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UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
Frances Perkins,
Secretary
BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS
Isador Lubin,
(on leave)
A . F. H inrichs,
Commissioner
Acting Commissioner
Studies o f the Effects o f Long
W orking Hours
(Part 2)
By
M AX D. KOSSORIS
Bureau o f Labor Statistics
Bulletin A[o. 791-A
Letter o f Transm ittal
U n it e d S t a t e s D e p a r t m e n t o f L a b o r ,
B u r e a u o f L a b o r St a t is t ic s ,
Washington, D . C ., October 17, 1 9 4 4 •
The S e c r e t a r y o f L a b o r :
I have the honor to submit herewith Part 2 of the Bureau’s studies of the effects
of long working hours. Part 1 (published as Bulletin No. 791) covers the first 6
plants surveyed, and Part 2 includes reports on 6 additional plants. Other re
ports will be submitted as further surveys are completed. This report was pre
pared by Max D. Kossoris, of the Bureau’s Division of Industrial Hazards. The
collection of data in the plants was under the supervision of It. F. Kohler.
The summary of 12 plant surveys presented in this bulletin appeared in the
October 1944 issue of the Monthly Labor Review.
A. F. H in r ic h s ,
Acting Com m issioner.
Hon. F r a n c e s P e r k in s ,
Secretary o f Labor.
(H )
For sale by the Superintendent o f Documents, U . S. Governm ent Printing Office
Washington 25, D . C. - Price 10 cents
Contents
Page
Summary of 12 plant surveys_______________________________________
Hours in relation to output----------------------------------------------------------------Hours and absenteeism_______________________________________________
Hours, accidents, and efficiency_______________________________________
Case study No. 7— Machining metal parts:
Summary____________________________________________________________
Nature of work_______________________________________________________
Types of operators_____ ___________________________________________
Wage rates and incentives_________________________________________
Hours and shifts___________________________________________________
Working conditions________________________________________________
Industrial relations________________________________________________
Safety_________________________________ *.__________________________
Findings___________
Case study No. 8— Metal bearings:
Summary____________________________________________________________
Nature of work______________________________________________________
Types of operators___________________________________________________
Wage rates and incentives_____________________________________
Hours and shifts_____________________________________________________
Working conditions__________________________________________________
Industrial relations; safety___________________________________
Findings_____________________________________________________________
Case study No. 9— Airfield landing mats:
Summary____________________________________________________________
Nature of work______________________________________________________
Working conditions_______________________________________
Types of workers---------------------------------------------------------------------Wages_______________________________________________________________
Hours and shifts----------------------------------------------------------------------------Labor-management relations__________________________________
The group surveyed_________________________________________ ______
Findings___________________________________________________________
Case study No. 10— Drills and reamers:
Summary____________________________________________________________
Nature of work____________________________________________________
Working conditions__________________________________________________
Labor force__________________________________________________________
Working hours and shifts_____________________________________________
Wage rates and incentives____________________________________________
Safety and work injuries_____________________________________________
Scope of the survey____________________________________________
Findings__________________________________________________________
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IV
Case study No. 11— Manufacture of shells:
Summary__________________________________________________________
Nature of work_____________________________________
Working conditions________________________________________________
Labor force________________________________________________________
Wage rates and incentives_________________________________________
Working hours and shifts__________________________________________
Accident prevention and first aid___________________________________
Scope of the survey._______________________________________________
Findings___________________________________________________________
Case study No. 12— Finishing department in a foundry:
Summary__________________________________________________________
Nature of work____________________________________________________
Working conditions________________________________________________
Labor force________________________________________________________
Wage rates and incentives_________________________________________
Hours and shifts___________________________________________________
Work injuries______________________________________________________
Scope of the survey________________________________________________
Findings__________________________________________________
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B ulletin jN[o.
791-A of the
U nited States Bureau o f Labor Statistics
Studies of the Effects of Long Working Hours
(Part 2)
Summary of 12 Plant Surveys
Studies by the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the effects of long
working hours in 6 additional plants corroborate and shed further light
on the tentative conclusions drawn from the first 6 plant surveys.1 It
appears that hours worked beyond 40 or 48 per week result in addi
tional output, but at the price of continuous decreases in efficiency
and marked increases in absenteeism as hours rise. A point is finally
reached at which the longer work schedule is no more productive, and
actually may be less productive, than a shorter work schedule. With
few exceptions, the longer working time in the plants studied resulted
in a general slowing down, not only during the added hours but
throughout the entire workweek.
Another point illustrated by the survey of the additional plants is
that the 7-day week, as a steady program, is uneconomic and may
actually result in less production than the 6-day week.
Among the 12 metalworking plants studied, the operations varied
from foundry and forge-shop work to bench operations which required
the processing of metal parts weighing as little as one ounce. There
was no intention to study metalworking operations exclusively; it
simply happened that long working hours were found most frequently
in these industries. The material worked, however—whether metal,
or wood, or leather, or paper, or any other substance—is of no great
significance. Given the same types of exertion requirements, control
over speed, and wage incentives, the work performance under the
same hours schedules will probably follow much the same patterns.
HOURS IN RELATION TO OUTPUT
The surveys make clear that there is no such thing as an “ optimum
hour schedule” for all of industry. What appears to be a satisfactory
schedule of hours for a plant with light machining operations may be
economically wasteful in a foundiy. Further, there is a marked
difference in the performance of men working under wage incentives
and those working at straight hourly rates without any kind of wage
incentive. M uch depends on the type of work and the requirements
it exacts from workers, the degree to which workers can control the
1 See Bulletin No. 791: Studies of the Effects of Long Working Hours. (Part L)
(i)
2
speed of operations, and the incentives which motivate them—whether
volume of pay, participation in the war effort, labor relations, or
working conditions generally.
The available evidence indicates that, on the whole, the 5-day week
and 8-hour day are more efficient than a work schedule with longer
hours. That does not mean, h ow ev er, that longer hours are not
productive. There is little sacrifice of efficiency, for instance, if a
sixth day of 8 hours or less is added.
The sharper break comes when daily hours are raised from 8 to 9% or
10 or 11, provided the workers operate under an incentive-wage system.
The primary effect of this lengthening of daily hours for workers on
the day shift, when the 5-day week is maintained, is to wipe out the
midweek spurt. The analysis of daily production patterns in several
plants under a 40- or 48-hour schedule shows a building up of hourly
efficiencies toward a peak on the third and fourth days of the week,
with a slight drop thereafter. When daily hours were lengthened to
9K or more, however, this peak disappeared. The production curve
for the successive days of the week flattened out, and any one day was
about as good as any other day. When a sixth day was added, the
line of production remained flat, but dropped to a lower level. The
data indicate clearly that workers adjust themselves to longer hours
by slowing down, not because they want to, but because they have to.
For workers on the second or night shift, the pattern is somewhat
different. Their daily efficiency performance under the 8-hour day
and 5-day week looks much like that of the day shift on the
10-hour day. There is practically no midweek spurt, and production
tends to flatten into a fairly level line. The reason for this appears
to be that these workers are somewhat tired when they come to work,
having been up for some hours and probably at work around home.
In any case, they are not so refreshed when they come on the job as
the men on the day shift who have their leisure hours after, not before,
the day’s work. When a sixth day is added to stretch the week to
58 or 60 hours, the result is likely to be a steady decline in the efficiency
level, day after day, with the peak points on M onday or Tuesday, at
the very beginning of the week.
These “ fatigue patterns” furnish a reasonably accurate basis for
anticipating, for incentive-wage workers, the result of changing (a)
daily hours from 8 to 10, or from a 40-hour week to one of 50 hours,
and (b) from this level to a still higher one, by adding a sixth workday.
The first change may cause a decrease in efficiency of about 5 percent;
and the second, of 7 to 10 percent if hours do not exceed 58 or 60,
but may be as high as 20 percent if hours reach 66.
For men on straight day-work rates, the lengthening or shortening
of hours seems of considerably less significance. This was observed
in two foundries. In one, daily scheduled hours remained at 10,
but the sixth day was dropped. In the other, daily hours during a
6-day week were raised from 8 to 9%. In each plant the hourly
efficiency level remained essentially unchanged under the different
levels of hours. Apparently the pace at the shorter hours was not so
fast that the addition of extra hours caused a slowing down; nor did
the shortening of hours bring about any quickening of the work tempo.
In plants in which work was light or very light, the general tendency
for workers under incentive systems, and with weekly hours ranging
between 55 and 58, was to produce about a 2-hour volume of pro
3
duction for every 3 hours added above 48 per week (i. e., 6 days at 8
hours each). When work was heavy, as m foundries, the ratio was
more nearly 1 hour’s additional output for every additional 2 hours
worked. One reason for this was the greater need for rest pauses.
The studies included two plants in which shorter hours were
found to result in a volume of output as great as or greater than was
the case under longer hours. In a forge shop, where the work was
both hot and heavy, a 52-hour week was found to be as productive as
a 58-hour week. In a shell plant, in which morale was excellent and
the work medium heavy, the lengthening of daily hours from 8 to
10 for the day shift and 11 for the night shift, and of weekly hours
from 40 to 60 and 66, had such unsatisfactory results that the plant
eventually changed to a 48-hour week. The average increase in
output under the longer schedule was only about 7 percent above that
for the 40-hour week— a result which could have been achieved
easily by increasing weekly hours from 40 to 43 or 44. The additional
20 hours were sheer waste of time.
The experience of one plant which had operated extensively on
Sundays under a 7-day weekly schedule demonstrated the undesira
bility of continued Sunday work. While remaining on the 8-hour
day, this plant worked a 7-day week for over a year. It then dropped
out every third Sunday, later every other Sunday, and finally every
Sunday. The analysis of this plant’s performance shows that effi
ciency was lowest during the 7-day week, and highest dining the 6-day
week when no Sundays were worked at all, and that efficiency mounted
as additional Sundays were dropped. The data indicate that effi
ciency was about 36 percent better and total output about 13 percent
greater during the shortest work schedule. In terms of this perform
ance, the 7-day week amounted to 8 days’ pay for 5 days’ output.
