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CtE:\¿ELiAliD. ADDRESSES. HOSKINS.

12.

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9:00 a.m., E.S.T.
May

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Rethl nki ng the Regulatory Response

to

Ri

sk-taki

ng

in

Banklng

!,1. Lee Hoskins, presldent
Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland

a Bankers Associ ailon
Annual Convenilon

Pennsyl vanl

Baltirnore, Maryland
May

23,

I 989

EDEßAL RESERVE BANK
OF IGNSAS

ul{ 0 v

Cfl

1sg9

RESEARCH LIBRARY

RETHINKING THE REGULATORY RESPONSE TO RISK.TAKING

IN

BANKING

ls a simple one. The underlying shortcoming of the
present flnanclal regulatory system is that it ignores, and attempts to
override, market forces. As we consider regulatory reform of the flnancial
industry, hre are idling at a crossroads. One road leads to reinvlgoration of
My message

today

to guide the industry.

market principles and incentives

to further rellance on the regulatory

I

belleve that the

would

will

first

course

other road leads

apparatus.

of action ls the correct one, and today I

lÍke to discuss my vlew of the regulatory

take us down that road.

The

system and

Flrst, banking regulators

the approach that

must emphasìze

supervlsion rather than regulatlon. The essentlal dlfference between these

lles'ln the nature of.the limits placed on the'dlscretlon of
the management of banklng flrms. Regulatlon amounts to placlng uncondltional

two,approaches

llmits on the dlscretlon of

bank management. Thls approach lmplles

that

the

of the management of the regulated firm cannot be trusted.
Supervlslon lmplles conditlonal llmits on their freedom of actlon, actlvated
only when management actlons threaten to impose costs on the lnsurance fund or
Judgment

taxpayers. Thls approach presumes that

management

is

competent unless they

demonstrate otherwl se.
Second,
agencles

I

belleve that the current framework of multlple regulatory

offers a number.of

advantages over proposed, streamllned alternatlves

and should be preserved and flne-tuned, rather than dlscarded.

Thlrd, the deposlt insurance

system must be reformed so

that the

market

plays a larger role in assessing and pricìng bank rlsk. The current method of
deposlt lnsurance prlclng encourages bank
and substltute lnsured deposlts

for

management

to take addltlonal rlsks

uninsured debt and

equlty. It

reduces the

-2lncentives

it

for

insured depositors

to care about the riskiness of theìr

of monitoring and restraining
entirely in the hands of regulators.

And

leaves the tasks

REGULATION AND

At present,

ITS

risk-taklng

bank

banks.

almost

COSTS

rre are

essentially following the approach adopted nearìy

years d9o, amid the financial fallout
achlevlng the social goal

50

of the Great Depression. Specifically,

of a safe and sound flnanclal

system has been

entrusted largeìy to a regulatory process, rather than to prlvate

in free markets. Regulators

decisionmakers operating

achieve a strong
'cl asses
banks

of

have attempted to

flnanclal sector by controlllng the actlvitles of certain

f i nanci al i,i ntermedl ari

es, .the

most .notabl

e

exampl

e

bei ng commerci al

.

Numerous

constraints on the discretlon

rlsky competltlve actions
controls were

imposed on

of

bank management

were imposed malnly through acts

priclng, products, location,

of

to

undertake

Congress.

and balance sheet

composltlon. These restrlctlons were deslgned to prevent the failure of

indlvldual banks. Moreover, deposlt llabtlitles were lnsured (up to a llmit)

to reduce the incentlves for deposlt holders to run ln the unlikely event that
a fal I ure occurred.
For several decades after the Depression, the ftnanclal system appeared to
be

relatlvely safe and sound.

was erected appeared

against the fears

The supervisory and regulatory apparatus that

to be an effective, inexpenslve,

and permanent bulwark

of chronlc financlal lnstabllity fostered

by the experlence

of the 1930s. The regulators appeared to be doing their Jobs well. Bank
fallures were few ln number and not costly. However, as the 1970s began, a
confluence of forces, most notably volatlle inflatlon and hlgh nomlnal

-3-

interest rates along with a substantial decline in the costs of information
processing and transmission, produced an envlronment
system

of

bank

in whlch the existing

regulation could be seen as one containing substantial flaws

and social costs.

l'lhat have we learned from

regulation?

It

economic goaìs

this

should be obvious

experience

of exclusive relìance

on

that using government regulation to

entails both substantial costs and a number of

the risk that a system of, regulatlon

risks.

achieve

Ihere is

will not be as effectlve as desired,

both

lnitlally lmplemented and over tlme. There is also the risk that
regul ation wi I I have unÍ ntended, perverse effects.

when

The present system
:market.mechanism:and
and

of

bank regulation includes numerous constraints on the

so,'is inevitably

costly.

