one-fourth higher in Chicago (27.8 per cent) than
in St. Louis. It is probable that the cost of living may have been
somewhat higher in the former place than in the latter, but it seems
scarcely possible that there was a sufficiently great difference in the
cost of living to justify the large discrepancy in wages. A complete
comparative study of the cost of living for the two cities can not be
made at this point for lack of comprehensive data. However, cer
tain figures compiled by the Bureau of Labor Statistics and presented
in the appendix of this report (Table IX) show the differences in
the cost of food, dry goods, and coal in the two cities on February
15, 1921. The average retail prices of 43 principal articles of food
show that three items cost the same in each place, whereas 22 were
lower and 18 higher in St. Louis than in Chicago. The total shows
that food in general was only 1.8 per cent higher in Chicago than in
St. Louis. The difference in dry goods was also small, only 1.1 per
cent more for a total of 11 staple articles in Chicago than for these
same articles in St. Louis. A comparison of coal prices shows that
although bituminous coal cost 17.5 per cent more in Chicago, the
Pennsylvania anthracite stove and chestnut coal cost 11 per cent
and 9.6 per cent, respectively, less in Chicago than in St. Louis.
It is of interest also to compare the relations between wages and
prices in each city. Although no definite information as to the exact
money value of the cost of living at the time of the investigation is
available, figures compiled by the Bureau of Labor Statistics show
that the cost of living which had been soaring steadily upward since
1914 had reached its peak in June, 1920, and that by December, 1920,
there was some reduction in prices throughout the country.8 At
this date the cost of living in Chicago had fallen 9.9 per cent, and
in St. Louis 9.1 per cent below the June level. There is a tendency for
wage cuts to precede and surpass price cuts. The data contained
in this report show this to be true on the whole for the candy industry
in Chicago, but not in St. Louis. A comparison of the median weekly
earnings of all women in the Chicago investigation for June, 1920,
with the corresponding median for February, 1921, shows a decline
of 14.1 per cent in median earnings, whereas the reduction in cost
of living from June to December was 9.9 per cent. A similar com
parison for St. Louis reveals a drop of only 5.6 per cent in median
earnings as against the 9.1 per cent fall in prices. The per cent de
crease in wages was greater in Chicago than in St. Louis, but even
so, the St. Louis median weekly earnings for June before the cuts
8 U. S. Department of Labor, Monthly Labor Review, Vol. 14, No. 5, May 1922, Changes in cost of
living, pp. 69-76.
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
41
had occurred are still 14 per cent below the Chicago median for
February after the wage reduction.
In St. Louis the majority of the women failed to receive what
might be considered a living wage in either period. Also, in Chi
cago, despite the generally higher earnings secured by women in
the candy industry, a sufficiently large proportion were in the lowpaid class in both June and February to make it evident that a mini
mum wage law is necessary to guarantee all women a subsistence
income. To be sure, the unusually high wages obtained by a number
of women in Chicago and by a few even in St. Louis indicate the
trade opportunities for women in the candy industry, but do not
make amends for those at the other end of the wage scale.
PART V.
WORKING CONDITIONS.
Good working conditions are essential in all industrial establish
ments for the promotion of the health and comfort of the workers and
for the maintenance of efficiency in the plant. In those factories
handling food products the need for satisfactory and sanitary prem
ises is even greater in order to protect the consumer. It is important
therefore to consider the conditions found in the 51 candy factories
visited in Chicago and St. Louis and to point out such facilities as
appeared obviously below the standards set by the "W omen s Bureau
and sanctioned by enlightened public opinion. Credit also must
be given to certain firms which had made every effort to insure the
welfare of the workers and the purity of the product.
GENERAL WORKROOM CONDITIONS.
General impression.
.
The plan and appearance of the workroom have a significant effect
upon both the workers and the work. In 10 of the 19 plants in St.
Louis and 10 of the 32 in Chicago the general condition of the work
room was reported to be such as would tend to induce carelessness
and inefficiency. In fact the statement made of one plant that the
workers therein must unconsciously be depressed by their surround
ings, would have applied to others. The workrooms in some cases
had low ceilings and dark walls or they were crowded and poorly ar
ranged, with aisles so narrow and congested with stock and debris as
to make passing difficult. In other plants the workrooms were dirty.
For example, one factory was described as having an accumulation
of soot and cobwebs near the ceiling, and others as showing the need
of a good scrubbing. In striking contrast were those factories in the
two cities which appeared spacious, light, clean, and well arranged.
Cleaning.
For the sake of sanitation the subject of cleanliness can not be
stressed too much in connection with establishments handling food
products, especially candy factories where sticky substances become
caked on floors, tables, stools, and utensils. It should be a matter of
concern that 10 of the plants visited in St. Louis and 10 in Chicago
were reported inadequate in some respect as to cleanliness. The
chief defects were dirty workrooms, lack of systematic cleaning and
scrubbing, and the custom of requiring women employed for other
42
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY.
43
work to do some or all of the cleaning. The following excerpts from
reports serve as concrete examples of such conditions:
Place dirty; floors, stairways, and handles of doors caked with candy.
Porter was sweeping at time of inspection and causing a dust; open trays of candy
scattered around the room.
. Tlie PJant looked as though it had not had a scrubbing for months.
is obtainable in the factory the scrubbing can not be adequate.
As no hot water
According to the statement of one worker so many cats prowl about the factory that
one can see and smell that the place is insanitary.
A worker who had been with the plant for 18 months stated that as far as she knew it
had been scrubbed only twice in this time.
The women employed as candy workers but required to do the scrubbing complained
of getting their dresses wet up to their knees.
. ^1G
thorough cleaning and good management in these plants
is evident. There were on the other hand, favorable reports from a
number of establishments in regard to the system of cleaning and the
results, of which the following is a typical example:
Wooden floors scrubbed every night. Two porters do the cleaning and are kept
busy with it much of the time. General cleaning going on at time of visit. Floors
looked well taken care of. Zinc on floor in fromc of sink; zinc and cement under
cooking kettles. Tables in dipping and packing rooms covered with zinc All verv
clean.
y
Such a standard is easily within reach of all candy establishments
and should be required in the name of sanitation and comfort. In
fact there are very definite laws in both Illinois and Missouri dealing
with the cleanliness of the floors, walls, ceilings, furniture, recepta
cles, implements, and machinery of all establishments where food is
handled.
lighting.
Since the occupations in the candy industry do not necessitate close
application of the eyes the matter of lighting is not of such technical
importance as in many industries. Nevertheless, it is desirable that
all workers should have sufficient light at all times and should not
suiTcr from glare. Altogether 19 plants were reported with natural
lighting unsatisfactory and 14 with artificial lighting unsatisfactory
in some respect. Chicago had a much better record for both kinds of
lighting than did St. Louis. In some instances there was the possi
bility of eyestrain for women who at their work directly faced windows
without shades. A better placement of work tables would have ob
viated the difficulty. In other plants dark walls, low ceilings, and the
haphazard arrangement of tables, benches, shelves, and stock cut off
the supply of light to such an extent that workers’ eyes were unduly
taxed. Many of these conditions could easily have been remedied
8425°—23----- i
44
WOMEN IN THE CANDY- INDUSTRY
In some plants where the poor natural lighting required the constant
use of artificial, great care had been taken to install well-placed and
well-shaded lights, as the following description illustrates:
The (lurk rooms were lighted by means of 1 ’ diiylighi electric lights at ceiling, with
frosted bulbs and large shades with white lining and green exterior.
Sometimes artificial lighting consisted of unshaded electric bulbs
so placed as to cause a glare. In a few instances workers had pinned
improvised paper shades over such bulbs. Since lighting when
inadequate not only produces impaired vision—which in turn causes
nervous fatigue of the whole body—but also limits production, it is a
question which should receive the careful attention of all managers
of industrial establishments.
Heating.
On the whole the heating of workrooms was quite satisfactory.
Only three plants were reported as inadequate in this respect. In one
it was stated that the small stove in use would cause uneven dis
tribution of heat in the workrooms and insufficient warmth on cold
days. The workrooms in another plant were described as being too
warm on the day of the visit. In a third plant a few girls worked
with their backs too close to radiators which were devoid of metal
protectors.
Ventilation and special temperature.
The low temperature maintained in certain workrooms for the
sake of the product and the high temperature resulting in others
from the cooking of the candy complicate the problem of ventilation
in this industry. A cool temperature in the rooms where chocolate
dipping is done and often in rooms where candy is packed is generally
conceded to be necessary. The temperature for these processes in the
establishments visited showed a wide range, varying from 50° to 86°.
Several managers stated that it was unnecessary to have rooms for
this work cooler than from 66° to 68°. Twelve of the plants visited
maintained such a temperature for these processes but 22 plants
kept some rooms below 66°. In a few factories the temperature
used for dipping was the normal one in the plant, no attempt being
made at any time to cool the atmosphere. Several managers re
ported that no dipping was done in hot weather.