The 30 identical operators traced throughout the entire period in
volved in these changing schedules actually produced one more day’s
output during the straight 6-day week than they formerly produced
during the 7-day week.
HOURS AND ABSENTEEISM
The relationship between longer hours and absenteeism was found
to be the same in nearly every instance: as hours increased—whether
daily or weekly— absenteeism increased. In most cases the reason
could not be determined from plant records. Some of the data
suggest a higher incidence of illness. In some instances it was quite
clear that workers wanted or required more time for leisure or to attend
to personal matters. It is also likely that the strain of longer hours
and the fact that the weekly pay envelope was higher than it had
been for years combined to induce workers to pay more attention to
their health and well-being. The fact that workers were limited in
the items their money could buy was also cited by some plant exec
utives as a reason why men took more time out, or why they absented
themselves for reasons which they would not have heeded under
shorter work schedules and with smaller earnings.
As a rule, absenteeism was higher for the night shift than for the day
shift under the longer work schedules. This was particularly true of
women, whose absenteeism rates generally exceeded those of men.
4
HOURS, ACCIDENTS, AND EFFICIENCY
In the absence of effective safety programs, work injuries tended to
occur relatively more frequently under longer hours. In one plant
they occurred only one-third as frequently when the daily hours were
reduced from 10 to 8. Where plants had good, active accidentprevention programs, the lengthening of hours did not bring about a
disproportionate increase in work injuries.
Women were found to be more efficient than men at light, repetitive
and rhythmic operations requiring nimble fingers and little physical
exertion. On the other hand, men were superior on machines which
required close adjustments or which were complicated.
The merit of an incentive-wage system as a spur toward greater
production was well observed in a foundry. It was found that the
change from day-work to piece-work rates resulted in slight increases
in output even when hours remained at 10 per day and 58 per week.
The result was dramatic when the introduction of the incentive
coincided with a reduction in weekly workdays from 6 to 5, even
though the 10-hour day was maintained. Output during the shorter
workweek was 13 percent greater than it formerly had been under the
6-day week. In terms of the production level which had prevailed
during the longer workweek, the men— at piece rates— produced as
much in 5 days as they formerly had in 7 days without a wage incentive.
Case Study No. 7— Machining Metal Parts
SUMMARY
Man-paced machining processes on light metal parts were studied in
a modern, air-conditioned plant in the M iddle West. There was no
observable resting time on the part of the operators during the ma
chining processes.
The wage-incentive system in this plant provided for stratified
hourly rates, depending on the average output level of the employee.
As the worker reached specified output levels, he automatically quali
fied for a higher hourly rate.
During the year studied (1943) the plant operated on two schedules
of hours: A three-shift system with 7% hours per shift (and a halfhour lunch period) for 6 days a week; and, subsequently, because of
labor shortages, a two-shift system with a total of 55 hours per week
for the day shift and 57 hours for the night shift. Shifts were not
rotated.
The performances of 311 identical operators, 263 of whom were
women, were traced throughout the entire year.
During the longer work schedule, the hourly efficiency of the entire
group dropped 5 percent below that of the shorter workweek. The
drop in efficiency of the night shift was nearly twice that of the day
shift. The relative losses were 6.5 and 3.5 percent. The efficiency
level of women workers on the night shift dropped still more— 8.7
percent. For the entire group of women on both shifts, efficiency was
6 percent lower than at the shorter hours.
Time lost because of absenteeism was 50 percent higher during the
longer hours. There was little difference between the two shifts, or
between men and women.
5
The additional hours increased output— to the extent of 2 hours of
additional output for every 3 additional hours of work.
Per em
ployee-hour, output during the longer workweek was only 93 percent
as good as dining the shorter hours.
The survey indicated clearly that the output performance of women
under a 9K-hour workday in the department studied was not as good as
that of men.
As measured by the standard injury frequency rate, injuries did not
occur more frequently during the longer work schedule.
NATURE OF WORK
The plant studied is known as one of the most modem in the Middle
West. During the period surveyed, it produced bearings and washers
for motors and other operating parts of airplanes. All production was
toward the war effort.
The operations studied consisted almost entirely of machining
processes on lathes, grinders, broachers, and similar metalworking
equipment. Approximately 15 types of machines were used to per
form about 45 operations. The pieces handled were relatively light,
varying from less than 1 pound to 10 pounds.
Except for the operations on the grinders, the work was essentially
man-paced. M ost operations allowed the workers very little idle
time. The small amount of waiting time on automatic machine oper
ations was usually consumed in burring, gauging, and cleaning of fin
ished pieces. The absence of idle time was apparent during all plant
visits. Observations indicated that employees worked efficiently and
consistently, and that workers and equipment were well utilized. At
the same time, however, there was no evidence of “ speed-up” or
“ driving.”
On the whole, the work in this department may be described as
light, man-paced machining operations.
TYPES OF OPERATORS
The employee force of this company had grown very rapidly during
the few years prior to the survey. As a result, many of the 7,000
workers had been with the company for only a short time. Fully
40 percent had been with the company less than 1 year.
The machining operations required considerable skill because
tolerances were very small. As the supply of machine operators was
very limited, the company resorted to intensive training courses.
M any of the operators had never been employed in manufacturing
plants before joining this company and consequently were not ac
customed to factory work. The estimate of the personnel department
was that fully 90 percent of the workers had been in industry only
since the beginning of the war.
During the period surveyed, more than half of the employees were
women, primarily of Polish, Slavic, or Italian extraction. 'While no
women were employed on some of the operations because of the weight
of the raw stock, women composed about 50 percent of the operators
on lathes, 95 percent on grinders, and 98 percent of the burring and
inspection personnel.
616184°—44----- 2
6
WAGE RATES AND INCENTIVES
The wage structure in this plant is built on a highly integrated
placement and advancement program. Beginners start as low as
60 cents per hour, although most of them start at 65 and 70 cents.
Until the three-shift plan gave way to a double shift, the second shift
received a bonus of 5 cents per hour, and the third shift a bonus
of 10 cents. Under the double-shift arrangement, the night shift
received an hourly bonus of 10 cents.
Interestingly, too, there is an allowance of 25 cents per shift as
“ shower pay” in departments handling lead, in which an intensive
cleaning up is part of the personal hygiene phase of the safety de
partment.
Under a comprehensive time-study and job-analysis system some
thirty-odd job classifications have been established, varying with the
skill and experience required for various operations. ICach of these
classified jobs has a starting rate, a qualifying rate, and a standard rate.
The operator starts at the lowest rate and is required to reach the
production level called for at the qualifying rate within 3 months.
If he does, he is advanced to the standard rate, provided he has
reached the minimum standard production level within the next
3 months. As the employee gains in experience, he is promoted to
work in higher job classifications carrying higher wage rates, when
there are openings. The transfer is made at the employee’s rate of pay
at the time of the promotion. The raise to the higher qualifying and
standard wage rates becomes effective when the operator has reached
the required production levels within the required time limits. The
top rate is $1.25. Raises beyond this point depend on merit and length
of service.
A new but experienced employee usually starts at the qualifying
wage rate at the machine with which he is most familiar, and is raised
to the standard rate as soon as he qualifies. The management claims
that this system has the advantage of flexibility and permits workers
to fit into the operations for which they display the greatest aptitude.
A “ placement requirements table,” based on time and motion
studies, sets out the requirements for each job— education, experience,
height, weight, strength, etc. As far as possible, the assignments of
workers are made in keeping with the specific job requirements.
A new and inexperienced employee is put through a training period
of 1 month. This includes short trips through the plant, training
movies, lectures on shop practices and safety, and, primarily, training
at machines. The last takes about 3 weeks. During this period the
worker becomes acquainted with the various types of machines and
operations of the plant. Then he is transferred to an operating de
partment for specific training.
T o make the employee feel at home, to further good morale, and
to open an avenue of cooperation between labor and management,
members of the personnel, personnel-relations, and safety depart
ments stop by every few days to discuss with the new employee any
questions he wishes to raise. This method was claimed to be par
ticularly effective in building up the morale of workers new to in
dustry, and in curtailing turnover.
7
HOURS AND SHIFTS
The period studied covers the calendar year of 1943. During the
first 5 months of the year the plant operated 3 shifts for 6 days per
week, for a total workweek of 45 hours. (Each 8-hour shift had a
half hour off for lunch.) Because of turnover, separations for military
reasons, and a general tightening of the labor market, a two-shift
system of operation replaced the three-shift system. Under the
second schedule of hours the day-shift employees worked 5 days at
9K horns and a sixth day, Saturday, at 7% hours, for a total of 55 hours
per week. The night-shift employees generally worked 6 days at 9%
hours, or 57 hours per week.
The shifts were not rotated. Workers on the night shift could
transfer to the day shift as openings occurred, preference being given
to workers with the longer seniority in the available job classifications.
As already indicated, the night shift received a bonus of 10 cents per
hour.
Data for the 2 months (M ay and June) during which the transitions
were made were excluded from the comparisons of performances under
the two schedules of hours.
W ORKING CONDITIONS
Working conditions are exceptionally good. The plant is housed in
several very modern buildings which are unusually attractive. The
facades are on modified modern lines, of buff and glass brick, and are
pleasingly landscaped.
All departments are housed on the first floor. There are no win
dows. The air is filtered and washed. The high ceiling is sound
proofed. The floors are made of treated wood blocks. Aisles are
defined by painted lines and are kept clear. Except for the immedi
ate area around the punch presses, the noise is moderate. There are
no fumes or dusts. Lighting is excellent. As aids toward safety and
to facilitate better vision, the top half of each machine is painted cream
white, while the bottom half is painted blue. All equipment is wellguarded and well-spaced and is kept clean.
The large cafeteria serves food at or below cost. Workers may take
their own lunches to the cafeteria. The walls of the cafeteria are
decorated, and its general appearance would be a credit to any good
commercial cafeteria.
There are no organized rest periods. Coffee wagons, selling coffee,
cakes, candy, cigarettes, etc., pass through each department once in
the middle of the morning and again during the middle of the after
noon. The half-hour lunch periods are staggered, to prevent crowding
in the cafeteria.
INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS
The Mechanics Educational Society of America is the recognized
employee bargaining agency in the plant. The handbook which the
company furnishes each employee explains: “ There shall be no dis
crimination on the part of the company against any employee for or
on account of membership in the union, nor any coercion or intimida
tion against any employee by the union for nonmembership in the
union.”
8
Relations between the union and management appear to be very
good. The shop steward of the union, in fact, has his office in the
personnel-relations department.
In its effort to secure and retain a high level of worker morale, the
management takes care to assure its employees that it is very much
concerned with their welfare. Every new employee is given a medical
examination to facilitate proper placement. No discrimination is
made against handicapped workers if they can be fitted into jobs in
which their handicaps do not prevent satisfactory performance.
Employees at their option are furnished with free annual medical
examinations. There is a Federally controlled credit union. Workers
are given the opportunity to obtain life insurance, hospitalization
insurance, and pensions, by contributing part of the insurance cost.
SAFETY
As already indicated, the safety of employees was one of the primary
considerations in the plant lay-out. All equipment is well guarded
and all new employees are given safety training, as well as printed
safety rules. Goggles, special-type shoes, shields, and uniforms are
furnished by the company where required. Prescription goggles are
furnished at less than cost. Safety shoes, sold at cost, are recom
mended for all but the lightest types of work.
Women working at machines are required to wear hair nets or caps.
The uniforms, sold by the company (but furnished free, with laundry
service, on some jobs), are designed for safety as well as for looks.
Safety inspectors circulate through the plant constantly. One of
their tasks is to inculcate safety habits in new employees.
The first-aid and medical-examination rooms are well equipped.
The several part-time doctors are on call at any time. Several nurses
are on duty throughout all working hours. There is an ambulance
for emergency hospital cases.
FINDINGS
1. For the entire group of 311 operators (263 of whom were women)
efficiency— i. e., the average output per employee-hour worked—
decreased by about 5 percent during the longer workweek.
The drop was most marked during the month following the one in
which the transition was made, and was sharp for both the day and the
night shifts. Against an efficiency index of 71.4 in M ay, that for
July was 61.1— a decrease of 14 percent. The fact that July was a
summer month should not have affected the results appreciably, as
the plant is air-conditioned. During the next few months, however,
the efficiency level recovered somewhat, indicating an adjustment
to the longer work schedule after the sharp initial set-back.
2. The efficiency drop for the 159 workers on the night shift during
the longer workweek period studied was nearly twice that of the group
of 152 workers on the day shift. Whereas the efficiency level of this
last group declined by 3.5 percent, that of the night shift declined by
6.5 percent. As the male operators— representing the more experi
enced group— were almost evenly distributed between the two shifts,
this difference can be ascribed directly to the difference in the effi
ciencies of day- and night-shift operations.
CHART I
CHANGES IN WEEKLY HOURS, EFFICIENCY, AND O U TPUT
311 OPERATORS
PERCENT
PERCENT
30
20
10
-10
10
The drop in the efficiency of female operators of the night shift
was in sharp contrast to the experience of the men. Whereas the
efficiency level of the women dropped by 8.7 percent, that of the men
actually increased by 0.7 percent. For the men, therefore, efficiency
during the longer hours of the night shift was as high as during the
shorter hours. For the women, it was substantially lower.
Of interest, too, is the fact that the efficiency of the men on the day
shift during the longer work schedule was 5.8 percent lower than
during the shorter hours. No reason was apparent for the substantially
better performance of the men on the night shift.
For the entire group of female workers, performance during the
longer workweek was 6 percent poorer. M ost of this decrease was due
to the sharp drop in the efficiency level of the night shift pointed out
above. In comparison, the drop for the women on the day shift was
3.1 percent— about one-third of that for the night workers.
3. The time lost because of absenteeism increased more than onehalf during the longer workweek, rising from 2.7 percent of scheduled
hours to 4.2 percent. There was practically no difference in the
absenteeism rates between the two shifts during this period. This
observation is particularly true for the female employees, whose
absenteeism rates remained nearly the same on the two shifts. These
rates, incidentally, exclude time lost because of work injuries.
The company officials believed they had done well to keep the
absenteeism rate at these levels. They readily admitted, however,
that further improvement was possible. New methods were being
tried constantly as the novelty or effectiveness of those being used
wore off. The company used posters, slogans, articles in the plant
paper, talks over the public address system, exhibits of wrecked
German plane wings, “ shot-up” allied motors, etc., to bolster morale.
The emphasis throughout was on the necessity of speeding the war
effort.
If an employee reports back after an absence because of illness, he is
required to report to the first-aid room for a check-up before going to
work. On the other hand, if the employee did not report his absence,
he is required to clear through the personnel office with an explanation
of his absence, before reporting for work.
Several investigators are employed who make calls on absentees
when requested to do so by the foremen. It is claimed that absences
are usually shortened by these interviews.
4. For the entire group, total output increased by 15. 8 percent
during the longer workweek. In comparison, hours were lengthened
by an average of 24. 5 percent. Roughly, 3 hours of additional output
were obtained for every 5 hours of additional work. Putting the
comparison in a different way, workers during the longer workweek
were 93 percent as effective per productive hour, as they had been
during the shorter working schedule.
The hourly output drop of 7 percent represents the combined effects
of lowered efficiency and greater time losses because of absenteeism.
From what has already been said about efficiency of the two
shifts, it would be expected that the performance of the night shift
suffered more than that of the day shift. It did. The output levels
indicate that the 22. 2-percent increase in weekly hours for the day
shift resulted in a 16. 9-percent increase in output. For the night
CHART 2
CHANGES IN WEEKLY HOURS f EFFICIENCY f AND O UTPUT
2 6 3 FEMALE OPERATORS
JAN.-MAY 1943
JULY-OEC. 1943
JAN.-MAY 1943
JULY-OEC. 1943
CHART 9
CHANGES IN WEEKLY HOURS, EFFICIENCY, AND OUTPUT
4 8 MALE OPERATORS
PERCENT
PERCENT
30
20
10
-10
J A M * MAY 1 9 43
or
u n ite o s t a t e s
BUREAU
d e p a r tm en t
or
LABOR STATISTICS
labor
JULY-DEC. 1943
J A M -M A Y
1943
JULY-OEC. 1943
13
shift, on the other hand, a 26. 7-percent increase in hours resulted in
only a 14. 8-percent increase in output. In comparison with the
shorter workweek, the hourly output of the day workers during the
longer week was about 96 percent as effective. That of the night
shift, however, was only 91 percent as good.
As the female operators composed the major part of the group,
their output averages closely approximated those of the department.
A 24. 5-percent increase in hours resulted in a 14. 9-percent increase in
output. M ainly because of the sharper drop in the efficiency of the
night shift, the 26. 7-percent increase in its hours resulted in only a
12. 9-percent increase in output, or 1 hour’s additional output for
every 2 additional homs of work. In comparison, the corresponding
increases of 22. 2 percent in hours and 17. 0 percent in output for the
day shift indicate about 1% horns of additional output for every 2
hours worked.
The experience of this department indicates that the output per
formance of women under a 9^-hour workday is not as good as that of
men, and that the adverse effect of the longer horns is particularly
marked for female operators on the night shift.
5.
In terms of the standard injury frequency rate— i.e., the average
number of disabling injuries per million employee-hours worked—
there was no evidence that disabling injuries occurred more frequently
during the longer working hours.
Case Study No. 8— Metal Bearings
SUMMARY
Although belonging to the same company as the plant described in
case study No. 7, this plant was considerably older and lacked many
of the modern facilities of the new plant. Nevertheless, working con
ditions were good.
The operations studied were essentially man-paced machining proc
esses on metalworking equipment. The work was medium heavy,
weights ranging up to 70 pounds.
Nearly three-quarters of the 150 workers studied were men, most of
whom were experienced operators. The wage-incentive system is
that described in case study No. 7. As in that study, a three-shift
system of 7% hours each had given way to a 55-horn* week for the day
shift and a 57-hour week for the night shift. Shifts remained fixed.
The drop in hourly efficiency of the entire group during the longer
how s exactly matched that of the group of workers studied in the
other plant— 5 percent. And again the night shift’s loss in efficiency
was nearly twice that of the day shift— 6.7 percent against 3.6 percent.
Absenteeism losses under the longer work schedule were nearly
double those under the shorter workweek. In sharp contrast to case
study No. 7, however, the absenteeism loss of the night shift was
nearly twice as high as that of the day shift.
For every additional 5 hours worked, 3 additional hours of produc
tion were gained.
NATURE OF W ORK
The plant in which this study was made belongs to the same com
pany as the one described in case study N o. 7. The plant covered
616184°— 44----- 3
14
in this survey, however, is located in a different part of the city, is
considerably older, and lacks many of the modern facilities of the new
plant.
The department studied is engaged in the production of metal
bearings. The operations consist almost entirely of machining proc
esses on lathes, drill presses, grinders, millers, broachers, and similar
metalworking equipment. The work is essentially man-paced with
very little resting time for the operators.
The weights handled vary from about 1 pound to 70 pounds. All
lifting of heavy parts is accomplished by means of hand cranes.
Women operators are permitted to handle only the lighter materials.
The work may be characterized as medium-heavy, man-paced machin
ing operations.
TYPES OF OPERATORS
Of the force of approximately 150 workers in the department, about
75 percent were men. As this plant has been in operation for a con
siderable number of years, most of the operators had been with the
company for some time and were experienced workers. Few of the
men were below the military draft age limit. The composition of the
group varied little during the period surveyed.
W AGE RATES AND INCENTIVES
The wage-rate structure and the wage-incentive system are those
already described in case study No. 7.
HOURS AND SHIFTS
Prior to April 1943, the department operated three shifts. Allow
ing for the half-hour lunch period on each of the 6 working days, the
actual work schedule during the week totaled 45 hours.
In April 1943, the department changed to two shifts because of a
shortage of workers. The day shift’s new weekly hours totaled 55,
(5 days at 9% hours and Saturday at 7% hours), whereas those for the
night shift were 2 hours longer, with 9% hours worked on each of the
6 working days. The shifts were not rotated. The night shift, how
ever, received an hourly bonus of 10 cents.
