View original document

The full text on this page is automatically extracted from the file linked above and may contain errors and inconsistencies.

The Role of Monetary Policy in the
Current Macroeconomic Environment
Promoting Economic Growth: What Monetary Policy Can And Cannot Do
National Association For Business Economics 43rd Annual Meeting
New York, New York
September 10, 2001

I

n taking up the topic of this panel discussion Promoting Economic Growth: What
Monetary Policy Can and Cannot Do, I’m
tempted to refer you to Milton Friedman’s
1967 presidential address to the American
Economic Association, “The Role of Monetary
Policy,” and then sit down. But I won’t. What I
will do is organize my remarks around some of
the ideas noted in Friedman’s famous lecture.
Friedman’s lecture is directly relevant to
today’s situation because the economy is suffering from a real disturbance in the form of sharp
decline in demand for high-tech equipment. To
what extent can monetary policy deal with this
real disturbance? What are the opportunities and
what are the dangers?
Before proceeding, I want to emphasize that
the views I express are mine and do not necessarily
reflect official positions of the Federal Reserve
System. I thank my colleagues at the Federal
Reserve Bank of St. Louis for their comments,
especially Robert Rasche, director of Research,
and Kevin Kliesen, economist in the Research
Division. I retain full responsibility for errors.

REAL AND NOMINAL VARIABLES
In his presidential address, Friedman emphasized that monetary policy ultimately only affects
nominal variables, such as nominal interest rates
and the price level. The effects may be seen in
both level form and rates of change. Consequently,
the central bank cannot expect to be successful

in targeting any real variable. The effects on real
variables, such as real GDP growth and the
unemployment rate, are transitory in nature and
not very predictable.
The way I’ve stated this proposition is not
quite right, because there is ample evidence to
support the view that the monetary instability
damages economic efficiency and thereby reduces
economic growth. The converse of this observation is that monetary stability promotes higher
real growth. Moreover, timely policy actions can
help to stabilize real activity—that is, reduce the
variance of real growth. Friedman was very skeptical that activist policy could be systematically
successful; he argued, often and eloquently, that
the best we are likely to be able to do is to adopt
steady money growth as the policy rule. I believe
that we have evidence from U.S. monetary policy
since 1982 that it is possible to adjust policy in a
stabilizing way. However, I’ll simply assert and
not argue that point here.
My framework is this. First and foremost, the
central bank must maintain a commitment to low
and stable inflation. If the central bank does not
achieve that goal, no one else can. If inflation
comes unstuck, all sorts of other problems will
arise. Second, within the confines of the goal of
low inflation, the central bank has some flexibility
to lean against fluctuations in output and employment. However, the central bank ought not to
pursue the goal of stabilizing economic activity
so aggressively that it runs any substantial risk
of compromising the goal of low inflation.
1

MONETARY POLICY AND INFLATION

Finally, in leaning against fluctuations in
growth and employment, the central bank ought
not to have goals for levels of the economy’s
growth and unemployment rates per se. Within a
wide range, we don’t know what the economy’s
equilibrium rate of growth is, and what rate of
unemployment will clear the labor market in the
long run. We run the biggest risks of a major monetary policy mistake if we attempt to target the
levels of real variables.

THE TECH TUMBLE
Growth in the aggregate economy has slowed
to a crawl this year, but the composition of
demand has been uneven. Residential structures
investment has been pretty strong; consumption
growth, though lower than last year, has held up
OK. The tech sector has taken a real tumble.
The allocation of production across various
goods is not something the Federal Reserve can
control. A couple of years ago, when many farmers
in the St. Louis Fed District were suffering from
drought, I often heard pleas that the Fed should
help agriculture by lowering interest rates. My
answer was always, “the Fed cannot make the
rain fall.” Today, with all the excess telecom
capacity, I offer the same sort of reply: the Fed
cannot make college kids call home more often.
The economy is working through a period of
excess production capacity in information technology and related equipment. Some of the adjustment will take care of itself as demand recovers
from temporary weakness. I do not mean to minimize the problem by using the word “temporary.”
The decline in demand has been large and has
been ongoing for about a year now. We have no
guarantee that demand will rebound quickly next
quarter or the one after. Still, in time, investment
in high-tech equipment will recover in the normal
course of events.
Besides this cyclical adjustment, however,
there may be some longer-run adjustments that
will eliminate certain firms. We don’t know what
business models will work in the Internet world,
and with any new technology it takes a while to
figure out what models yield reliable earnings
2

over time. The Fed has no way to address the
problems of this or any other specific sector of
the economy.
What the Fed can do, at least to some extent,
is prevent problems in specific sectors from
becoming general problems. That is exactly how
to view monetary policy this year. Tech investment is down, but housing investment and consumption have been maintained pretty well.
Declining interest rates have certainly assisted
in supporting aggregate demand.
Cushioning the effects of the tech tumble on
other sectors is no mean accomplishment. So far,
things have gone reasonably well considering the
magnitude of the disturbance. This point is an
important one. Given that monetary policy cannot
determine the sectoral composition of output,
success must be measured not by the speed and
extent of revival in high-tech manufacturing but
by the performance of the aggregate economy.
No one knows for certain whether the economy
can escape an actual decline in real GDP, but the
fact that we have done so to date and that many
adjustments are now well along suggests that we
have an excellent chance of doing so. And I say
these things despite the dismal employment
report last Friday.