For the maintenance of the necessary temperature in the chocolate
room, various systems were in use in the different plants and even
in the same plant at different seasons. Although the system of
keeping the right degree of temperature by means of air pipes would
be adequate for winter when the outside air is cold, it is frequently
not sufficient for summer, unless there is some way of cooling the air
as it is brought in. Accordingly some plants were equipped with
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
45
both a refrigeration system and the natural air pipes. The type of
cooling system used made a great difference in the comfort of the
workers. Also the necessity of keeping the room cool enough for
the product and not too cold nor too close for the workers is a matter
of scientific ventilation. In some plants, however, where the rooms
were insulated with double windows against outside air and the
atmosphere in the room was kept sufficiently cool by ammonia pipes
there was no provision for introducing fresh air or of changing the
air in the room. The use of electric fans in such cases served only to
circulate the stale air. In several establishments an ideal equipment
for regulating temperature and moisture consisted of ceiling refriger
ating pipes, washed air, and a large motor fan. In some cases
where a blower system was used, the outlets were so located that
drafts blew directly upon the workers. In other plants arrange
ments had been made to protect the girls from such drafts. Occa
sionally a galvanized trough was placed directly beneath the over
head ammonia or refrigerating pipes to prevent the frost on the
pipes from dripping on the workers. The device used in several
factories where chocolates were dipped by enrobing machines did
away with the need of definitely lowering the temperature of the
room, since the chocolates were passed on a belt through an artificially
cooled metal inclosure.
Another disagreeable feature of candy manufacturing is the heat
and humidity generated in cooking processes. Although men were
engaged in this work it was sometimes performed in rooms where
women were found at other occupations. Kettles frequently were
heated by steam and not always most advantageously placed in
respect to windows. When with such arrangements there were no
artificial devices for ventilating, the atmosphere tended to become
objectionably oppressive. In those plants, however, where the
steam was caught in hoods over the kettles and dissipated by means
of vents and exhausts, this trouble was remedied to a great extent.
Seating.
On the whole too little attention had been given to seating arrange
ments. In 25 plants there were not enough seats supplied for the
women workers, in 39 the only seats provided were stools and benches
without backs, while in 8 plants extremely casual arrangements such
as boxes or cans were found. In both Illinois and Missouri there is a
law requiring that all manufacturing, mercantile, mechanical, and
other establishments employing women shall provide seats for them
Per™t the use thereof. The Chicago law specifies that there
shall be supplied a reasonable number of seats for use when the
women are not necessarily engaged in the active duties for which
they are employed or when the use does not interfere with the proper
46
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
discharge of such duties. The Missouri law stipulates that the seats
furnished shall be conveniently located and sufficient to seat women
comfortably when their duties do not require them to be upon their
feet. Almost all of the occupations in the candy industry can be
performed by workers either sitting or standing, but in a number of
the plants visited the workers in certain departments were compelled
to stand all day because there were no seats available. That this
was an unnecessary strain is shown by the fact that women performing
these same jobs in other plants were sitting at their work, in some
cases employees were forced to stand at their operations or lose in
efficiency since the seats provided were too low or too high for the
worktables. The forewoman in one plant said that the girls who
were packing would not sit, especially if they were on piece work, “ as
they could not earn their salt,” if they did. Some of the women
complained of standing all day. In one packing room devoid of
seats, the workers were seen sitting on window sills while waiting for
work. Occasionally where seats were provided the girls hesitated
to use them. “It takes nerve to sit” was the statement of one
girl, “as the forewoman does not like it. Besides there ai’e not
enough stools.” A woman in another plant remarked, “They don’t
like us to sit, as they think we can’t turn out as much work.” In a
third plant it appeared that the girls did not dare to sit down as the
foreman “yelled” at them when they did. As a contrast to this
was the policy of one progressive plant in which the girls were urged
to sit at their work in order to save themselves as much as possible.
Kitchen chairs were provided here for all workers. One girl s testi
mony about this firm would indicate that consideration of em
ployees is a paying policy. “I never worked at a place before where
the boss wanted you to sit and save yourself, and we have chairs
with backs. You couldn’t find better people to work for. I sure
would recommend this place to my best friend. There is such a
homey feeling, and they make you interested in the business and
you want to work.”
For women whose jobs necessitate constant sitting there should
be provided comfortable chairs, adjustable to the work. Although
all dippers in the plants visited were seated, in the great majority
of cases they sat on stools without backs. In other instances women
were reported as sitting in extremely irksome postures. For ex
ample, one group of girls sat on stools at a bench which interfered
with their knees in such a way as to cause a twisted position.
In conclusion it should be emphasized that it is possible and desira
ble to furnish a sufficient number of comfortable seats for the leisure
moments of women at standing jobs, suitable seats for those where
sitting or standing at the job is optional, and adjustable seats to
relieve the strain of constant sitting.
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
47
HAZARD AND STRAIN.
Apart from the possible hazard for dippers and packers of working
in a lowered temperature and the strain of constant standing for
some workers there were comparatively few menaces to the health
and safety of the women in the candy industry. In individual es
tablishments some objectionable features in connection with women’s
occupations were found. In several plants, for example, the dust
fiom the starch was obviously disagreeable. In several, also, the
girls who spun hard candy sticks complained of having blistered
hands most of the time. Furthermore, a possible strain was reported
in establishments where women lifted boxes or pails weighing from
30 to 50 pounds to a height above theh heads. A strain from undue
speeding was recorded in 9 plants. In these cases women were keyed
up to such a high tension that there was danger of overfatigue.
It is a well established fact that such a condition acts like a poison
to the system, predisposing to more serious illness and to plant
accidents, bpeeding was not always the result of piece work, since
the time workers in one factory testified that they were compelled
to work fast to satisfy their forewoman who was very strict, and
their employers who complained of losing money. The forewoman
in another plant tried to prevent the piece workers from “driving
themselves too hard.
Also in this plant the girls who were feeding
and taking off from an automatic machine were encouraged to change
about, every two hours, to avoid strain from posture.
Apparently accidents were rare in the plants visited. However,
women operating unguarded cutting machines needed to be extremely
vigilant to avoid casualites. In 19 plants unguarded belts consti
tuted a hazard, since there was the possibility that women’s hair or
clothing might be caught. In one factory a belt was so located
that workers were in danger of stepping upon it and being thrown
thereby. In several instances elevator shafts were uninclosed.
As a contrast to such conditions is the following extract from a report
illustrating the policies in other plants for safeguarding the workers:
I he equipment throughout the plant was obviouly designed and arranged with a
view to the safety and comfort of the workers. Ventilation and lighting were good.
Individual adjustment of chairs to worktable had been made. Belts and machines
were adequately guarded. Moving belts transported finished goods. The work was
light and there were no heavy cartons or buckets to lift.
Fire hazard.
Another type of hazard existing in a sufficient number of plants to
wan ant some consideration was that of inadequate protection against
fire. Such things as doors opening inward, narrow aisles, obstructions
in aisles or in front of exits, stairways that were winding, narrow,
steep, or dark—ah dangers in case of fire—were found in a number of
plants. The lack of fire escapes on buildings of more than two
48
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
stories w&s reported for 5 establishments. Other plants had taken,
every possible precaution against fire, these were located in fire
proof buildings equipped with automatic sprinklers and fire towers;
exits were marked with red lights; outside and inside doors opened
outward.
SANITATION.
The question of sanitation has already been touched upon in con
nection with the cleanliness of workrooms, but it is a subject of
much wider scope, requiring that careful attention also be given to
drinking, washing, and toilet facilities, and to working uniforms.
Drinking.
.
Sanitary drinking facilities conveniently located are essential in
every establishment, especially in the candy industry, since the
workers therein are apt to become unusually thirsty. Forty factories
were reported as having failed to supply satisfactory arrangements.
In 20 plants no cups of any sort were provided; the workers were
supposed to supply their own. A girl in one of these establishments
was seen drinking out of her hand. Common cups, a generally
recognized means of spreading disease, were found in 10 factories.
Even in plants where bubble fountains formed part of the equip
ment, these were in many cases of the insanitary type, which scientific
investigation has proved to be another medium for disseminating
germs and, therefore, to be discountenanced. If, however, the tube
of the fountain is inclined at an angle of at least 15 and the orifice
is protected by a collar the arrangement passes the sanitation test.
One plant, equipped at regular intervals throughout with ice-cooled
sanitary drinking fountains having a spray inclined at 45 might
serve as a model in this respect to all industrial establishments.
Washing facilities.
The washing facilities in candy factories, where workers must
constantly handle sticky substances and must frequently wash their
hands for the sake of comfort and sanitation, should receive careful
attention from the management. Hot water, soap, and individual
towels should be available in workrooms as well as in wash rooms,
and instructions about washing should be conspicuously posted.
Nevertheless, of the plants visited 37, or almost three-fourths, fell
below this standard, the Chicago plants perhaps presenting a some
what better record than did the St. Louis. A State law in both Mis
souri and Illinois requires that in every establishment where food
products are handled there shall be, adjacent to the toilet room, a
lavatory or wash room equipped with soap, running water, and towels.
In neither State does the law stipulate the provision of hot water and
individual towels. Fifteen establishments included in the survey
had no hot water for the use of workers, 12 provided no soap, and 10
IK CHICAGO AKD ST. LOUIS.