The period covered in the survey extends from October 1942
through December 1943. The transitional months of April and M ay
were excluded from all comparisons so as to permit a clean-cut evalua
tion of the effects of the longer working schedules.
W ORKING CONDITIONS
As already indicated, conditions in this plant were not as modern
as those described in case study No. 7. Nevertheless, working con
ditions were good. While the building was not air-conditioned or
soundproofed, ventilation was adequate. There were no fumes or
smoke. Lighting was good. Floors, of wood-block construction,
were clean. Aisles were defined by painted fines and usually were
kept clear. There was some noise, but not in any appreciable volume.
The machines were modern and were maintained in excellent
condition.
15
Showers and locker rooms were adequate and clean. A large,
newly decorated cafeteria served food of high quality at low prices.
There were no organized rest periods. Coffee wagons, selling
coffee, cakes, candy, etc., passed through the department twice during
each shift.
INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS; SAFETY
The discussions concerning these subjects in case study No. 7 are
also pertinent here.
FINDINGS
1. For the entire department, efficiency during the longer hourly
schedules dropped by nearly 5 percent from the levels which had
characterized the shorter workweek.
The drop for the night shift was nearly twice as severe as that for
the day shift. Whereas the rate of output per employee-hour worked
decreased by 3.6 percent for the entire day shift, the output rate for
the night shift— composed for the most part of workers formerly on
the second and third shifts— dropped by 6.7 percent.
It is also pertinent to note that the combined performance of the
second and third shifts was slightly better during the three-shift
schedule than that of the day shift. After the change to longer hours,
it was not so good.
2. The time lost because of unauthorized absenteeism (exclusive
of time lost because of injuries) nearly doubled under the longer hours.
The comparative rates for the shorter and longer work-schedule
periods were 2.7 percent and 5.2 percent, respectively.
The time losses for the late shifts exceeded those for the day shift
considerably under both schedules of hours. In fact, the percentage in
each case was nearly twice as high. Whereas the day-shift rate was
1.7 percent under the shorter hours, the combined rate for the second
and third shifts was 3.6 percent. During the longer hours, the rate for
the day shift rose to 3.6 percent, and that for the night shift to 6.1
percent.
3. For the entire group, output increased to a level 15.4 percent
above that which prevailed during the shorter hours. This increase
was effected by lengthening scheduled hours by 24.2 percent. In other
words, 3 additional hours of production were obtained for every
additional 5 hours worked.
Expressed in another way, during each hour worked under the longer
schedules, workers were about 93 percent as effective as they had been
under the shorter schedules of daily and weekly hours.
The performance of the night shift, which worked 6 nights at 9%
hours each for a weekly total of 57 hours, suffered more than that
of the day shift, which worked 55 hours. For an increase of 22.2 per
cent in hours, the day shift gained 15.9 percent in output. In com
parison, the night shift put in 26.7 percent more hours for a gain
of 14.8 percent in output.
In the terms of the comparison made above, the day shift was
95 percent as effective during the longer hours as it had been during
the shorter hours. The night shift was only 91 percent as good.
4. The effect of the longer workday and workweek was to wipe out
the midweek production peak.
This was true of both the day and night shifts.
CHART 4
CHANGES IN WEEKLY HOURS, EFFICIEN CY, AND O U TPU T
APPROXIMATELY 1 5 0 WORKERS
PERCENT
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OP LABOR
BUREAU OP LABOR STATISTICS
PERCENT
17
The day-shift pattern (chart 5) shows the fourth day of the week,
i. e., Thursday, as the day on which production efficiency was best
under the short workday. The fifth day, Friday, shows a considerably
lower level, with some improvement on the sixth day, Saturday.
CHART 5
DAILY EFFICIENCY PATTERNS UNDER
TWO LEVELS OF HOURS
SUN.
MON.
EFFICIENCY LEVEL
TUES.
WED.
THURS.
FRI.
SAT.
TE V E L
BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS
The level for each 9X-hour workday, in comparison, is definitely
lower than that for the corresponding 7K-hour day. Except for the
drop on Tuesday, there is little difference between the levels for
the first 4 days of the week. Again there is the drop on Friday, with
a slight improvement on Saturday. The higher Saturday level may be
18
directly related to the fact that only 7 K hours were worked on that day.
The night-shift pattern under the shorter schedule of hours resembles
that of the day shift fairly well. The third day is the peak day, but is
closely matched by Friday, the fifth day.
C HA RT 6
DAILY ABSENTEEISM PATTERNS
OAY AND NIGHT SHIFTS
PERCENT (T IM E LOST I
PERCENT (TIM E L O S T )
PERCENT
PERCENT
UNITED STATE* DEPARTMENT OP LABOR
BUREAU OP LABOR STATISTICS
The loss of the midweek peak is more marked for the night shift
than for the day shift. The hourly production levels for the first 3 days
of the longer workweek are constant. The level for Wednesday—
formerly the peak day— is lower, with still lower levels for Thursday
and Friday, the fifth and sixth days.
19
The periods used for comparison included October and November
of 1942 and 1943, so as to rule out possible seasonal effects due to
temperature and other factors.
5.
The lengthening of daily hours occasioned no change in the daily
pattern of time lost because of absenteeism, except to raise the loss
percentages for every day to higher levels.
This was true for both shifts.
Under the shorter hours, absenteeism was highest on the first
workday of the week for the day shift. On the following days of the
week, the loss percentages dropped successively to a low on Friday,
with a fairly sharp rise on Saturday.
The lengthening of the workday by 2 hours for 5 days of the week,
while resulting in a raising of the level for each day, did not cause any
significant changes in the relation of the levels for the individual
workdays, except to raise the Saturday level to the highest in the week,
slightly above that of Moncjay.
The night shift’s highest absenteeism level during the short work
week came on Saturday. During the first 4 days of the week, absen
teeism was at much lower levels, the lowest point being reached on the
fourth day, Thursday. The fifth day, however, averaged a very much
higher loss ratio, and the sixth day, Saturday, it was still higher.
During the longer hours, the pattern reveals a sharp Sunday peak,
with a sharply lower rate on M onday, and a still lower but fairly even
level for Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday— and a very sharp rise
in absenteeism on Friday, the last workday of the week.
The fact that the pattern varied relatively little under the changed
daily hours probably is due to the continued maintenance of the
6-day week under both schedules.
Case Study N o. 9— Airfield Landing Mats
SUMMARY
The operations studied were those required in transforming steel
sheets, weighing about 90 pounds, into airfield landing mats. In
terms of physical exertion, the work was fairly heavy, and was about
evenly divided between machining on metal working equipment and
hand operations.
The survey concerns the effects of a reduction in weekly hours from
58 to 48, substituting an 8-hour day for a 10-hour day (with 8 hours on
Saturday). Only one shift was used during the longer work schedule.
Two shifts were worked during the shortened week. These shifts ro
tated every 2 weeks.
The wage-incentive system used in this department provided pay
ment for output in excess of a fixed standard. On an average, the
bonus earned averaged 25 percent of the base pay.
Hourly efficiency during the shorter workweek was 15 percent
better than that which characterized the longer hours.
There was little difference in absenteeism under the two hourly
schedules. The absenteeism rates were high—from 10 to 11 percent.
Indications were that absenteeism was considerably higher on the
night shift than on the day shift.
The composite result of higher efficiency and about the same ab
senteeism under the shorter horns was a reduction in output per
20
worker of 8 percent from the level achieved under the longer hours.
However, hours had been decreased by twice that percentage— 17
percent. For every 2 horns dropped from the work schedule, 1 hour's
output was lost. Put reversedly, only 9 hours of production had been
realized from 10 hours of labor, under the longer schedule.
W ork injuries were three times as frequent during the longer hours.
NATURE OF WORK
This study deals with the reverse of the situations found in most of
the studies presented thus far. It deals with the effects of a shortening
of working hours; specifically, a reduction in daily hours from 10 to 8,
resulting in a reduction in weekly hours from 58 to 48.
The department studied manufactured airfield landing mats.
Prior to the war it produced steel office partitions.
The work consists of the processing of steel sheets weighing about
90 pounds initially, and is about evenly divided between machining
and hand operations. It can be characterized as fairly heavy, in
terms of the physical exertion required of the workers.
The steel sheets, about 2}{ feet wide and 10 feet long, are trimmed
to size, bead strips are embossed, holes are punched, bayonet fasteners
and slots for interlocking the mats are punched and interlocked, the
holes are embossed, and the resulting mats—now weighing about 65
pounds each— are degreased, painted, baked, bundled, and loaded
into freight cars.
The mats are moved down the production lines by means of convey
ors or overhead tracks. There are about 30 workers on each produc
tion line.
W ORKING CONDITIONS
On the whole, working conditions in this department were good.
Illumination and ventilation were adequate. There were no smokes
or fumes except in the immediate vicinity of the spray-painting
booths. The wood-block floors were kept clean. Aisles were defined
by painted lines and usually were kept clear.
Although there was considerable noise around the punch presses,
the rest of the shop was comparatively free from excessive noise.
Smoking was allowed except in the vicinity of the paint rooms and a
few other hazardous sections of the plant.
The introduction of women workers into the plant necessitated the
construction of lockers for them. The male employees apparently
were benefiting from this, as lockers were being built for them as well,
at the time of this survey.
There were no showers; there was no cafeteria or lunch room— not
even a coffee stand. D ry lunches and drinks could be obtained,
however, from a lunch wagon which stopped outside the plant at lunch
time. A t the time of the survey, the plant employed about 800
workers. (Plans for a cafeteria, showers, etc., are part of the recon
version program of this plant.)
Diming the 8-hour day, there were no scheduled rest periods. It
was estimated, however, that the length of voluntary rest periods
averaged between 20 and 30 minutes per day, utility men replacing the
workers who took time out, in order to maintain a steady flow of
work on the production fines.
21
When 10 hours were worked, there was a scheduled rest period at
the end of 8 hours.