DEALING WITH UNCERTAINTY
If the economic boiler has a hole, with weak
tech investment draining away steam pressure,
it seems logical to turn up the fire to keep the
pressure high enough that the economic locomotive wheels keep turning. But how much should
we turn up the fire? Is the tech hole in the boiler
growing or healing itself?
How should policymakers cope with this
uncertainty? One of Friedman’s important
points—that knowledge of how monetary policy
affects the real economy is incomplete—requires
the Fed to be cautious in responding to current
developments. In a 1968 statement that rings as
true today as it did then, Friedman said: “We
simply do not know enough to be able to recognize minor disturbances when they occur or to

The Role of Monetary Policy in the Current Macroeconomic Environment

be able to predict either what their effects will be
with any precision or what monetary policy is
required to offset their effects...Experience suggests that the path of wisdom is to use monetary
policy explicitly to offset other disturbances only
when they offer a ‘clear and present danger’.”
A great source of strength in our current situation is that the market, as best I can tell, holds
rock-solid expectations that the trend rate of inflation will remain low, in the neighborhood of
where it has been in recent years. It seems unlikely
that economic behavior today and in the near
future will be driven by expectations of rising
inflation. Still, that fact does not mean that inflation cannot rise. Moreover, inflation could—I am
not forecasting that it will—creep up even though
demand is not rising vigorously. For example,
we’ve seen substantial wage increases in the airline industry; if airlines are to be profitable over
time, they will have to recover those costs through
some combination of productivity gains and price
increases, even though travel demand is not currently strong.
The Fed monitors the economy very carefully.
The Beige Book process is a valuable supplement
to the formal statistical information we follow.
Watching current data, and gathering anecdotal
information, helps us to identify changes in economic conditions in timely fashion. Nevertheless,
my own conviction is that we should not rely
too much on current observations on the state of
the economy—both activity and inflation—but
watch carefully direct measures of the thrust of
monetary policy itself. We have ample evidence
from history that the effects of monetary policy
actions are stretched out over time, and that those
effects are not easy to predict from current price
and production data. I believe that there is information in the monetary aggregates on the thrust
of monetary policy and that we ignore that information at our peril.

THE MARKET AS ALLY
Economic policy of all sorts works better
when it harnesses market forces, rather than fights
with them. Monetary policy is no exception.

In fact, because monetary policy works
through the financial markets and because these
markets are forward looking, market anticipations
of policy actions play a significant role in the
effectiveness of monetary policy. When discussing
what monetary policy can and cannot do, the
issue of improving the predictability of policy is
of great importance. One way to see this point is
to imagine that we have already identified a policy rule that is effective in achieving policy goals
and highly predictable. Now imagine degrading
that policy by adding a purely random component
to it. Doing so not only would induce inappropriate policy settings but also would provoke inappropriate market responses because the market
would have a more difficult time figuring out the
direction of policy. Working to reduce the component of policy that appears to the market to be
random and unpredictable will, therefore, pay
significant dividends.
If the markets are confident that the central
bank will take appropriate action, the timing of
that action is not critically important. Bond yields
began to fall last year long before the Fed first cut
the intended federal funds rate in early January
this year. The benefits of last year’s declines in
long rates in supporting this year’s housing and
consumer durables expenditures are clear.
For the bond market to contribute importantly
to economic stabilization, as I believe it does,
Federal Reserve policy must be predictable.
Milton Friedman thought that predictability
required steady growth in monetary aggregates,
but clearly the current system has also proven to
be highly predictable. I do not mean to imply that
short-term interest rates can be predicted long
in advance, for rates should and do respond to
events that cannot themselves be predicted. But
if the Fed’s policy actions in response to events
is highly predictable, then the market can respond
efficiently to those same events. Further, to the
extent that the market can predict certain events
better than the Fed can, interest rates will change
sooner than the Fed could change them.
Our understanding of this process is incomplete, but I think we’ve made a lot of progress in
recent years. One of the important things that the
3

MONETARY POLICY AND INFLATION

Federal Reserve can do is to continue to improve
the flow of information about what it is doing
and why. The Fed took a highly productive step
in February 1994 when it began releasing its policy decision promptly at the conclusion of each
FOMC meeting. The St. Louis Fed is devoting its
October research conference to the issue of Fed
transparency, and I’m hopeful that continuing
research on this topic will shed new light on how
the Fed can improve its communication with the
market.

SUMMARY
To summarize my argument, monetary policy
is above all responsible for the economy’s trend
rate of inflation. That is every central bank’s central responsibility.
Success in keeping the rate of inflation low
and stable yields many dividends. One is that
market expectations of inflation remain low and
change little over time. That environment provides
maximum scope for the central bank to adjust
policy to cushion real disturbances—to reduce
the variance of real growth and employment.
However, it is dangerous for policy to attempt to
hit real targets; we know that, in the long run,
monetary policy determines nominal and not
real magnitudes.
In today’s economy, we do not know where
the unemployment rate will settle after the economy’s growth resumes, nor do we know what that
growth rate will turn out to be. I am an optimist
on long-run growth but know that uncertainty
over the rate is considerable. For that reason, setting monetary policy to achieve a particular rate
of growth is hazardous.
Finally, we should not underestimate the
importance of the markets in contributing to
economic stabilization. The market is inherently
monetary policy’s friend, and we should do everything possible to improve market understanding
of the course of policy.

4