49
no towels of any sort. Such omissions in candy factories are serious,
since they make thorough washing impossible. In these plants
workers frequently were “expected to provide their own towels,”
with the consequence that some girls were found using their aprons,
skirts, or handkerchiefs. The use of common towels, reported for 19
establishments, is another arrangement which should be prevented
in the name of health and sanitation. The roller towels seen hanging
about in some plants were described as being very dirty. Some firms
realizing the importance of this matter had provided excellent facili
ties, of which the following is an example:
Porcelain basins with hand sprays, in connection with toilets on each floor. Also
hand sprays with foot pedal attachments over porcelain basin partitioned off at one end
of chocolate dipping room. Hot and cold water and soap supplied. Individual
cloth towels attached by brass rings to fixture in connection with basins, replenished
dining day as needed.
Paper towels used in other establishments were found to be satis
factory. In 19 factories, 17 of which were in Chicago, a placard with
instructions to workers about washing their hands was posted in the
toilet room. The cooperation of employees with the management is
essential for the maintenance of a high standard of cleanliness. The
system in some plants of having a matron in charge of these facilities
tended to produce good results.
Toilets.
In both Illinois and Missouri, State legislation requires the provision
of conveniently and properly located toilets in all establishments
employing women, and of separate toilets, carefully designated, where
men and women are employed. The law in each State also stipulates
adequate cleaning and ventilation of all toilets. The Illinois law
specifies that the floors of toilet rooms shall be washed and scoured
daily. Toilet facilities in both Chicago and St. Louis were, on the
whole, fair. However, in 15 plants in St. Louis and 17 in Chicago,
certain conditions were found in need of improvement. There was
not in all cases sufficient privacy, since there was no screen before the
toilet doors in 10 plants, and no partition between the seats in 8.
In only one plant, and that was a Chicago factory, did men and women
use the same facilities. In 11 establishments there were no signs to
designate which toilets were for men and which for women, even when
the accommodations were side by side. According to the standard
of requiring one toilet for every 15 women, only 7 establishments had
an insufficient number. Ventilation was reported inadequate in some
or all of the toilet rooms in 13 plants, either because such rooms had
no access to outside air or because they were ventilated from work
rooms over a partition not reaching to the ceiling. In a few cases the
cleaning of the toilet rooms was not satisfactory. The custom found
50
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
in 5 plants of having women employed for other work clean these
rooms is to be condemned, since this added task may be a hardship
to the workers and may result in haphazard cleaning. In one factory,
for example, where “the girls took turns,” the toilet was very dirty.
“The girls have been too busy lately to scrub,” was the forewoman’s
apology*. The forewoman in another case dismissed the subject of
cleaning with the remark, “Oh, different people do it different
weeks.” Altogether 6 plants were reported in which the toilets were
not cleaned and scrubbed with sufficient regularity.
Uniforms.
In candy manufacture the wearing of uniforms would seem to be
essential for sanitary production and for protection of clothes. Never
theless, 14 factories were recorded in which the employees wore no
working garb of any sort over their street clothes. As one manager ex
plained, “The girls like to wear out old clothes and don’t like extra
expense.” Even so, the women did not always wear wash dresses.
In dipping rooms uncovered woolen dresses and sweaters were some
times seen, with disastrous effects both to candy and clothes. In
other plants, even where some sort of uniform for the job was more
or less customary, the wearing of such was decidedly haphazard.
The most usual practice seemed to be for the women to supply their
own caps and aprons or to buy them at cost from the firm, and to
attend to the laundering themselves. According to prices quoted
by several firms caps ranged in cost from 15 to 25 cents and aprons
from $1.50 to $2.25. The purchase and maintenance of uniforms
by the employees requires an expenditure of money and energy, and
hence means a decrease in actual wages and an increase in labor. In
only 4 factories were uniforms supplied in the plant. In one of these,
for example, blue overall aprons with sleeves were furnished and laun
dered by the firm. Caps also were to be given to the workers.
SERVICE FACILITIES.
Other arrangements for the comfort of the women, such as lunch
rooms, restrooms, cloakrooms, and first-aid equipments, were found
to vary greatly in the establishments inspected.
lunchrooms.
It is extremely desirable that there should be a lunchroom of some
kind in every factory, to enable employees to have a satisfactory
lunch period away from workbenches and workrooms. Nineteen
establishments in all, 6 in St. Louis and 13 in Chicago, had provided
lunchrooms. These varied greatly in kind from poorly equipped
rooms where women ate cold lunches brought from home, to carefully
planned cafeterias where hot, wholesome, and inexpensive food was
available. In some cases where food was not obtainable in the plants,
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
51
arrangements had been made for women to prepare their own hot
lunches, if they so desired. Some firms served hot coffee to employees
free of charge or at a nominal price.
Cloakrooms.
It seems reasonable to expect adequate facilities for wraps in every
establishment employing women. Such a room in a candy factory
also should serve as a dressing room where women could change their
clothes. The record was remarkably good in this respect, since all of
the establishments visited in Chicago and 1G of the 19 in St. Louis
had provided a definite cloakroom. The record, however, for the
condition and equipment of these rooms was not quite so good. In a
few cases they were dirty, with accumulations of rubbish, paper, and
dust. One woman complained that the dressing room in the plant
where she worked was infested with roaches, which she feared would
get into her clothes. In some cloakrooms there were no seats for the
girls to use while changing shoes. In others light and ventilation
were not adequate. In one place there was not sufficient privacy
since girls when changing their clothes in the dressing room could be
seen by the men in the workroom. The arrangement in another
plant was exceptionally poor; the women in one building were com
pel ed to go outside and down the street to the cloakroom in another
building. Employees complained that this was very unpleasant in
cold weather. Twenty-seven plants, or more than one-half of the
number visited, had provided lockers, although these were not always
adequate. Arrangements other than lockers may be just as satis
factory. A type of cloakroom recommended is one equipped with
iron racks, coat hangers, and shelves, and properly supervised.
Restrooms.
Some facilities should be available in all plants employing women
01 use in case of accident, illness, or extreme fatigue.
Such an
arrangement is of value to both employer and employee, since thereby
a woman is frequently able to go on with her duties after a brief
interval instead of losing the remainder of the day from work by
going home. Many of the plants had failed to recognize the need for
a restroom, since only 19 of the 51 factories-] .3 in Chicago and 6 in
St. Louis -had provided such. The standards for these facilities
varied considerably. “A dirty, old, sagging cot and a broken chair
m an untidy room,” the report from one plant but typical of several
is obviously an inadequate equipment. In contrast to this were the
restrooms supervised by a matron and furnished with comfortable
couches and easy chairs. In small plants where it was not possible
o lave a separate room set apart, a restroom combined with a cloakor lunchroom served the purpose admirably.
52
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
Health service.
Although a plant may be supplied with all of the foregoing facilities,
it is not adequately equipped unless there is provision for first aid in
case of accident or illness. Nine plants were reported as lacking such
equipment. On the other hand a few firms had extensive arrange
ments, for looking after the health of the workers. Hospital rooms
were found in 7 plants, and a nurse or doctor in attendance daily
in 7. Although a physical examination for new employees was com
pulsory in only one factory, in several others it was stated that they
were examined if there was any doubt about their health. An exam
ination of the workers in the candy industry would seem advisable
from the point of view of both workers and consumers. Since women
in this industry so often work in rooms with a temperature below
normal, an effort should he made to discourage those women whose
health is obviously endangered by such a condition from working
therein. Also, care should be taken to prevent operatives with
infectious diseases from handling candy. It was reported by a woman
in one factory that a girl with a severe case of eczema had worked
there as a dipper for over six months. In such a case the worker
might be transferred to a job where her malady would not be a menace
to others.
EMPLOYMENT MANAGEMENT.
Questions were asked as to who was responsible for employing and
transferring women workers. Several methods were found in use.
In 37 plants the employment management was definitely centralized;
that is, it was attended to by the superintendent, manager, owner, or
by one foreman or forewoman. In five establishments there was a
special employment manager. In a few one person acted in this
cap acity after consultation with other persons in authority. In those
plants lacking such centralization, one person did the employing and
some one else the discharging, or several persons did both. The
statement made in one factory—“the manager, or the managers
secretary, or the forewomen do this work; it all depends upon who
is busy at the time an applicant appears”—shows the haphazard
nature of some arrangements. Misunderstandings and injustices are
likely to arise in cases of this sort, reacting against employer and
empioyees, preventing satisfactory cooperation in the plant, and
producing a high labor turnover. One superintendent said he believed
in handling all cases himself, so that he could adjust difficulties. I he
advisability of having one person of intelligence and judgment
definitely in charge of these matters is obvious.
PART VI.
THE WORKERS.
. As has already been shown, the 2,702 women included in the survey
m Chicago and St. Louis constituted over one-half of the working
forces in the factories visited. In the foregoing pages information
about these women as industrial workers has been given. Since
they are an important factor, not only in the economic output of the
country but in the social fabric as well, some analysis of their personal
records is of significance. It was not possible to secure such infor
mation for all the women in the survey, but some personal facts for
1,500, in round numbers, were ascertained.
nativity.