After 1 year’s service, employees were entitled to 1 week’s vacation,
and after 5 years’ service, to 2 weeks.
Group insurance was optional and covered nonindustrial injury and
sickness benefits as well as death benefits. Hospitalization insurance
was available on a voluntary basis.
A nurse from the first-aid room visited homes to take care of re
dressings of work injuries. Every case of reported illness was visited,
also— for treatment as well as verification. Every new employee was
given a complete physical examination. Rest rooms with cots, heat
pads, and simple medications were provided for female employees.
A physician visited the plant daily and attended all serious cases of
injury.
TYPES OF WORKERS
A t the beginning of 1943, about 95 percent of the plant’s operators
were white men, mostly of Balkan origin or descent. There were no
women operators.
In the spring of 1944, white men composed only 40 percent of the
group. The remainder of the force were colored workers. Fully 45
percent of the total force consisted of colored men; the remainder,
15 percent, consisted of colored women. In the hiring of these women
management selected large, heavy workers between the ages of 30 and
45.
There were very few “ old timers” in the department surveyed,
during the period studied. Employees were about evenly divided
between those who had had some industrial experience before coming
to this plant, and those who had had none.
WAGES
Both men and women helpers started at 80 cents an hour. Operaators received 95 cents, utility men $1.05, and leadermen $1.25. The
average hourly rates in the department studied varied between 86
and 89 cents.
A departmental bonus was inaugurated in June 1943. About 2
months earlier the company made public the fact that the bonus plan
had been filed with the War Production Board for approval. The
workers responded with an immediate spurt in output.
A bonus was paid on all steel mats in excess of a set quota. Scrap
was allowed up to 0.5 percent; for each mat scrapped in excess of this
percentage, 2% mats were deducted from the total number of mats
produced by the line in excess of the standard. The bonus varied
from week to week, but averaged about 25 percent of the base pay.
Average hourly earnings, therefore, averaged about $1.10.
The actual scrap percentage varied between 0.5 and 3.0 percent.
The rates probably would have been higher were it not for the fact
that spoiled large mats were reworked periodically into half mats.
The major reasons for scrap were claimed to be green help and care
lessness of operators generally. The practice of laying off workers
for spoilage of dies and mats because of carelessness is said to have
helped materially in curtailing spoilage.
22
HOURS AND SHIFTS
In April 1943, daily hours were increased from 8 to 10, but the
8-hour Saturday was retained. This resulted in increasing weekly
hours from 48 to 58. In December, however, the shorter schedule
was reestablished because management was of the opinion that the
48-hour week and the 8-hour day were more efficient and less produc
tive of absenteeism.
LABOR-MANAGEMENT RELATIONS
Relations between the C. I. O. union (which had the exclusive bar
gaining rights in this plant) and management appeared to be good.
Up to the time of the completion of the survey in the spring of 1944,
there had not been a walk-out or strike, directed at management,
since the outbreak of the war.
Recently a labor-management committee was formed to deal with
questions of production, absenteeism, and safety. This committee,
however, was not in operation during the major portion of the period
surveyed and consequently had little effect on the results of the survey.
THE GROUP SURVEYED
The period covered by this study extended from M ay 1943 through
April 1944— a total of 12 months. During the first 7 months the
weekly schedule consisted of 5 days at 10 hours, and Saturday at
8 hours— a total of 58 hours. During this period, only one shift was
used.
From December through April the 48-hour week was predominant,
with a few weeks in which slightly longer hours were worked. During
this period two shifts were operated.
The average number of employees during the first period was about
80, and during the second period, about 140. As practically all of
these employees were new to this type of work, there was little dif
ference between the performance abilities of the employees during
the two periods compared. Consequently the data used cover the
entire personnel of the department without any attempt to follow
through a selected group of workers.
The periods compared are from M ay through August of 1943, and
from January through April of 1944. During these periods weekly
hours remained fairly constant, with very little variation. (During
the intervening months hours fluctuated considerably). The resulting
comparison is between weeks of 58 and 48 hours; more specifically, it
measures the relative performances during the 8-hour and 10-hour days.
FINDINGS
1. Efficiency during the shorter workday was decidedly better.
A comparison of the two periods shows an average increase of 15.1
percent during the shorter workweek over the level which had pre
vailed under the longer work schedule.
2. There was little difference in the average percentages of time
lost because of absenteeism under the two schedules. During the
10-hour day, this time loss averaged 10.7 percent; during the 8-hour
day, 10.4 percent. In either case, the loss was relatively high.
23
While data were not available to establish the point statistically,
management was convinced that the night shift losses considerably
exceeded those of the day shift. The conclusion to be drawn from
this fact is that the day shift’s absenteeism rate during the shorter
hours was considerably lower than it had been during the longer hours,
and that this reduction was a direct result of the shortening of hours.
Company records convinced management that absenteeism of
colored workers was considerably higher than that of white workers.
CHART 7
CHANGES IN HOURS, EFFICIENCY,
AND O UTPUT
PERCENT
PERCENT
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS
Much of the high absenteeism during the shorter workweek was
attributed to the belief that the colored employees earned more
“ take home pay” than ever before and that such high earnings were
not conducive to steady attendance by a group of workers whose
standard of living had not kept pace with the rise in earnings.
3.
The composite result of the reduction in hours and the changes
in the composition of the work force was an over-all production level
during the shorter workweek that was almost 8 percent lower than
the level during the longer schedule. For an average decrease of
24
15.1 percent in hours worked (and 17 percent in hours scheduled),
the average output level dropped 7.9 percent. In other words, for
every 2 hours dropped from the work schedule, 1 hour’s output was
lost. Putting this conclusion in reverse, every 2 hours added to the
work schedule above 8 per day and 48 per week resulted in only
1 horn’s additional output. Half of the time added was completely
wasted.
4.
Work injuries were about three times as frequent during the
longer hours. Specifically, the average number of first-aid treatments
per 100 workers during the shorter-schedule period averaged 208; the
corresponding average during the longer-schedule period was 680.
The comparison of actual time lost from work because of industrial
injuries reveals much the same result. For every 100 workers on the
pay roll, 23 employee-days were lost per month under the shorter work
schedule, as against 128 employee-days under the longer schedule.
Case Study No. 10— Drills and Reamers
SUMMARY
This study covers the performance of the entire productive personnel
of a small plant employing about 100 persons.
The work was light and almost entirely man-paced. It consisted
of cutting steel rods to proper lengths, and grinding, fluting, and
tempering these lengths into drills and reamers.
The operations were generally carried on by operators working
individually. Little teamwork was required. The wage-incentive
system consisted of a bonus based on each worker’s efficiency, with
fixed increases for specified percentages of additional production above
the standard. There was, however, a ceiling of 30 percent above base
pay beyond which workers were not paid for additional output.
In June 1944, when the survey was made, the plant was on three
shifts of 8 hours each, for 6 days per week. This schedule was attained
after several years of experience with Sunday work. The original
schedule was 5 days at 8 hours, or 40 hours per week. Then followed
a 48-hour week, with a sixth day added. This was followed by a 7-day
week of 56 hours, continued for 5 months. The plant’s absenteeism
record had grown so bad by that time that it was shut down, first,
every third Sunday, then every other Sunday, and finally every Sunday.
This study, therefore, pertains primarily to the effectiveness of
Sunday work. The performances of 30 identical operators were traced
through this entire period.
Efficiency was highest during the schedule in which the plant was
shut down on Sunday. In comparison with the 7-day week, efficiency
was 29 percent greater. If earnings had not been limited under the
bonus plan, the data indicated that this increase probably would have
been as high as 36 percent or more. Efficiency increased as addi
tional Sundays were dropped out of the work schedule.
The output performance of the 30 operators studied was about
7 percent better when no Sundays were worked than when every
Sunday was worked. Had there been no bonus restrictions, weekly
output very likely would have been about 13 percent better, or on a par
with the output when every other Sunday was worked.
25
The survey showed clearly that in this plant Sunday work, on any
basis tried, was uneconomic. This condition was known to exist, but
owing to war pressure the schedule was established and maintained
as long as possible.
Work injuries were not more numerous, relatively, during the
longer workweek.
NATURE OF WORK
This plant is small, usually employing about 100 persons. The
product and processes have not been affected by the war.
The work is light and almost entirely man-paced. It consists pri
marily of machining light pieces of metal rods into drills and reamers.
The work is continuous and affords the operators practically no rest
pauses during the machine processes, although the work is not
machine-paced.
The raw stock consists of soft steel rods 12 to 14 feet long and of
various diameters. Those above one-eighth inch in diameter are
welded into a continuous rod, which is fed through a hardening furnace
at a fixed speed and temperature. The weld is then cut, the oxidized
ends are removed, and the hardened rods are fed through a straighten
ing device. After this they are tempered. Stock one-eighth inch
or less in diameter does not go through this process, but is cut into
drill lengths, which are then hardened in small furnaces.
After being cut to proper lengths, all drill blanks are rough-ground,
pointed, tested for straightness, and then fluted. The fluted drills are
degreased and tempered. The shank ends are annealed, and the
drills are then polished. The operations of finish-grind, cleaning,
sharpening, and stamping complete the process.
M ost operations are carried on by individual operators. Little
teamwork or operation by groups of workers is required.
Observation indicated that employees worked consistently, and
that operators and equipment were well utilized.
WORKING CONDITIONS
The plant occupies two small adjacent one-story buildings. Be
cause of the crowding of equipment, aisles are narrow, but they are
enerally unobstructed. There are no fumes, and ventilation is good,
ilumination is adequate, and noise is moderate. Except in the im
mediate vicinity of the furnaces, there are no excessive temperatures.
Locker rooms, containing wash basins, are adequate and clean.
There is a rest room for women. Because of the small size o f the
plant, and especially because it is filled to capacity with equipment,
there is no lunch room. Coffee, milk, and sandwiches are brought in
on order.
f
LABOR FORCE
The plant normally employs about 100 persons. B y June 1944 it
had expanded to about 175; this number seems to represent the maxi
mum force the plant can accommodate.
