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oSTATEMENT' E|Y
/
o
W I L U A « M. ¡ISAAC
CHAIRMAN
FEDERAL DEPOSIT INSURANCE CORPORATION
WASHINGTON, D.C.
- T v H.R. 5734, FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS EQUITY ACT OF 1984




( BEFORE THE

C COMMITTEE

ON BANKING, FINANCE AND URBAN AFFAIRS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

\0:00 a.m.
Tuesday, June 12, 1984»
Room 2128, Rayburn House Office Building

Mr. Chairman, members of the Committee, I'm pleased to have
this opportunity to express our views on H.R. 5734, the Financial
Institutions Equity Act of 1984.
Developments in our financial-services markets have been
moving rapidly.

Those developments have created many inequities —

both among our depository institutions and between depository
institutions and other providers of financial services —
to be addressed.

which need

Moreover, we have deregulated the liabilities of

our depository institutions, and they must be given the flexibility
of added powers on the asset side to maintain their future
viability.

Finally, significant reforms to our deposit insurance

system are urgently needed.
Definition of a Bank
Section 2 of H.R. 5734 offers a definition of a bank.
We would offer an alternative.

In order to maintain a stable

financial system the public needs to have confidence in the
institutions in which it deposits its funds.

For at least the

past 50 years, the term "bank" has been synonymous with such
institutions.

If we are to redefine the term "bank," this

essential characteristic should be kept in mind.




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A "bank," in our judgment, is an entity the public
believes is or should be a safe-haven for its funds at least up
to some specified amount.

The key element, in terms of public

perception, is whether an organization holds itself out to the
public as a "bank" by using that term in its name.

If any

organization calls itself a bank, and accepts funds from the
public, it ought to be required to be FDIC insured and
regulated as a bank.*

No entity should be FDIC insured unless

it both accepts deposits and uses the term "bank" in its name.
This definition would close the "nonbank.bank"
loophole.

It would also subject banks and thrifts that choose

to look like banks to the same regulatory treatment (and at
least impede current efforts by some banks to convert to thrift
charters in order to obtain more permissive capital and
accounting standards).

Finally, it would prevent a recurrence

of tragedies like those we recently witnessed in Iowa and
Tennessee, where uninsured banks failed causing thousands of
people to lose their savings at entities that held themselves
out to the public as "banks."

*This would not apply to government entities, charitable
organizations and the like. Laws limiting the use of the term
"bank" to licensed depositories currently exist in a number of
states.




- 3 Expanded Bank Powers
To help achieve a more responsive and equitable financial
system, we believe banks should be authorized to engage in a broader
range of financial services.

This would enable banks to develop new

sources of income to help offset the cost of liability deregulation
and achieve a degree of asset diversification commensurate with
their nonbank competitors.

Most importantly, the American public

would be the direct beneficiary of increased competition.
To ensure that the stability of the banking system is not
compromised, we believe it appropriate to divide financial services
into two broad categories:

those that are offered in an agency

capacity and those that are offered by a bank as principal.

We

believe there is very little risk in a well-managed bank acting as
an insurance, real estate or securities agent or broker, and we
would authorize these activities to be conducted in the bank itself.
When it comes to underwriting insurance or securities or
developing real estate, the risks are greater.

Accordingly, 1 would

authorize these activities only in affiliates of banks.

I also

recommend other safeguards, such as requirements for separate
capitalization and funding, different names and logos, and strict
limits on interlocking management and directors.

Safeguards such as

these would insulate banks from the greater risks these activities
entail and also promote fairness with respect to nonbank competitors.
The FDIC has the responsibility, shared with state banking
authorities, of supervising state-chartered nonmember banks.




- 4 Because some states have authorized, or proposed to authorize, their
state-chartered banks to engage in some activities not authorized to
national banks, we have sought to determine what risks these
activities may pose to the safety and soundness of banks. Our
efforts have involved advance notices of proposed rule making,
through which we have sought public comment, and internal studies of
the various industries concerned.

Our advocacy of expanded powers

for commercial banks is founded on the conviction that commercial
banks, if they are to remain competitive, must have the flexibility
to provide diversified financial services to their customers, as do
their nonregulated competitors.

Our studies and our day-to-day

experience on the firing line do not not suggest that the potential
safety and soundness problems outweigh the clear benefit to the
industry as a whole and the American public which will flow from
expanded authorities.
Role of the FDIC
At this point, Mr. Chairman, I would like to say a few words
about the FDIC and its role in the federal regulatory system.

The

fundamental premise upon which the FDIC operates is that the public
wants stability in the banking system.

We also believe the deposit

insurance system should not become a drain on the U.S. Treasury
that is, it should continue to finance itself through bank assess­
ments and interest earned on its investment portfolio.

In

considering reforms to maintain stability and fairness in a more
competitive financial services industry, it's imperative that we




- 5 address the measures necessary to maintain the vitality of our
federal deposit insurance system.
We believe it's essential that the FD1C emphasize and
strengthen its role as insurer of all banks.

To achieve this

objective we intend to de-emphasize our role as a routine supervisor
of state nonmember banks and reallocate our resources to those areas
where our exposure is greatest —
banks.

to larger institutions and problem

This requires that we cut back on our examinations of

smaller, nonproblem banks.
We do not currently have the powers necessary to adequately
carry out our primary function as insurer of all banks.

We strongly

urge that Congress promptly consider H.R. 5738, which Mr. Wylie
introduced on our behalf last month.

Our proposed legislation would

strengthen and refine the provisions of the Federal Deposit
Insurance Act.
H.R. 5738 would authorize the FDIC to replace the present
system of fixed-rate deposit insurance assessments with a system in
which the assessment rebates vary according to bank risk.