The nativity of the women in the candy factories of the two
cities, who reported on country of birth is shown in Table X in the
appendix. The proportion of foreign-born workers was much
greater in Chicago than in St. Louis, 34.3 per cent in the former as
compared with 5.8 per cent in the latter. The difference between
the two cities is striking. The 1920 census figures concerning the
proportions of the total number of foreign born in the populations
of the two cities reveal less discrepancy, since Chicago showed 29.8
per cent of its population to be of foreign birth, as compared with 18.3
per cent in St. Louis.1 It would appear from this that the candy
industry in Chicago attracts foreign-born women more extensively
than does this same industry in St. Louis. The survey of candy
manufacturing in Philadelphia, made by the Women’s Bureau in
1919, showed 17.6 per cent of the women workers to be of foreign
birth.3 Accordingly, Philadelphia in this respect occupied a middle
ground between Chicago and St. Louis. In every case the proportion
given of women born elsewhere than in the United States was probably
somewhat smaller than it was in reality, since the figures were obtained
from questionnaires filled out by the employees in the plants, and
since the foreign born with limited knowledge of English would be
less likely to contribute personal records than would the native bom.
Age.
Candy manufacturing is an industry which appears to attract young
workers. This may be explained by the fact that the work is not
1920Upp
inS™ 0t the CenSUS'
in m9S'
P°Pulation Statistics. Composition and characteristics ol the population,
W0m3niuIndustry Ser™e' Wa8eso1 candy makers in Philadelphia
53
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
54
heavy and requires for most of the occupations no training oi skill.
Also,' as an industry it may attract young, inexperienced girls because
to many of them the thought of handling candy is alluring. In the
Philadelphia survey it was found that 41.7 per cent of the women
were under 20 years of age.3 ' According to Table XI in the ap
pendix, the candy factories inspected in St. Louis showed that an
even larger proportion of the women reporting on this subject (47.6
per cent) were less than 20 years old, although in the Chicago plants
only 35.8 per cent were in this age classification. In the matter of
more mature women employees, the Chicago establishments showed
that 14 per cent of the women reporting were 40 years old or over,
as compared with the 7.5 per cent in St. Louis in this group.
Age at beginning worTc.—Because of the large proportion of young
workers, it is of interest to consider at this point the age at which
women in this industry began their wage-earning career. Table XII
in the appendix, shows that 52.4 per cent began to work before they
were 16 years old, and 79 per cent became wage earners before they
were 18.
Conjugal condition.
As might be expected from the foregoing figures, the St. Louis
plants had a higher percentage of single women (75.8 per cent) than
had the Chicago factories, where only 62.6 per cent of those reporting
on conjugal condition were not married. (4 able XIII in the ap
pendix.) The proportions of married women in the two places,
14.3 per cent in St. Louis and 27.5 per cent in Chicago, differed con
siderably, but the percentages of women reporting on conjugal
condition who were widowed, separated, or divorced were almost
the same in St. Louis and Chicago, that is, 10 and 9.9 per cent in
each city, respectively.
length of time in the trade.
In the candy industry, in which there is such a large proportion of
young workers, and in which most of the occupations require little if
any skill and offer few opportunities for advancement a high labor
turnover would be expected. The following summary of Table III
in the appendix, presents figures on the length of time in the trade
of the workers in St. Louis and Chicago, who reported on experi
ence, as well as figures from the Philadelphia survey on this subject.
s II. S. Department of Labor. Woman in Industry Service. Wages of candy makers in Philaedlphla in
1919. Bulletin 4,1919, p. 15.
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
Table 14.
55
Years in the trade of women employees who supplied personal information
&t. Louis, Chicago, and Philadelphia.1
Years in the trade.
Number and per cent of women who had been each specified
length of time in the trade inChicago (1921).
Under 6 months...................
6 months and under 1 year
1 and under 2 years______
2 and under 5 years............ .
5 and under 10 years.......... .
10 and under 15 years........
15 years and over..................
Total.............................
St. Louis (1921).
Philadelphia (1919).
Number. Per cent. Number. Per cent. Number.
Per cent.
143
14.3
93
22.7
369
39.1
124
12.4
73
17.8
77
8.2
160
16.0
52
12.7
81
8.6
336
336
91
22. 2
153
16.2
147
14. 7
46
11.2
148
15.7
55
5.5
20
4.9
47
5.0
3.6 j
36
34
8.3
68
7.2
1,001
100.0
100.0
409
943
100.0
1 U. S. Department of Labor. W oman in Industry Service. Wages of candy makers in Philadelphia in
1919. Bulletin 4, 1919, p. 15.
According to the summary Chicago plants, which had shorter hours
and higher wages than had the St. Louis plants, show, on the whole
a better record for the length of time that the women had worked in
the trade. In the St. Louis factories 40.5 per cent of the women
reporting on this subject as compared with 26.7 per cent of those in
Chicago had worked less than one year in the industry. Moreover,
beginning with one year’s experience and running through the classifi
cations which show increasing numbers of years of experience we find
that St. Louis has a smaller proportion in each case except in the 15
years and over group where it shows a somewhat higher percentage
than does Chicago.
1 he record for Philadelphia reveals the proportion of women with
less than one year’s experience (47.3 per cent) to be greater even
than the proportion in St. Louis with that amount, a fact probably
traceable to the high labor turnover prevailing during and immedi
ately after the war. That there was a nucleus of steady workers in
Philadelphia, similar to that in each of the other two cities, is shown
by the fact that 27.9 per cent had been in the industry for 5 years or
more as compared with 24.4 per cent of the women in St. Louis and
23.8 per cent of those in Chicago with this much experience.
The occupational statistics are of interest at this point. As has
already been shown hand dipping and foremanship are virtually the
only occupations in the industry offering special opportunities to
women. The fact that 23.9 per cent of all the women in St. Louis
were reported to be in these jobs, 18.7 per cent in Chicago, and 21 per
cent in Philadelphia indicates a fairly close parallelism between
opportunity and comparative permanence in the industry. Sufficient
argument can be piled up to prove that women are interested in
industrial careers from the viewpoint of acquiring both a satisfactory
trade and a satisfactory income. Recent years have exploded not
only the pin money theory about women wage earners but also the
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
56
theory that they are mere transients in the industrial realm. Since
women need in so many cases to support themselves for life and
frequently dependents as well, they are naturally interested in
industrial training, opportunities, and advancement.
Home responsibilities and living conditions.
A dependency study of the women in the candy factories visited
could not be made in the limited time of the survey. Nevertheless,
the investigators in visits to the homes of the women picked up
sufficient information about the financial and domestic burdens of
these wage earners to indicate that their home responsibilities were
a vital problem.
Widows and deserted wives, or even women with husbands, were
found to be the entire or partial mainstay of their families. In
several cases, for example, a husband who was an invalid or who was
out of work had added greatly to a woman’s responsibilities. One
woman who was separated from her husband was supporting four
children. A recent $2 cut in wages combined with a shortening of
the plant schedule to five days a week had reduced her weekly wage
to $8.35 and thereby greatly increased her problems in trying “to
make ends meet.” A married woman in the same plant receiving
the same wage, who was assisting her husband in the maintenance of
the family, complained of the low pay. She said that the girls in her
department were restrained by the forewoman from writing on the
personal record cards distributed by the investigators during the
survev that “ they were not paid enough wages to eat.
Hie following
figures given by one widow with three daughters—only one of whom
was old enough to work—serve as proof of this statement:
Earnings of mother per week......... $8. 35
Earnings of daughter per week----- 7. 00
Rent per week.................................... ?G. 25
Food per week.................................... 11. 00
15. 35
17. 25
In this case where expenditures included only the barest necessities
and at that allowed for only about 40 cents a day apiece for food,
there was a weekly deficit of $1.90. Another widow supporting two
children and financing a sister who was ill in the hospital averaged
because of limited production only $15 or $16 a week, although she was
able to make as much as $20 if allowed to work full time. During
the week preceding the visit as there had been no dipping for her to
do she had made only $11 from rolling stick candy. One Chicago
woman with two small children and a husband who had been out of
work for many months said that she had been forced to find work
li in order to pay the rent and to eat, ’ but that her present earnings
of $11.25 a week, the only income, were entirely insufficient. A
divorced woman with three children, aged 19 months, 3 and 4 years,
IN' CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
j
57
respectively, left her children each morning at a day nursery in order
that she might work in a factory. Even so, she was unable to earn
enough for the support of her family and was forced to accept aid
10m charitable organizations.
These stories stand as representative
rather than as isolated cases. Almost one-fourth of the women
workers in the St. Louis plants and over one-third in the Chicago
were married, widowed, separated, or divorced and hence, in all
probability, had some home responsibilities.
Many instances also could be cited where daughters had heavy
financial and domestic obligations because the mother was a widow
or the father’s wages were insufficient for the maintenance of the
family. A 30-year-old worker with a wage of $15 a week was helping
her mother m the support of four younger brothers. In another
family a girl and her father were the only wage earners in a family of
seven. “We have debts everywhere, now,” she remarked “because
my father was laid off two weeks ago, and the money I get hardly
brings enough food.” A boy of 12 and a baby had died in the preced
ing six weeks. In a third family, two daughters, 19 and 23 years old
were supporting the family, which consisted of the father, mother’
and six younger brothers and sisters. The mother was an invalid
and the lather had recently failed in his business. An effort was
being made to enable the oldest boy, 17 years of age, to complete his
course at a technical school. Three other children were at school
and the two youngest were still at home. The two older daughters
were bearing not only the financial burden of the family but the
domestic one as well, since they did all the housework even to the
ironing after their factory hours. “You know we are finding it pretty
hard,” was the confession of one of the girls.