Approximately 35 percent of the operators are “ old timers” who
have been with the company for years. Having lost about 100 work
ers to the armed services, the company has had a rather high labor
turnover. Of the operators hired since the outbreak of the war, about
26
two-thirds were new to industry. Only about 5 percent were skilled
operators.
During the year preceding this survey, the company found it neces
sary to employ women. This was done reluctantly, as the data com
piled for the plant executives indicated that it took longer to train new
women workers—most of whom had not had any previous industrial
experience— and that, in general, women had not proved as efficient
as men. As experience with women workers accumulated, it was
found that turnover rates among women were high.
Only about a third of the force consisted of experienced operators.
The others had to be trained for the work, usually “ breaking in” with
the easiest jobs and occasionally being paired with “ old timers” for
more specific training.
WORKING HOURS AND SHIFTS
A t the time of this survey (June 1944), the plant was operating three
shifts of 8 hours each. The actual working time was 7% hours because
of the 15-minute lunch period— paid for by the company. The three
shifts were fixed, i. e., workers did not rotate from one shift to another.
Employment on first, second, and third shifts was in the ratio of
55 : 25 : 20, respectively. As the new employees were hired for the
third shift, with older employees moving to the second or first shift as
vacancies occurred, the third shift was predominantly female. This
shift worked from midnight until 8 a. m.
Women operators were given a rest period of 15 minutes during
each half of the working day.
Until October 1941, the plant had been on a 5-day, 40-hour week.
In that month it started working on Saturday, a sixth day, raising
weekly hours to 48. B y January 1942 the urge for increased produc
tion had become so strong that employees were required to work 7 days
per week. This schedule was kept up until M ay 1942. In that month
the plant began to shut down every third Sunday. In February 1943,
the working schedule was again revised, the plant closing down every
other Sunday. Beginning with July 1943 the plant went back to the
6-day week, on which schedule it has remained.
WAGE RATES AND INCENTIVES
Wage rates were the same for men and women. The starting rate
for an unskilled employee, at the time of the survey, was 75 cents per
hour and was later raised to 85 cents. (These high starting rates
clearly reflect the critical labor situation in the city.) The wage rate
was increased 5 cents a month until a rate of 90 cents per hour was
reached. From that point on, raises were based on minimum pay for
the operation; the top rate was $1.20 per hour. There was, in addi
tion, a bonus of 5 cents for the afternoon and night shifts.
The wage-incentive system, installed in September 1941 while the
plant was on a 40-hour week, consists of a bonus based on each
worker’s individual efficiency. Using a fixed level of hourly produc
tion as a base, the company pays 17 cents per hour for the first 5percent excess above this level. Additional hourly increases in pay
are made for specified increases in efficiency, thereafter— but the in
crease stops at 130 percent, at which rate of efficiency the additional
pay per hour is 40 cents. No bonus is paid for production above this
27
level. This arbitrary level was established because some operations
could be speeded up greatly, whereas others, particularly hand opera
tions, were limited by the skill of the operators. The purpose of the
limitation was to prevent discontent due to differences in bonus
earnings. To eliminate ups and downs in the weekly pay envelope,
the company computes the weekly bonus on the average efficiency for
the preceding 5 weeks.
Only about 70 percent o f the operators were earning bonuses at the
time of the survey. The reason for this was given as the influx of
green help, particularly women operators.
Since 1940, a C. I. O. union has been the exclusive bargaining agent.
The relationship between union and management appears to be good.
The union contract also provides for a 2 weeks' vacation with 80
hours of base pay after 1 year of service, and 1 day of vacation for
each 2 months of service if the employee has been with the company
for less than 1 year. For the duration of the war, employees were
allowed to take pay in lieu of time off.
SAFETY AND WORK INJURIES
Because of the small size of the plant, it had no* safety engineer.
A labor-management safety committee, however, has been fairly
active, and has been particularly effective in helping new employees.
Safety goggles and face shields are issued to all workers engaged in
grinding or polishing operations, and these are usually worn by the
operators. Nevertheless, a considerable number of injuries were due
to foreign particles striking eyes.
The other m ajor type of injury consisted of cuts and abrasions of
hands, particularly among women, and resulted from the winding
operations.
Because of the light nature of the work, safety shoes were uncommon.
There was no first-aid room. On each shift were a number of men
who were trained in first aid. Injuries beyond the scope o f these men
were referred to nearby physicians or hospitals.
SCOPE OF THE SURVEY
The records of 30 identical male operators were traced throughout
the entire period from January 1942 through April 1944. The com
parisons in the findings cover four distinct levels of weekly hours:
(1) The straight 7-day, 56-hour week, for a period of 4 months;
(2) 2 weeks of 7 days and 56 hours followed by a third week of 6 days
and 48 hours, or every third Sunday off, worked for a period of 10
months; (3) a week of 7 days and 56 hours alternating with one of 6
days and 48 hours, or every other Sunday off, worked for 5 months;
(4) a straight 6-day, 48-hour week with every Sunday off, worked for
9 months.
FINDINGS
1.
Efficiency was highest during the 6-day, 48-hour week. In
comparison with the average output per hour worked during the
7-day, 56-hour week, the average efficiency level during the shorter
workweek was 29 percent greater.
There is reason to believe that the level during the shorter work
week would have been higher still had it not been for the company's
28
bonus policy, under which production in excess of 30 percent above
the standard was not compensated. This fact probably explains why
there is only a 1-percent difference between the average hourly effi
ciency during the 6-day week and the schedule under which employees
worked every other Sunday.
When employees were given every third Sunday off, after a long
stretch at 7 days per week, efficiency jumped by nearly 17 percent.
It went up another 11 percent when the plant worked only every
other Sunday. If a similar improvement is assumed in the absence
of a bonus scheme which sets a maximum lim it on production, the
estimated hourly output during the 6-day week would be still higher,
by 6 to 8 percent. In other words, the data suggest that, had there
not been the bonus limitation, the average efficiency during the 6-day,
48-hour week would have been one-third again as high as that of the
7-day, 56-hour week.
N ot only was the 7-day week more costly: it was also only about
75 percent as efficient as the 6-day week.
As chart 8 shows, efficiency clearly improved as additional work—
on Sundays— was dropped. Efficiency was lowest when all Sundays
were worked, and highest when no Sundays were worked.
2.
The time lost because of absenteeism by the 30 selected operators
was lower when Sunday work was discontinued entirely, as against the
schedule under which every other Sunday was worked. The relative
percentages, 7.3 and 8.2, appear to be quite high. The average time
losses during the two earlier periods— 4.1 percent when every Sunday
was worked and 7.8 percent when 2 Sundays were worked out of 3—
are not directly comparable with these figures because during the
earlier schedules the company paid an attendance bonus: $5 for per
fect attendance during the first month, $10 for the second month, and
$15 for the third.
When Sunday work was scheduled, absenteeism was highest on
Sunday. Next in order came Saturday; and third, M onday. A t
tendance was best on Friday— but Friday was pay day.
For the plant as a whole, the absenteeism loss was lowest for the
first shift. Frequently the second shift matched the record of the
first. Although the third shift had only about one-fifth of the entire
force, it was said to account for about 50 percent of the total
absenteeism.
This distribution is partially explained by the fact that the first
shift had the highest proportion of old-time employees, and the third
shift the lowest. The introduction of women operators— most of
whom were assigned to the third shift—further aggravated the situa
tion. The absenteeism rate of the women was reported to be about
twice that of the men. This fact, however, must again be viewed in
the light of the preponderance of women on the night shift.
Management attempted to curb absenteeism by listing the names
of the absentees. But the operators apparently did not care. In
explanation of the high absenteeism rates, management advanced
two reasons: (1) The 7-day week was too long. The men were tired
and wanted some time off, even though it meant the loss of the atten
dance bonus and double pay for Sunday work. (2) Earnings were
high, and the men had no time to spend their money. (The weekly
bonus varied between $5 and $25, averaging about $10 per employee.
Good operators averaged earnings of $1.50 to $1.65 per hour.) Con-
CHART 8
CHANGES IN AVERAGE WEEKLY H O U R S,EFFICIEN CY, AND OUTPUT
30 MALE OPERATORS
PERCENT
PERCENT
40
m
30
20
10
-
-10
-2 0
UNITEO STATES DEPARTMENT OP LABOR
BUREAU OP LABOR STATISTICS
30
sequently the value of money shrank, and the social aspects of spend
ing some time with their families and friends assumed larger propor
tions with the operators.
3. Under the limitation of bonus earnings, the output of the 30
selected— and skilled— operators was highest during the schedule call
ing for work on every other Sunday, i. e., one week at 7 days and the
next at 6. If the assumption of the efficiency level in the absence of
the bonus limitation is sound, however, it appears that the output
level during the straight 6-day week, at 48 hours, would have been
equally as high.
In any case, the data clearly point to the fact that total weekly
output was better as fewer Sundays were worked. The longer the
week because of Sunday work, the lower the total level of weekly
output. The output performance of the 30 operators studied was
about 7 percent better when no Sundays were worked than when
every Sunday was worked. Had there been no bonus restrictions,
weekly output very likely would have been about 13 percent better
or on a par with the output when every other Sunday was worked.
Sunday work clearly was not economic. Instead of increasing
weekly output, it actually decreased it— and at higher labor cost.
4. The incidence of work injuries did not vary in any discernible
relation to the work schedules. As very few of the injuries were
disabling, the comparison was made on the basis of all injuries, most
of which required only first aid.
The average number of injuries per 100 workers per month were as
follows:
Number o f
Work schedule:
injuries
7-day week__________________________________________ 3. 6
Every third Sunday off______________________________ 3.#8
Every other Sunday off------------------3.* 1
Every Sunday off____________________________________ 3. 7
These figures are for the total work force. The fact that the 6-day
week had a higher average than the schedule with every other Sunday
off may be due to the heavier percentage of female operators during
the shorter schedule, and the greater tendency of these operators to
suffer cuts and abrasions of the hands.
Case Study N o. 11— Manufacture o f Shells
SUMMARY
This department produced 105 mm. shells. About 30 operations
were performed on 14 types of metalworking machines. Operations
were man-paced and medium heavy. The shell, dining most processes,
weighed about 26 pounds.