It also

proposes that banks be charged for all above-normal costs of
supervision, such as the more frequent examinations that problem
banks require.

Requiring problem banks to pay more for deposit

insurance and supervision, instead of spreading the cost among all
banks as we do now, would provide an incentive for banks to correct
their problems promptly and would certainly be more equitable than
the present system.




We believe we currently have the capability to

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implement a comparatively modest variable-rate assessment scheme
based on sound, objective measures of risk.

Over time, as we gain

more knowledge about the factors affecting bank riskiness, we will
revise and improve the system.

While these proposals will not have

a drastic effect on bank behavior, we believe they are steps in the
right direction.

I might add that this proposal was unanimously

endorsed by the Bush Task Group and the A.B.A. Leadership Conference.
H.R. 5738 also would provide the FDIC the tools it needs to
limit its exposure to loss in problem banks by granting the FDIC the
authority to take the full range of enforcement actions against any
bank it insures.

Today we have that authority only with respect to

state nonmember banks, which, because of their generally small size,
present the least exposure to the insurance fund.

With respect to

state member banks and national banks, we currently have authority
to terminate an institution's deposit insurance, but not to issue
cease-and-desist orders, levy fines or remove or suspend bank
officers or directors.

This is of great concern to us because

national and state member banks represent the larger institutions
that pose the greatest potential exposure to the deposit insurance
fund.

Since authority to terminate a bank's deposit insurance is

useful in only the most extreme situations, these less drastic
enforcement powers would be of considerable benefit.

This proposal

was also unanimously endorsed by the Bush Task Group and the A.B.A.
Leadership Conference.




I might note that we recently entered into cooperative
examination programs with the Comptroller of the Currency and the
Federal Home Loan Bank Board for federally chartered banks and
thrifts insured by the FDIC.

These programs will help us monitor

our exposure in banks we insure and prepare in an orderly way for
their failure when it cannot be avoided.

These two agencies are to

be commended for putting the overall good of the system ahead of
interagency political concerns.

It's our hope that a similar

arrangement can be worked out with the Federal Reserve and/or the
states for state member banks.
Our proposed legislation would also curtail the insurance
coverage on deposits made in banks by insured depository
institutions and federal government agencies.

These entities are

currently placing billions of dollars in fully insured accounts at
troubled banks and thrifts based solely on the rates of interest
paid.

Credit unions, S&Ls, commercial banks and government agencies

clearly ought to be able to make informed judgments about the
condition of the financial institutions in which they place their
funds.

If they were forced to make such judgments, banks and

thrifts would have a powerful incentive to curb excessive
risk-taking.
We are not moved by the argument advanced by some credit
unions that they are such unsophisticated lenders that deposit
insurance is essential for funds placed by them.

If credit unions

are unable to retain competent financial advisors, they can place




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their funds through an established network of corporate centrals
which have been formed for the purpose of investing excess funds
from member credit unions.

Unfortunately, many credit unions choose

not to use this convenient vehicle because they are able to receive
an extra 25 or 50 basis points by dealing, directly or through
brokers, with problem banks.

During 1983, deposits placed at

corporate centrals by credit unions actually declined despite an
$8.5 billion increase in overall credit union deposits.
By creating checks on risk-taking, we would be helping to
ensure the continued strength and effectiveness of the federal
deposit insurance system —

and we would be reinforcing our

commitment to the American public to maintain stability in the
financial system.
Our proposed legislation includes a number of other
refinements designed to increase discipline in the financial system,
such as strengthening our authority to remove or suspend officials
and streamlining our Section 8(a) procedures.

To better enable us

to determine the condition of an institution we insure, we would
have the power to define, in connection with FDIC examinations,
which companies are bank "affiliates."

Standard priorities would be

established for distributing the assets of failed insured banks.
Importantly, those claims that are categorized as "contingent" would
be subordinate to the claims of depositors.

Since contingent claims

generally relate to commercial transactions (such as loan
participations and letters of credit) with financial institutions




and other businesses, these firms would have an additional reason to
ascertain the soundness of banks with which they do business.

The

proposed legislation also relaxes the restrictions on Deposit
Insurance National Banks, making them much more useful vehicles for
handling bank failures, especially large ones.

The FDIC would be

established as the receiver for all insured banks that fail.
Finally, the procedural requirements that state banks must fulfill
before they are eligible to branch would be relaxed.
We urge the Committee, in the strongest possible terms, to
immediately consider these proposals for deposit insurance reform,
either as part of a larger package or —
feasible —

should that not prove

as a separate bill.

Conclusion
In July of 1983 1 suggested legislation to the Congress for a
moratorium/divestiture bill, which in many respects parallels the
bill before you today.

When I submitted that language, I urged

against its enactment, favoring instead comprehensive legislation.
There is still time, and a real need, for Congress to address
the issues of bank powers and deposit insurance reforms.

Events in

the marketplace are moving far faster than the legislative,
regulatory and insurance systems.

Most of the issues before us have

been debated for years and are well known to you and members of this
Committee.

We continue to urge enactment of a comprehensive package.

Mr. Chairman, you have been an effective leader of this
Committee with a vision of the future.




I've listened closely to

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your words over the years I've been in government.

I'm certain you

recognize the need for substantial reform of our nation's
financial-services industry.

I believe you would like to move ahead

as rapidly as is politically feasible with much needed, progressive
legislation.

I hope you'll find it possible to do that in 1984 and

not settle for H.R. 5734.
Should you find it necessary to enact a limited measure, we
totally support your position that divestiture, rather than
grandfathering, is the appropriate way to handle nonconforming
activities no matter when commenced.

We will forward in a few days

some amendments to H.R. 5734, which we believe will be helpful.