Even girls who had no dependents found it impossible to make ends
meet when they received only $10 a week. One girl who was getting
this amount and who was doing “light housekeeping” reported that
she spent $2.50 a week for rent and $4 for food, with a residue of $3.50
for clothes and all other expenses. Even though she bought her
clothes on the installment plan this wage was not sufficient for her
maintenance and she was forced to accept assistance from her brother.
She thought that if she could earn $14 a week she would become self
supporting.
Another girl who boarded and who may be taken as a typical
case of a worker living independently on earnings of $10 a week
gave her expenses as follows:
Room...............................................................
Food (breakfast, $0.25; lunch, $0.15; dinner, $0.40)
Carfare.............................................
For week.
.. $4.00
.. 5. 60
-.
.84
10.44
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
58
Obviously she had no money for clothing or anything above a bare
subsistence, and even so her expenses overbalanced her earnings.
Until Christmas she had worked for an electrical company where
she had received for piece work from $25 to $30 a week. Then the
plant had closed. “For six weeks,” she said, “I hunted for work,
answering every ‘ad’ in the papers. Every time I looked up a place
I found the room crowded with girls looking for work. The firm
would take only a couple, then the rest would have to go away.
Finally I got the job as packer with this candy firm, but I earn so
much less that I find it hard to live.”
Thus the industrial depression like a huge octopus with its tentacles
of slackened production, unemployment, wage cuts, and reduced
hour schedules was reaching out in all directions, drawing into its
inexorable clutch vast numbers of wage-earning women and multi
plying thereby their problems and hardships. Especially was this
true for women in an industry like candy manufacturing since con
fections are rather generally labeled as luxuries, which during ‘ hard
times” are apt to be stricken off the consumers’ list, in some cases
from necessity and in others from economy.
The maintenance and dependency problems of women in this indus
try are sharpened by, but not confined to, a period of industrial
depression. Normally so slender is the average candy worker’s pay
envelope, so many the demands made upon it whether she is married
or single, or whether she is aiding in the support of others or not—
that very clever manipulation of the contents is necessary to enable
her to weather the vicissitudes inherent in her industrial job; to
permit her to steer a safe course between the Scylla of present urgent
needs and the Charybdis of possible future misfortunes. Frequently,
home responsibilities of a financial and domestic nature—that is, the
making and keeping of a home, the care of a family, or the perform
ance of household duties—complicate her existence beyond indi
vidual adjustment. Accordingly, when minimum wage laws guar
antee to all working women a rate not only covering bare living
expenses but allowing some margin for dependents or savings for
future emergencies and when shorter hour laws insure women against
the expenditure of too much of their time and energy in industiial
employment, there will be made long strides forward toward the social
betterment of a large and important part of the population.
APPENDIX A.
GENERAL TABLES.
Table I.— Total number of employees, male and female, and total earnings during each
week of the year from February, 1930, to February, 1921, in 28 Chicago and IS St.
Louis factories.
Chicago (22 firms re
porting slack sum
mer season).
Chicago (6 firms re
porting busy sum
mer season).
Number
of em
ployees .
Amount of
pay roll.
Number
of em
ployees.
Ampunt of
pay roll.
i 1,859
2,706
2,637
2,748
2,697
2, 656
2,654
2/719
2,716
2,866
2 2,876
3,049
3,150
3,081
3,094
2,962
2,919
3, 032
3,191
a 2,983
3,155
3,278
3,296
3, 220
3,364
3,334
3, 441
3, 425
3,352
3,533
2 3,552
3,511
3,590
3,484
3,376
3,390
3,175
3,114
2,990
2,926
2,671
2,793
2,633
2,321
1,838
2,152
2,193
2,145
2,322
2,350
2, 475
2,482
*41,066.22
60,516. 44
59,908.06
57,987.30
58,220. 26
56,988. 22
54,782.98
56,997. 06
58,688.60
61,337.79
64, 160. 06
65,027.56
70,136. 52
73,693. 05
59,807.66
67,602. 49
67,180. 74
69,419.43
66,186.33
53,600. 27
68,937. 60
72, 214. 98
72,462. 62
72,416.92
74,394.98
73, 429.16
76, 415.11
76, 751. 00
71, 003. 81
81,117.38
82,142.13
82,353-14
80,432.67
77,635. 28
79,065. 41
75,647. 93
71,113.74
70,896. 70
63,533. 43
61,214. 79
65,910.17
63,879. 64
58,356.00
44,503.57
34,964.11
42,008. 40
44, 782. 43
44,148. 04
48, 986. 81
50, ,535.29
52,035. 03
52,422.83
1,385
1,343
1,322
1,089
1,034
1,061
1,158
1,161
1,239
1,295
1,371
1,410
1,533
1,601
1,606
1, 723
1,722
1,749
1, 764
J, 752
1, 775
1, 757
1,711
1, 756
1,718
1,704
1,704
1,756
1,7.50
1,777
1, 738
1,547
1, 287
1,145
1,366
1,303
1, 213
1,100
1,017
1,059
1,188
1,138
1,121
947
378
585
775
884
1,071
1,167
1,282
1,303
$28,642.52
28,034. 83
26,902.10
22,981.57
22,501.60
20,522.22
24,109.24
24,857. 41
26,753.86
28,545.17
30,368.30
31,409.49
35,570.78
37,055. 23
32,036.32
35,664.36
37,305.60
38,022.28
35,596. 29
32,393.20
38,429. 68
38,501.17
37,391. 05
34,557. 52
38,178.36
37,716. 78
39,317. 79
40, 635.33
33,196 92
40,155.82
39, 960. 54
34, 662. 50
29, 056.11
26, 738. 52
29,530.78
30,357. 48
26,550. 43
26,777. 26
28,270.45
26,135. 76
31,295.45
31,813.42
27,606. 47
18,269.65
7,992. 20
13, 582. 53
18,716. 97
19, 758. 49
22,946. 41
24, 584. 47
26,900.89
28,104. 02
942
1,011
996
1,017
970
923
890
884
913
897
935
931
909
917
904
954
988
948
899
868
934
942
920
962
963
1, 019
1,047
1,048
1,118
1,101
1,080
1,130
1,125
1,102
1,100
1,031
971
942
921
889
881
853
793
470
593
721
734
774
783
760
683
18' 014.71
16, 453.70
14,641.38
15' 282.81
14' 946.92
13' 406.84
15,095.85
15' f 12.60
14,054.76
11,203.10
5,934.95
8,262.75
ll' 036.17
12' 353.11
12' 007. 64
12' 322.98
12' 003.14
16,267.26
Total.......................................
151,540
3,309,320.14
70,340
1, 549,663. 59
47,740
746,821.36
Weekly average..............................
2,914. 2
63,640. 77
1,352. 7
29,801. 22
918
14,361.94
St. Louis (13 firms
reporting).
Week ending—
Feb.28.................
Mar. 6...
Mar. 13.................
Mar. 20.................
Mar. 27.................
Apr. 3..............................
Apr. 10.............
Apr. 17....................................
Apr. 24...................
May 1...........................
May 8...........................
May 15....................................
May 22.................
May 29..................................
June 5.....................
June 12..............................
Juno 19.............
June 26............ .......
July 3...................
July 10.................
July 17...................
July 24...............................
July 31....................................
Aug. 7................................................
Aug. 14.....................................
Aug. 21...............................
Aug. 28...............................
Sept. 4....................................
Sept. 11..........................................
Sept. 18................................
Sept. 25........................................
Oct. 2....................................
Oct. 9........................................
Oct. 16.................................
Oct. 23............................................
Oct. 30......................................
Nov. 6......................................
Nov. 13..............................................
Nov. 20.......................................
Nov. 27.......................................
Dec. 4.................................................
Dec. 11............................................
Dec. 18.............................................
Dec. 25...............................................
Jan.1..................................................
Jan.8.................................................
Jan.15................................................
Jan. 22........................................
Jan. 29................................................
Feb. 5......................................
Feb.12..........................................
Feb.19.........................................
1 Exclusive of two firms not reporting.
2 One firm not reporting.
8425°—23-----5
Number
of em Amount of
pay roll.
ployees.
114,272. 86
14' 657.52
14' 896.13
15,119.46
14,504.21
14,332.64
13,631.93
13,518.42
13' 632.46
13' 677.07
14'621.79
14. 673.59
14,659.15
14’511.96
13' 258.95
14,891.17
14' 791.13
12,811.77
10,437.27
12,851.87
14' 485. 7ft
15,394. 46
15,599. 29
16,807.67
14' 828. 55
17,885.42
IS, 022.55
19,021.92
3 Includes one firm reporting men onlv for this week
'
59
Table II.—Week's earnings, by hours actually worked—late pay-roll period.
Number of women who worked—
Week’s earnings.
Number of
women report
ed.1
Under 24 hours.
OlO HIlCl UHClcI
i . - -- -- -- -
([5iD dim uiiutJi ^ii - -- -- -- -<&xi nun uiiuei *^io- -- -- -- -^iy diiu unuei
- -- -- -- --
7?n duu unuei o-n
C-in dJiu unutJI SoU....... —
?30 diid under ^35.........
$40 and over..........................
3
12
34
20
14
37
29
33
77
78
63
82
114
71
157
153
114
89
62
46
48
17
29
13
12
40
12
3
7
1,469
$14.43
St.
Louis.
2
20
4
5
6
4
17
10
42
45
82
45
94
18
30
26
29
12
20
8
10
2
8
3
1
Chi
cago.