Morale in this plant was excellent, and working conditions were
fairly good. A daily and weekly bonus was paid for all shells above
a daily and weekly quota, and was based on the output of the entire
department of about 100 operators.
The comparison presented here is between a 40-hour week (5 days
at 8 hours), and a 60- and 66-hour week with daily hours at 10 for
the day shift and 11 for the night shift.
Efficiency was markedly lower during the longer workweek. Whereas
hours had increased by 47 percent, efficiency decreased by nearly 22
percent.
31
Absenteeism losses were about 2% times as high during the longer
schedule. The increase was particularly sharp for the night shift.
The composite effect of lower efficiency and higher absenteeism was
an increase in output of only 7 percent— against an increase in actual
weekly hours of 47 percent. In terms of the output rate which
characterized the shorter workweek, this increment in output could
have been achieved by lengthening hours from 40 to 43 or 44 per week.
The difference between this level and the 60 and 66 hours actually
worked appears to have been wasted.
After 7 months at the longer hours, the department went on an
8-hour day and 48-hour week, in the middle of 1944.
NATURE OF WORK
This study covers the experience of a shell department under a
5-day, 8-hour schedule in comparison with a subsequent 6-day, 10- or
11-hour schedule.
This shell department was organized at the outbreak of the war and
manufactures 105*mm. shells. It did not exist before the war. The
rest of the plant is engaged, for the most part, in the production of
machine tools, as in peacetime.
The work consists primarily of the operation of metalworking
machines, such as grinders, millers, lathes, drill presses, and similar
equipment. Most of these operations are man-paced, with the
workers controlling the speed of operations. About 14 types of ma
chines perform about 30 operations on. the shell. The rough casting
weighs about 30 pounds; after the first two operations it is reduced in
weight to about 26 pounds, and remains at about that weight there
after. It passes from machine to machine by means of gravity
conveyors.
Operators have very little idle time during machine processing, even
at the fully automatic machines. When not operating their equipment,
operators are engaged in passing the processed shell to the next
operation, or readying a shell for the machine.
In general, the work may be classified as medium heavy, essentially
machining, primarily man-paced, and affording very little rest to the
operators. A number of observations showed the department to be
operating efficiently and consistently, with good utilization of the
equipment.
Although women were employed on the production lines, the
operations they performed were confined to burring, marking, and
inspecting. These operations do not require them to lift the shells onto
the machines.
WORKING CONDITIONS
Lighting and ventilation were good. There were no fumes or smoke.
Aisles between machines were narrow, but free of obstructions. There
was, however, a considerable volume of shrill noise.
There was a locker room for the women but none for the men.
Sanitary facilities were adequate and clean. A small lunchroom was
located in an adjacent building, and a privately operated cafeteria was
about half a block away. One-half hour was allowed for lunch.
Two rest periods permitted the operators a 10-minute break in the
middle of both the first and the second half of shifts. During these
periods a coffee station offered milk, coffee, cakes, pie, and candy.
32
LABOR FORCE
The work force of this department numbered about 100 at the time
the survey was made (spring of 1944). About four-fifths of the
operators were white men and the remainder mostly white women.
There were a few colored men.
Practically all of the operators were new to the company when hired.
(As already indicated, the shell department was a wartime addition to
the company’s regular activities. It was necessary, therefore, to
recruit a new and additional work force for this department.) Very
few of these new operators had any experience of the type required for
the work in this department. Consequently, practically all of them
had to be trained by the company. In the absence of a formal training
program, new workers— selected for general intelligence— were trained
on the job.
The morale of the workers appeared to be high, primarily because
they could see their direct contribution to the war effort.
The department was not unionized until January 1944. The recog
nized union is a branch of the Independent Welfare Association. The
relationship between the union and management appeared to be
good, and relations between workers and supervisors appeared to be
informal and friendly.
WAGE RATES AND INCENTIVES
The range of hourly wage rates for male machine operators was from
70 to 90 cents. For set-up men, the level was considerably higher,
from 90 cents to $1.15. A bonus of 5 cents an hour was paid to
workers on the second shift. Women received 5 cents less per hour
than men, but were not required to operate machines. Management
was of the opinion that women did not perform as well as men on
machine operations.
A daily and a weekly bonus were paid for output above a set level
of production. These bonus payments were computed on the output
of the entire department.
Three-fourths of a cent was paid for each
shell produced above the daily quota, and one-fourth of a cent for each
shell above the weekly quota. In order to participate in the daily
bonus, an operator had to work the full day. Participation in the
weekly bonus was based on the number of days of participation in
the daily bonus.
Additional individual earnings because of the bonus during 1943
averaged about 35 cents per hour. Hourly earnings of machine
operators therefore ranged, on the average, between $1.05 and $1.25.
Workers were given 1 week’s vacation after a year’s service, with an
additional day for each additional year, up to a maximum of 2 weeks.
Vacation pay was based on the hourly rate and bonus on a 40-hour
week
WORKING HOURS AND SHIFTS
The survey covered a period of 17 consecutive months, from Jan
uary 1943 through M ay 1944. During the first 5 months of this pe
riod, the work schedule called for 5 days at 8 hours, or a total of 40
hours per week. Two shifts were operated, and they were not rotated.
In June, the second shift was dropped, and the first shift went on a
55-hour week, putting in 5 days at 10 hours and a half day on Satur
33
day. In October, however, the second shift was again started. The
men on the day shift stayed on this 55-hour schedule, while those on
the night shift worked 55 hours dining 5 days, putting in 11 hours per
shift. The women workers on these shifts worked the same number
of days as the men, but put in only 50 hours per week. In November,
all workers on the day shift—both men and women— went on a
schedule of 6 days at 10 hours (60 hours per week) and all workers on
the night shift went on 6 days at 11 hours (66 hours per week).
In July 1944, however, the company switched to a three-shift
schedule, with 8 hours per shift, because management was dissatisfied
with the output performance under the longer hours.
ACCIDENT PREVENTION AND FIRST AID
During most of the period surveyed, the company employed both
a safety director and a woman assistant. Frequent safety inspections
were made periodically. New employees were given complete phys
ical examinations and were instructed in both safety and health pre
cautions. (The company even went so far as to give its employees a
blood pressure check-up every 6 weeks.) Although the wearing of
safety shoes was not mandatory, about 85 percent of all employees
wore them. The company contributed 50 cents toward the purchase
of each pair.
A full-time registered nurse was in charge of the first-aid room
during each shift. The room was well equipped and was kept neat
and clean. Injuries requiring other than a nurse’s care were referred
to a nearby physician during the day and a nearby hospital during
the night.
SCOPE OF THE SURVEY
Because very few of the approximately 100 employees of this de
partment were experienced before working for this company, it was
inadvisable to select any particular group for study. In the compari
son between the 40-hour week and the longer work schedules, there
fore, the experience of the entire department was considered.
Similarly, it was deemed advisable to omit the comparison of any
schedules except the 40-hour week and the 60- and 66-hour weeks.
This permitted a comparison of the performances of an average of 85
workers during the shorter week, and about 103 workers during the
longer week. For both periods, data are given for each of the two
shifts.
The first period extends from January to M ay 1943, a total of 5
months. The second covers a comparable seasonal period, from
November 1943 to M ay 1944. The caliber and quality of workers
during the two periods were about the same, permitting a direct
comparison.
FINDINGS1
1.
During the longer workweek, the average efficiency (average
number of shells per productive employee-hour) decreased markedly.
Whereas weekly hours increased on an average of nearly 47 percent,
efficiency decreased by 21.5 percent.
The decrease was slightly more for the day shift, which worked 60
hours per week. The increase of 42.5 percent in actual average
weekly hours (and 50 percent in scheduled hours) was accompanied by
34
a decrease of 22.3 percent in efficiency. For the second shift, with a
scheduled 66-hour week, and an increase of 51.2 percent in actual
average weekly hours, efficiency decreased by 20.6 percent. The data
indicate also that, for some unexplained reason, the efficiency of the
night shift actually was somewhat better than that of the day shift
during each of the two periods.
2.
Absenteeism losses increased sharply during the longer work
hours. During the 40-hour week, the entire group lost 4.7 percent of
the scheduled working days. During the longer schedules, this per
centage rose to 12.2.
The rise of the absenteeism-loss rate was much higher for the night
shift. The rate of the day shift rose from 5.7 percent to 10.8 percent.
The night shift’s loss rate, in comparison, rose from 3.7 percent to
13.3 percent. It must be noted, however, that the day-shift schedule
called for a 10-hour day, whereas that of the night shift called for an
11-hour day.
Company officials were of the opinion that, in part, the higher rates
were due to fatigue and to sharply increased earnings.
35
3.
In terms of total output, the longer hours hardly seemed justified.
For the entire group, the increase of 46.9 percent in actual average
hours— and more than 50 percent in scheduled hours—increased pro
duction by only 7.1 percent. (Production was measured in terms of
average number of shells per employee per week.) This output figure
reflects the changes in both hourly efficiency and absenteeism. Given
the same hourly efficiency and absenteeism loss which prevailed during
the shorter workweek, the additional output gained during the longer
workweek could have been obtained by increasing scheduled weekly
hours from 40 to about 43. On this basis of comparison, about 18
hours per week were entirely unproductive during the longer work
schedule.
It is also significant to note that the levels of efficiency, absenteeism,
and output remained fairly steady, month by month, during the
longer workweek. In contrast, they fluctuated during the shorter
workweek, although not to any great degree.
The output performance of the second shift was slightly better than
that of the first shift, even though it put in a longer workweek. For
36
a 42.5 percent increase in actual weekly hours, the output of the first
shift went up only 5.5 percent. That of the second shift went up 9
percent, for a 51. 2 percent increase in actual average hours worked.
As already indicated, the department went on an 8-hour day and
three-shift operation in the middle of 1944, after about 7 months on
the schedules of long weekly hours.
4. Work injuries were more than half again as frequent under the
longer hours. During the shorter schedule, there were about 109 in
juries (mostly first-aid cases) per 100 workers during a month. Under
the longer hours, this average rose to 163.
The increase in injuries, however, was roughly proportional to the
increase in hours. The increase in average weekly hours worked was
51 percent. The increase in work injuries was slightly above 50 per
cent per 100 employees.
(These high rates were due partly to management’s insistence that
every injury be treated, no matter how slight, in order to prevent
infection.)
5. Another probable result of the long work schedule was a sharply
increased rate of voluntary quits. During the 5-month period
studied under the shorter work schedule, 3.5 workers voluntarily left
the company for every 100 workers on the pay roll. Under the longer
hours, the average rate of quits during the 7-month period studied was
7.1— slightly more than twice as high.
It is impossible to indicate to what extent this higher figure reflected
experience with different types of workers, and to what extent it was
due to longer hours. It is very likely that both of these factors
are reflected in the sharp increase in the quit rate.
Case Study N o. 12— Finishing Department in a Foundry
SUMMARY
The operations studied were those usually found in the finishing
department of foundries— chipping, grinding, welding, and cleaning
of castings. All the work was man-paced, and ranged from medium
heavy to heavy, depending on the size of the castings. Voluntary rest
periods consumed from 30 to 45 minutes per day.
During 1942, the department had a work schedule of 6 days at
8 hours. During 1943, hours Were increased to 9 per day and about
55 per week. There was no wage incentive.
The survey revealed that the efficiency of the men was as good under
the longer hours as it had been under the shorter schedule. This
parallels a similar finding when weekly workdays were reduced from
6 to 5, with daily horns remaining at 10.1
Absenteeism increased by about one-third. Because of this increase,
the output level did not increase in direct proportion to the increase in
hours. For each 3 hours added, only 2 hours of output were achieved.
NATURE OF WORK
This study covers the finishing department of a small steel casting
foundry. The operations studied are identical with those of the usual
1See Case Study No. 1—Nonferrous-Metal Foundry, in Bulletin No. 791, p. 5.
37
small foundries. They embrace the operations of cleaning, grinding,
chipping, and welding of castings delivered to this department after
having been poured in the molding department. Nearly all of the
production is directly related to the war effort, the castings being for
parts of landing barges, tanks, and similar war materials.
Risers on the castings are cut off with acetylene torches. The
castings are then sandblasted and moved to the grinders. Small pieces
which can be manipulated easily by hand are processed on stationary
stand grinders. Large pieces are placed on work tables, are securely
fastened, and are then processed by the use of swing grinders. These
grinders are mounted on cranes, are well balanced, and are easily
moved. After the grinding, the castings are taken to the chippers for
rough chipping. Cracks in other than vital areas are welded; then the
castings are sent to the annealing furnace, and after being annealed
they are again sandblasted, chipped, and ground.
All of these processes are entirely man-paced. The work ranges
from medium heavy to heavy, depending on the size and weight of the
castings (which vary between twenty and several hundred pounds in
weight), and affords very little time for rest during machine operations.
The operators take time out occasionally. These voluntary rest
periods total from 30 to 45 minutes per day.
Observation indicated that the operators in this department worked
consistently and efficiently. (The molding department was excluded
from the survey because of evidence of deliberate pacing during the
shorter workweek.)
WORKING CONDITIONS
The plant is comparatively new and has been enlarged several
times during the last few years. Consequently, the plant lay-out and
facilities are, in some respects, better than those found in the average
foundry.
Foundry work usually is dirty, heavy, and sometimes hot. This
foundry followed the usual pattern. Illumination was adeqruate,
generally, and very good in some sections of the department. There
was considerable noise due to the chipping, grinding, and blasting
operations. Sand on the floor absorbed some of the noise.
Powerful fans in the roof exhaust smoke and fumes during the
summer and usually keep the average temperature from going above
90 degrees. During the cold winter months, however, the ventilating
problem is complicated, because only a small amount of cold outside
air can be admitted without causing a faint haze to collect throughout
the plant (but considerably above the heads of the workers).
While there is evidence of some congestion owing to the piling of
waste materials, aisles generally were clear of obstructions.
Hand or power cranes are provided forithe lifting of heavy castings.
The men usually limit manual lifting to about 75 pounds.
Locker rooms and showers are large, neat, and clean. There is no
lunchroom, and no coffee stand. Most employees bring their own
lunches or eat at nearby lunch rooms during the half-hour lunch period.
LABOR FORCE
The force for the entire plant numbered about 160 at the time of the
survey (early summer of 1944). The force of the department studied
varied from an average of 80 during 1942 to 65 during 1943.
38
The personnel in the finishing department, as in the plant generally,
consisted largely of men from Balkan countries, or first-generation
Americans of Balkan descent. About a third of the men were colored.
Of the total group, about half had been with the company for several
years. Most of the remainder were new to industry.
The armed forces have drawn away about 150 men since the out
break of the war, thus creating a severe turnover problem. It has
been difficult to attract new help because of the nature of the work,
and because of the availability of light work at higher pay at a nearby
plant producing planes. The decrease in the average work force is
due largely to these factors, as is also the lengthening of hours.
WAGE RATES AND INCENTIVES
Wage rates, early in 1944, varied from 82% cents per hour for
grinders to $1.15 for welders. All work was done at straight hourly
rates. There was no wage incentive of any kind.
There are two A. F. of L. unions in the plant, representing, respec
tively, the molders and coremakers, and the other foundry workers.
Neither of the unions appears to have much strength in this plant.
The union contracts call for 3 days’ vacation with 20 hours’ pay
after 6 months of service, and 1 week’s vacation with 40 hours’ pay
after 1 year’s service.
HOURS AND SHIFTS
During 1943 the finishing department worked 5 days at 9% hours
and on Saturday from 4 to 8 hours. Some individuals, however,
worked 7 days per week on occasions, and at times 11 hours per day.
During 1942, the department averaged between 44 and 48 hours.
The prevailing schedule called for 6 days at 8 hours, although fre
quently only a half day was worked on Saturday.
There was only one shift throughout the 2-year period studied.
Work began at 6 a. m.
WORK INJURIES
First aid was administered by a member of the office staff who had
been trained in giving such service. The first-aid room was equipped
to render routine service. Injuries demanding more skilled attention
were sent to a neighborhood physician, or, if necessary, to a hospital.
A doctor was in the plant three afternoons each week. All new em
ployees were given physical examinations.
Most of the injuries were minor cuts, abrasions, or contusions.
Foreign particles in eyes and sprains constituted the next highest
groups and indicate the desirability of the enforced wearing of goggles,
and education in the proper methods of lifting.
Protective clothing and protective devices, such as goggles, gloves,
leggings, and aprons, were furnished by the company for occupations
which required them. Safety shoes were worn by only about 10 per
cent of the workers. Because of the manpower shortage, manage
ment was reluctant to enforce the use of protective clothing and
devices— the men generally seemed apathetic to the safety measures
available.
With a view to lessening the turnover of new employees, applicants
for jobs were taken through the plant to see the advantages and dis
39
advantages of the work. Upon being hired, employees were instructed
in the basic safety regulations; there were no other organized accidentprevention activities.
SCOPE OF THE SURVEY
The survey covered the years 1942 and 1943. The months of June,
July, and August— during which scheduled hours were somewhat
erratic because of summer heat—were excluded in each of the two
years. The comparisons are between the shorter hours during 1942
and the longer hours during 1943. In 1942 the average weekly hours
were slightly less than 48 (47.6) and in 1943, nearly 55 (54.7).
Production records were available only in terms of pounds of cast
ings produced, and only for the entire department. As the types of
castings produced remained essentially the same during the two
years, the use of weight as a criterion of efficiency and total output
seemed adequate.
In the absence of production data for individual workers, the
department was studied as a whole. In view of the turnover during
the period, especially among new employees who disliked the work or
left for better-paying jobs, the comparison between the two periods
tends to overstate the efficiency of the longer work schedule because
of the heavier proportion of experienced workers during the year in
which this schedule was worked. During the shorter schedule the
average work force averaged 80 men.* This number had shrunk to
65 during the year with the longer daily and weekly hours.
FINDINGS
1.
Efficiency (i. e., average pounds of castings produced per pro
ductive employee-hour worked) remained essentially unchanged dur
ing the longer hours, as compared with the shorter hours during the
preceding year. It actually increased slightly, by 0.2 percent.
Apparently the operators were able to maintain the same pace
under the 8- and 9%-hour days. The finding that the efficiency of
men on day work and without any wage incentive remained about
the same at levels of long and short hours, parallels a similar finding
in an earlier study,1 also in a foundry, in which scheduled hours had
been decreased from 60 to 50 by retaining a 10-hour day but elimi
nating Saturday work.
In the light of other findings for men working under wage incen
tives, the conclusion appears warranted that, in this department at
least, men on day work— and apparently operating at a slower tempo
than if on piece work or under other wage incentive— can perform as
effectively imder a 9%-hour day and 55%-hour week as they can under
an 8-hour day and 48-hour week. In other words, the pace under
the shorter workweek was not so fast as to be impaired when the work
day and workweek were lengthened.
It is also likely that the high morale of the workers during 1943—
a wartime morale—had an important bearing on the maintenance of
an efficiency level which might have dropped appreciably had the
longer hours been in force imder peacetime conditions. A high morale
was clearly evident in the spring of 1944, when this survey was made.
1See Case Study No. 1—-Nonferrous-Metal Foundry, in Bulletin No. 791, p. 5.
40
2. Scheduled workdays lost because of absenteeism from work
increased from 6.6 percent to 8.9 percent, or by about one-third.
3. Because of the increase in absenteeism, the average output per
man per week increased only two-thirds as much as did average hours
worked per week. Against an increase of weekly hours of 14.9 per
cent, output increased by 9.5 percent. For every 3 hours of addi
tional worktime, output increased by the equivalent of 2 hours’ pro
duction under the shorter work schedule.
Even though efficiency remained as high, the average effectiveness
of each productive hour under the longer work schedule was only
about 95 percent as high as it had been under the shorter workweek.
U, S. GOVERNMENT PRINTSNG CFFICt.
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