St.
Louis.
3
11
34
20
14
34
11
11
4
2
2
20
4
5
6
1
2
1
1
1
1
1
27 and under
30 hours.
30 and under
33 hours.
Chi
cago.
Chi
cago.
Chi
cago.
St.
Louis.
547
$11.80
St.
Louis.
St.
Louis.
Chi
cago.
36 and under
39 hours.
39 and under
42 hours.
Chi
cago.
Chi
cago.
St.
Louis.
4
2
2
1
3
13
13
45
26
7
3
2
2
2
i
1
1
2
8
10
3
7
2
3
i
3
1
11
24
8
15
4
3
5
1
1
4
3
2
i
1
i
1
3
2
20
6
21
3
4
4
1
2
2
1
1
1
1
1
17
5
17
7
8
8
1
1
7
2
2
4
2
1
1
1
2
1
3
1
2
1
2
l
$4. 55
$1.90
Chi
cago.
St.
Louis.
40
80
120
$8.65
10
c)
$9.00
2
(2)
$10.15
1
3
11
15
20
10
10
8
6
2
4
5
5
2
2
4
5
3
2
1
1
2
1
i
2
10
4
17
12
18
2
3
2
13
2
1
1
1
1
1
39
St.
Louis.
1
1
152
42 and under
44 hours.
1
1
1
2
1
St.
Louis.
33 and under
36 hours.
7
(2>
65
$12.05 ' (2)
r
72
22
.105
21
70
18
$11.75
$9.00
*13.25
$9.90
$14.10
$9.55
r
W O M EN IN T H E CANDY IN D U STR Y
Chi
cago.
24 and under
27 hours.
V
M
n
Number of women who worked—
Week’s earnings.
Chi
cago.
Total............................
Median earnings__ ...
St.
Louis.
Chi
cago.
St.
Louis.
1
3
3
1
to
17
2
12
4
6
1
29
7
23
13
20
7
7
3
8
3
2
1
1
1
1
3
2
7
15
10
8
32
24
19
17
9
20
7
10
1
1
2
1
1
1
11
2
1
1
3
1
1
Over 48 and
under 50 hours.
48 hours.
Chi
cago.
St.
Louis.
Chi
cago.
St.
Louis.
2
26
1
1
3
1
74
36
29
30
15
15
8
4
11
2
5
9
7
10
4
3
3
i
3
3
2
7
3
1
2
3
5
1
3
4
1
2
6
2
2
1
1
1
Over 50 and
under 54 hours.
50 hours.
Chi
cago.
St.
Louis.
30
5
8
28
22
8
3
3
5
1
1
1
1
3
1
1
2
200
11
$17.15
(!>
Chi
cago.
St.
Louis.
1
4
4
4
9
9
21
7
9
8
1
5
1
1
3
1
7
1
54 hours.
Chi
cago
St.
Louis.
Over 54 hours.
44 hours and
over.
Chi
cago.
Chi
cago.
St.
Louis.
St.
Louis.
1
21
13
40
4
11
10
53
1
1
5
10
4
6
1
4
1
1
1
73
126
249
55
21
31
111
$15.75
$11.25
$16.35
$10.95
$14.50
$13.50
$15.65
6
m
76
32
148
35
$17.00
$12.45
$12.80
$19.25
'
1 Night workers not included.
2Not computed, owing to small number involved.
i
12
(!)
765
421
*16.45
$12.45
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LO U IS
$7 and under $8...................
$8 and under 89...................
$9 and under $10.................
310 and under $11...............
$11 and under $12................
$12 and under $13................
$13 and under $14...............
$14 and under $15................
$15 and under $16...............
$16 and under $17...............
$17 and under $18...............
$18 and under $19...............
$19 and under $20...............
$20 and under $21...............
$21 and under $22...............
$22 and under $23...............
$23 and under $24...............
$24 and under $25...............
$25 and under $30___
$30 and under $35................
$35 and under $40___
$40 and over...............
Over 44 and
under 48 hours.
44 hours.
«
Table
III.—Week’s earnings, by years in the trade—late pay-roll period.
a
to
Number of women who had been in the trade—
Number of
women re
ported. 1
Week’s earnings.
3 and under
6 months
Under 3
months.
6 months
and under
1 year.
1 and under 2 and under 3 and under 4 and under 5 and under 10 and under 15 years and
10 years.
15 years.
2 years.
3 years.
4 years.
5 years.
over.
Under SI............... .
$1 and under $2...
$2 and under $3...
$3 and under $4..
$4 and under $5..
$5 and under $6..
$6 and under $7..
$7 and under $8..
S3 and under $9..
$9 and under $10.
$10 and under $11.
$11 and under $12.
$12 and under $13.
$13 and under $14.
$14 and under $15.
$15 and under $16.
$16 and under $17.
$17 and under $18,
$18 and under $19
$19 and under $20
$20 and under $21
$21 and under $22
$22 and under $23
$23 and under $24.
$24 and under $25
$25 and under $30.
$30 and under $35.
$35 and under $40.
$40 and over.........
Total...........
Median earnings..
2
1
2
3
1
18
4
9
76
80
23
2
1
9
17
24
91
112
83
27
27
25
16
7
1
1
13
5
7
2
6
2
1
19
17
9
7
3
1
2
1
3
7
5
2
1
57
52
47
12
4
2
1
1
1
1
27
15
2
1
2
2
4
7
6
Q
10
15
21
22
15
11
8
8
3
2
4
2
3
1
1
1
1
1
1
7
11
5
4
6
9
23
15
10
13
9
6
3
1
3
1
2
3
8
5
160
145
2
1
2
3
3
6
12
1
2
5
1
1
1
1
1
5
3
5
4
2
3
10
10
12
12
8
4
2
7
2
1
4
1
1
4
2
6
3
7
3
2
3
3
1
6
2
8
8
9
17
6
5
3
2
4
1
2
3
2
1
1
2
6
2
5
2
1
1
1
1
1
6
405
41
94
47
50
124
73
52
40
103
1
1
3
2
2
6
81
7
10
2
28
87
22
2
9
6
6
3
5
2
8
16
10
11
6
14
15
2
6
8
3
7
1
2
2
1
1
3
3
2
6
2
1
5
7
2
5
2
1
145
46
3
2
1
2
4
1
1
1
3
1
1
2
1
3
3
3
1
1
i
1
6
4
4
3
4
3
3
2
3
3
5
2
3
2
5
1
3
3
4
1
4
1
2
2
5
3
3
1
1
5
5
2
1
20
36
33
2
2
55
2
1
3
1
1
$15.65 $12. 30 $12.45 $10.30 *13.90 $10.55 $14.10 $12. 30 $15.70 111.30 |*1«.10 $12.25 $17.15 $12. 55 $17.10 $13. 50 $17.40 $15.40 $18.85 $17.35 $21.65 $16.50
1
1
.
19 night workers who gave personal
information not included.
2
2
2
1
1
2
3
1
2
1
2
11
996
1
1
7|
*
A
W O M EN IN T H E
ChiChiSt.
ChiChiSt.
St.
ChiSt.
St.
ChiChiSt.
ChiChiSt.
ChiSt.
St.
St.
ChiSt.
cago- Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis.
Q
ek!
Ia—!
oCl
U2S
k!
t
Table TV.— Weekly rates of time workers, by occupation '—early and late pay-roll periods.
Number of women time workers who were—
All occupations.
Forewomen.
Dippers.
Machine operators.
Weekly rate.
Chicago.
St. Louis.
Chicago.
St. Louis.
Chicago.
St. Louis.
Chicago.
St. Louis.
$7 and under $8......................
$8 and under $9......................
89 and under $10....................
810 and under $11..................
811 and under $12............
$12 and under $13............
$13 and under $14............
$14 and under $15............
$15 and under $16............
$16 and under $17............
$17 and under $18............
$18 and under $19............
$19 and under $20............
$20 and under $21............
$21 and under $22............
$22 and under $23............
$23 and under $24............
$24 and under $25............
$25 and under $30............
$30 and under $35............
$35 and under $40............
$40 and over......................
Total..
1
14
2
15
58
47
122
577
293
229
70
61
31
16
23
2
10
32
5
2
6
1,607 ;
1 Night workers not included.
1
8
38
126
32
256
225
193
120
58
36
45
16
32
15
10
40
9
2
3
1,266
1
40
21
198
46
36
34
15
6
9
141
23
118
21
34
42
17
10
11
20
10
10
5
5
10
1
1
3
2
3
14
9
1
24
2
23
3
2
1
2
12
12
117
39
53
4
9
2
4
9
3
2
1
1
1
2
482
58
182
75
242
268
151
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS,
Early
Late
Early
Late
Early
Late
Early
Late
Early
Late
Early
Late
Early
Late
Early
pay roll. pay roll. pay roll. payroll, payroll. pay roll. pay roll. pay
Late
roll, pay roll. pay roll. pay roll, pay roll. pay roll. pay
roll. pay roll. pay roll.
Table IV.—Weekly rates of time workers, by occupation—early and late pay-roll periods—Continued
05
Number of women time workers who were—
Packers and wrappers.
Weekly rate.
St. Louis.
Chicago.
In occupations not reported.
In all other occupations reported.
Chicago.
St. Louis.
Chicago.
$7 and under $8....
$8 and under $9...
$9 and under $10..
$10 and under $11.
$11 and under $12.
$12 and under $13.
$13 and under $14.
$14 and under $15.
$15 and under $16.
$16 and under $17.
$17 and under $18.
$18 and under $19.
$19 and under $20.
$20 and under $21.
$21 and under $22.
$22 and under $23.
$23 and under $24.
$24 and under $25.
$25 and under $30.
$30 and under $35.
$35 and under $40.
Total...........
Late
Early
Early
Late
pay roll. pay roll. pay roll. pay roll.
2
1
3
4
38
27
65
305
186
142
26
19
11
5
5
35
54
26
138
99
97
63
25
18
14
1
838
210
68
80
43
v
W OM EN IN TH E CANDY INDUSTRY
Late
Early
Late
Early
Late
Early
Early
Late
pay roll. pay roll. pay roll. pay roll. pay roll. pay roll, pay roll. pay roll.
St. Louis.
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS,
65
Table V.—Week's earnings, by occupation—early pay-roll period.
CHICAGO.
Number of women earning each specified amount.
Week’s earnings.
Under $1..........
$1 and under $2................ ..
$2 and under $3.....................
$3 and under $4..........................
$4 and under $5..........
$5 and under $6...............
$0 and under $7.................
$7 and under $8...................
$8 and under $9.................
$9 and under $10.............
$10 and under $11........................
$11 and under $12..................
$12 and under $13.................
$14 and under $15.....................
$15 and under $16...................
$17 and under $18...............
$20 and under $21.................
$23 and under $24......
$24 and under $25...........................
$30 and under $35...........................
$35 and under $40.........................
All
women
reported.1
Fore
women.
Dippers.
Machine
operators
5
1
5
4
30
31
41
20
24
1
3
29
48
42
74
62
77
98
110
224
172
151
271
161
98
62
64
35
151
51
14
11
12
1
21
21
1
53
25
5
15
12
25
5
3
13
55
28
8
Other
Packers
Occupa
occupa tion not
and
tions
wrappers. reported. reported.
3
14
15
11
13
11
10
12
18
56
28
28
25
29
20
11
1
6
62
50
98
74
156
82
41
23
32
54
16
3
1
4
5
1
4
3
8
4
14
7
14
5
7
9
18
26
16
23
35
20
9
9
10
8
3
11
2
2
4
2
2
5
2
1
1
5
2
6
2
2
3
2
3
1
3
l
1
1
Total.....................
2,268
60
302
1,161
276
51
Median earnings.....................
$17.05
$25.35
$16.30
$16.50
$16. 50
$10.75
2
1
1
3
ST. LOUIS.
Under $1..............
$1 and under $2..
$2 and under $3..
$3 and under $4..
$4 and under $5..
$5 and under $6..
$6 and under $7...
$7 and under $3..,
$8 and under $9..
$9 and under $10..
$10 and under $11.
$11 and under $12.
$12 and under $13.
$13 and under $14.
$14 and under $15.
$15 and under $16.
$16 and under $17.
$17 and under $18.
$18 and under $19.
$19 and under $20.
$20 and under $21.
$21 and under $22.
$22 and under $23.
$23 and under $24.
$24 and under $25.
$25 and under $30.
$30 and under $35.
$35 and under $40.
$40 and over..........
3
16
3
15
7
18
10
25
61
45
126
44
47
43
2
1
3
1
3
1
1
6
13
12
18
10
11
8
10
8
9
8
1
7
2
11
7
6
19
10
59
13
13
16
3
3
2
4
2
4
5
11
9
13
15
41
16
19
14
12
6
8
3
4
3
2
2
2
4
16
8
8
5
4
4
3
2
1
2
1
18
24
9
15
6
8
2
1
8
1
2
1
6
3
2
l
1
Total...........
609
20
125
187
204
73
Median earnings..
$12.60
$20.85
$13.35
$12.35
$12. 75
$11.30
Night workers not included.
1
3
2
4
1
1
2
2
3
1
1
6
1
Table VI.— Week's earnings of time workers and piece workers, by occupation—early pay-roll period.1
Number of women who were—
Number of women reported.
Dippers.
Forewomen.
Week's earnings.
St. Louis.
Chicago.
Total..............................................................................
Time
workers.
3
4
14
3
15
7
14
6
17
20
49
32
107
33
28
30
15
7
8
6
11
4
6
1
1
1
1
4
28
31
40
18
23
38
26
43
39
64
46
56
73
73
199
137
109
224
123
58
34
23
24
7
51
7
3
6
i
2
1
3
2
4
3
8
7
14
19
29
18
22
26
35
21
34
27
32
32
25
97
43
11
5
1,607
523
444
$16.00
$20.30
$12.35
2
Piece
workers.
Time
workers.
Piece
workers.
St. Louis.
Time
workers.
2
3
4
2
3
9
9
15
10
10
10
13
10
16
3
4
1
2
1
7
1
2
2
1
1
3
3
5
2
1
1
2
1
6
3
2
1
1
Piece
workers.
St. Louis.
Chicago.
Time
Piece
workers. workers.
3
1
3
2
2
3
1
6
3
8
4
6
8
11
14
17
18
30
15
9
4
1
3
2
7
1
Time
workers.
2
1
2
1
3
3
6
4
10
5
8
5
19
6
15
8
11
14
11
48
27
8
5
Piece
workers.
2
..........
1
3
1
2
5
8
7
16
7
4
6
5
1
1
1
1
i
i
4
4
2
3
3
2
5
7
9
2
2
2
25
5
3
6
1
134
59
20
182
222
69
49
$14.50
$25.40
$20.85
$16.95
$22.55
$12.45
$16.50
1
1
W OMEN IN TH E CANDY INDUSTRY
Piece
Time
workers. workers.
Chicago.
h
Number of women who were—
Machine operators.
Packers and wrappers.
In all other occupations reported.
In occupations not reported.
Week’s earnings.
Chicago.
St. Louis.
Chicago.
St. Louis.
Time
Piece
Time
Piece
Piece
Time
Time
workers. workers. workers. workers. workers. workers, workers.
3
14
15
30
4 ................
23
18
15
13
41
29
36
46
31
2
7
11
2
4
7
9
15
52
22
23
110
79
48
139
62
23
17
5
22
25
14
2
2
3
8i
38
3
3
2
3
7
12
12
8
12
16
11
13
15
16
13
17
13
43
17
9
8
10
7
2
10
1
153
Total.........
242
25
151
23
Median earnings.
515.85
522.05
512.20
512.75
1
4
5
1
4
3
8
4
14
7
12
3
7
7
14
11
12
1
3
L Night workers not included.
520. 95
Chicago.
St. Louis.
Piece
Time
Piece
Time
Time
workers workers workers. workers workers workers workers.
1
3
1
!
2
1
2
4
5
1
4
3
2
3
i
2
1
4
16
8
8
5
4
4
2
1
1
2
4
2
1
5
1
1
1
5
1
6
1
2
2
2
3
1
1
................
.........
1
1
1 ...
"
1
1
..............
1
3
1
1
1
1
................|
1
..............
...............
28 |
242
839 |
515.75
Time
St. Louis.
IN CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
Under $1...........................
$1 and under $2...................... .
$2 and under $3...................... .
53 and under $4............
54 and under $5.....................
55 and under $6..................”
56 and under $7.................[’
57 and under 58.............................. '
58 and under $9........................ ”*
59 and under 510....................
510 and under 511.........................
511 and under 512.................
512 and under 513..........1!
513 and under $14........... '
514 and under 515..........
515and underlie.................
516 and under 517................. * ’ ’.
517 and under $18___
518 and under $19..............
519 and under $20..................
520 and under 521.............. .
521 and under 522............’
522 and under 523...
*
523 and under 524..........
524 and under 525..................
525 and under $30.................
530 and under 535_____ _ .* ’._
535 and under $40............................
$40 and over......................
Piece
Chicago.
512.45
$16. 45
*16.00
4 1
68
511.25
<n
..............
43 1
7 !■
t
$9.90
1
j
i
2 Not computed, owing to small number involved.
05
0g
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
Table
VII.- Tear’s earnings of women employees for wh>m 52-week pay-roll records
were secured, by occupation.
FEBRUARY, 1920, TO FEBRUARY, 1921.
____
Number of women who were—
Number
of women
reported.
Dippers.
Year’s earnings.
Packers and
wrappers.
Machine
operators.
In all other
occupations
reported.
St.
Chi
ChiSt.
St.
Chi
St.
St. Chi
Chi
Louis. cago. Louis, cago. Louis.
cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago.
$350 and under $400........................
$400 and under $450......................
$450 and under $500.......................
$500 and under $550.......................
$550 and under $600.......................
$600 and under $650.......................
$650 and under $700.......................
$700 and under $750.......................
$750 and under $800.......................
$800 and under $850.......................
$850 and under $900.......................
$900 and under $950.......................
$950 and under $1,000...................
$1,000 and under $1,100.................
$1,100 and under $1,200.................
$1,200 and under $1,400.................
$1,400 and under $1,600........................
$1,600 and under $1,800......................|
g
$1,800 and under $2,000.......................
"
$2,000 and over...................................... .........1
Total.
237
Median earnings.
$891
88
$697
15
118
31
24
$825 | $625
$893
$696
$875
46 I
49
$742
13
(>)
i Noteomputed owing to small number involved.
>
Table
Fear’s earnings.
Total num
ber of women
reported.
VIII.— Year’s earnings, by weeks worked.
Number of women who worked—
Under
32 weeks.
32 and under 36 and under 40 and under 44 and under 46 and under
48 and under 50 and under
36 weeks.
40 weeks.
44 weeks.
46 weeks.
48 weeks.
50 weeks.
52 weeks.
52 weeks.
Chi
St.
Chi
St.
Chi
St.
Chi
St.
Chi
St.
ChiSt.
Chi
St.
Chi
St.
Chi
St.
ChiSt.
cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis, cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis.
cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis. cago. Louis.
2
2
8
10
6
18
20
29
26
22
17
30
22
13
2
5
2
1
237
Median earnings........................| $891
21
$697
0)
1 Not computed, owing to small number involved.
(l)
C1)
0)
$825
i1)
(l)
29
23
66
23
77
$831
$792
$950
$696
$940
C1)
o)
CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
Total.................................
1
1
in
$350 and under $400................
$400 and under $450................
$450 and under $500................
$500 and under $550................
$550 and under $600................
$600 and under $650................
$650 and under $700................
$700 and under $750................
$750 and under $800................
$800 and under $850..................
$850 and under $900..................
$900 and under $950............
$950 and under $1,000.........
$1,000 and under $1,100___
$1,100 and under $1,200___
$1,200 and under $1,400___
$1,400 and under $1,600___
$1,600 and under $1,800............
$1,800 and under $2,000............
$2,000 and over.....................
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
70
Table IX—Average
‘
retail prices of certain articles of food, of dry goods, and of coal
Chicago and St. Louis, February 15, 1921.
FOOD.
Unit.
Article.
Sirloin steak................
Round steak...............
Rib roast......................
Chuck roast.................
Plate beef.....................
Pork chops..................
Bacon............................
Ham...............................
Lamb.............................
Hens..........................
Salmon (canned), red
Milk, fresh
K;
evaporated. 11!!! ’.!!::: I i :.............................. |
Amount that
St. Louis
prices fall be
Chicago. St. Louis, low (—) or ex
ceeded-) Chi
cago prices.
Pound.
.......do.
___ do.
___ do.
___ do.
___ do.
....... do.
....... do.
....... do.
..........do.
___do.
Quart.
£“ce .can;
Butter.
do.
Oleomargarine.............................................................................
Nut maragarine......................................................... .........T
Cheese........................................................................ I....... .....................
Lard........................................................................... .........do*.:::::::::
Flour................................................................................... “.................
Cornmeal........................................................................... JJ.
Cornflakes..................... I' IIITIIIII! Ill IIII III" II
package
Macaroni..............
Rice......................
Beans, navy.........
Potatoes...............
Onions..................
Cabbage...............
Beans, baked.......
Corn, canned.......
Peas, canned........
Tomatoes, canned
Sugar, granulated.
Tea.......................
Coffee...................
Prunes.................
Raisins................
Bananas..............
Pound.
___ do----___do----___do----___da----___do----No. 2 can.
___do----___do----___do___
Pound---... do----___ do----___do----___ do___
Dozen —
___ do___
i oral.........
$0,362
.293
.293
.206
. 145
.282
.504
.51
.322
.397
.378
.14
.139
.523
.295
.278
.397
.198
.259
.45
.113
.055
.061
.096
.13
.286
.193
.098
.081
$0,347
.329
.297
.20
.152
.272
.383
.47
.324
.387
.363
.15
.139
.559
.337
.301
.357
.143
.257
.397
-$0,015
+. 036
+.004
—. 006
+.007
-.01
-.121
-.04
+.002
-.01
—.015
+.01
+.036
+.042
+.023
-.040
—.055
-.002
-.053
.112
-.001
.058
.036
.098
.124
.306
+. 003
-.025
.211
+.002
-.006
+.02
+.018
-.005
-.004
+ .003
.033
.035
.148
.157
.158
.119
.084
.65
.336
.23
.316
.40
.452
.093
.077
.024
.033
.035
. 127
.158
. 165
.115
.082
.706
.343
.227
.32
.372
.448
10.623
10.434
-.189
$15. 28
15. 52
9.107
$17.163
17.163
7. 75
+$1,883
+ 1.643
-1. 357
39.907
42.076
+2.169
$0.132
.284
.159
.255
.579
.228
.637
1.53
.236
1.10
5.098
$0.131
.262
.154
.238
. 593
.208
.67
1.729
.238
.985
4.916
-$0. 001
-.022
-.005
—.017
+.014
-.02
+ .033
+ .199
+ .002
-.115
-. 182
10.238
10.124
-. 114
.021
-.021
+.001
+.007
-.004
-.002
+. 056
+.007
-.003
+.004
-.028
-.004
COAL.2
Pennsylvania anthracite:
,
i
Ton.......................
........do...................
DRY GOODS.
Calico, 24 to 25 inch........................................................... Yar^-- Gingham,'apron, 27 to 28 inch........................................;.........do.
Gingham, dress, 27-inch................................................... 1.........do.
Gingham, dress, 32-inch................................................... ,......... do.
Muslin, bleached...........................................................................no.
Sheeting, bleached, 9-4.................................................... - ■ -J°Sheets, bleached, 81 by 90................................................ kach. - •
Outing flannel, 27 to 28 inch...........................................I Yard ..
Flannel, white wool, 27-inch............................................. - - - d0 *
Blankets, cotton, 66 by 80............................................... Fair...
Total.
1 U. S. Department of Labor. Monthlv Labok Review, vol. 12, No. :
33-35, and vol. 14. No. 5, May, 1922, pp. 53-58.
.
3 Figures given in table are cost per ton of 2,000 pounds for household use.
May, 1921, pp. 20-28 and
IN
CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS.
71
Table X.-Nativity of the women employees who supplied personal information.
1
1
Number and per cent who were—
of women
report Native-born white.
ing.
City.
*
Foreign-born.
Number. Per cent. Number. Per cent.
Chicago.............
St. Louis................
....................
Table XI.
1,128
416
741
392
65.7
94.2
387
24
34.3
5.8
1,644
1,133
73.4
411
26.6
Age of the women employees who supplied personal information.
Number and per tent whose age was—
Number
of women 16 and under 18
years.
reporting.
City.
18 and under 20
years.
20 and under 25
years.
25 and under 30
years.
Number Per cent. Number. Per cent. Number.
Per cent. Number Per cent.
Chicago.................
St. Louis............
1,140
416
203
115
17.8
27.6
205
83
18.0
20.0
240
93
21.1
22.4
153
30
1,556
13.4
7.2
318
20.4
288
18.5
333
21.4
183
11.8
Number and per cent whose age was—
Number
of women 30 and mder 40
yea rs.
reporting.
City.
40 and under 50
years.
50 and under 60
years.
60 years and over.
Number. Per cent. Number. Per cent. Number.
Per cent. Number. Per cent.
Chicago...............
St. Louis..............
Table
1,140
416
179
64
15.7
15.4
106
23
9.3
5.5
47
7
4.1
1.7
7
1
1,556
0.6
.2
243
15.6
129
8.3
54
3.5
8
.5
XII.-Age at beginning work of the women employees who supplied personal
information.
■
Number and per cent in each age group—
Age at beginning work.
Total
number
reporting.
Chicago.
St. Louis.
Number. Per cent. Number. Per cent.
Under 14 years.
14 and under 15 vears
15 and under 16 years
16 and under 18 years..
18 and under 20 vears
20 and under 25 years
25 and under 30 years
30 and under 35 vears
35 and under 40 years
40 and under 50 years.
50 years and over
.....................
...........................
............
.....................
...........................
...........................
.............................
.........................
............
.............................
42
151
62
56
29
18
8
1,369
950
56.0
68.1
70.2
65.8
68.9
78.9 75.0
90.6
90.0
92. 9
80.0
33
136
64
125
28
15
9
3
2
2
2
44.0
31.9
29.8
34.2
31.1
21.1
25.0
9.4
10.0
7.1
20.0
69.4
419
30.6
72
WOMEN IN THE CANDY INDUSTRY
Table
XIII.—Conjugal condition of the women employees who supplied personal
information.
Number and per cent whose conjugal condition was—
City.
Number
of wo
men re
porting.
Num
ber.
Total.............................
Widowed.
Married.
Single.
Num
ber.
Per
cent.
Per
cent.
Num
ber.
Per
cent.
Divorced.
Num
ber.
Per
cent.
1,111
421
695
319
62.6
75.8
305
60
27.5
14.3
90
26
8.1
6.2
21
16
1.9
3-8
1,532
1,014
66.2
365
23.8
116
7.6
37
2.4
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No. 1. Proposed Employment of Women During the War in the Industries of Niagara
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No. 2. Labor Laws for Women in Industry in Indiana. 29 pp. 1918.
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Women Street Car Conductors and Ticket Agents. 90 pp. 1920.
The New Position of Women in American Industry. 158 pp 1920
Industrial Opportunities and Training for Women and Girls. ’ 48 pp' 1920
A Physiological Basis for the Shorter Working Day for Women. 20 pp. 192l'
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Second Annual Report of the Director. 1920.
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