'expllclt. rRegulated'.lnstitutlons'incur

Some

,costs:ôt^ê highly

vlslble

compliance costs,' and regulators

bear monitoring

costs. Other costs are not so vlslble.

assoclated with

restrictlons on permissible actlvities that can prevent

economies

regulated

There are costs

of scale and scope from being reaìized, thereby raising the costs of
firms. Restrlctlons on activitles, products, and locatlon decrease

the optlons available to consumers and artificially raise prices by limiting
competi

tlon.

Regulatory barriers

costs

of

of

regulated

to competltion

flrms.

may have

a further subtle effect on the

Protection from competitlon reduces the incentlves

costs. It also reduces the need and
deslre to seek out and adopt lnnovations that could result in lower costs in
regulated flrms to minlmlze current

the future.
There are other costs

of

of regulatlon.

Regulatory rules

limlt

the abillty

regulated firms to take certaln actlons but do not elimlnate management's

deslre to pursue profitable buslness opportunltles. The lure of proflts,
comblned

wlth

changes 1n technology, conduclve economlc

condltlons, and the

-4existence

of

domestic and foreign competitors
subject

to different degrees of
regulation' give regulated flrms
the means, motive, and opportunity
to avoid
existing reguìatory constraints.
Inevitably, regurated financial institutions
will search for substitute ways to engage
in rucrative,

activities'

prohibited

activity is a cosily endeavor. tven if
the end resurt is the ineffrcient
provision of financiar services.

successful,

Regulators are contlnually faced
wlth a dlremma: acquiesce
regulaton to pr ug the roophor es.
The r atter restarts

add more

However, such

or

the cosry cycr e.
In addition to the inevitable costs,
regulailon can have unintended,

perverse

effects.

For exampre, reguratory rimitations
on the abirity of
commerclal banks to diversify,
both geographically and lnto addjtional
lines
of buslness,.were supposed to reduce
the riskiness of banks by limiting
competltlon and preventlng bank
involvement in acilvriles where
rarge rosses
could be lncurred' Astute use
of diversification by banks ,,as presumably
viewed as unllkely' The
huge losses realized by banks wlth
undiversified

portfolios in the 1980s lllustrates
the misguided, unintentional rnpact
of
regulation. Another wet-known exampre
of reguraron with unintended,
perverse effects i s flat-rate
deposlt lnsurance. I wi r r di scuss this
more
fully in a moment.
Regulation' then,
resul

t.

ls costly and cannot be relied on to produce

So what should be done?

flnanclal markets

I

do not

thlnk that

the deslred

government lnvolvement ln

shourd be ended. To be sure,
a

po'ilcar

and ìegar

ls lndlspenslble for assurlng lndivldual llberiles
and property
rights' and for settlng the rules
of the game withln whlch
framework

loan

markets operate.
But detalled regulation should
not be used to guard agarnst the normaì
rrsks

c

of a competitlve marketplace.

Such

decislonmaking, and inevitably
exanp'les are

plentiful

'

dlrect controls adversely affect long-term

hurt those they were intended to help. ïhe
Rai lroads, sheltered by rate-of-return
reguration,

eventually whithered into near-complete
decay. The u.S. steel industry, once
protected from the rest
of the world by a government-guaranteed price
floor,
soon became a world leader
in inefficiency.
The same seems to be

market share
dominated

true for the banking industry.

Banks have rost

to ress regurated competitors in areas that
they had rong

ike commercial lending, consumer instal
lment credit, and retai I
deposits' In addition, the banking industry's
profitability has been falìing
durlng the rgg0s, reaching revers
not seen since
I

rg5g.

I

believe that a safe and'sound financial
system can be attalned at
substantaily rower cost rf we rery
ress on reguration and

a

more on

supervlslon' Thls requlres a sharp reversal
in the attitude of government
authorities' Rather than lmposing unconditional
limlts on the discreilon of

bank management'

or regulatlng their behavior, the authoriiles
should
condltionally cede discretlon to
bank management. That is, the authorities

should

let

regulatlon

bank management manage. A supervisory
approach recognrzes that

ls costly; lt also recognizes that bank management
has the skllls,
informatlon, and incentlve to make
opilmum use of thelr resources, whlle
bank
regulators do not' The amount
of discretion extended to management could vary

across banks, dependrng on a number

of factors, such as the supervrsory
authority's assessment of the quality
of the instituilon,s lnternal controls
and management' the lnstltution's
current and expected financial
evldenced by

lts capltal

strength

and earnings, and the size

to the provislon of the federal safety
net.

of

as

subsldies attrlbutable

The recent debate about

the appropriate response to bank involvement
ln
leveraged buyouts (LBos) lllustrates
the dlstinctfon between these two
approaches' Some people are urglng

that

bank involvement

ln

LBos be regulated

-6-

--

restricted or precluded.

accurately evaluate

These

critics

presume

that

bank management cannot

rlsk.

others argue that bank participation in LBos
can
generate a number of benefits for
banks, firms and the economy. proponents

ò supervisory

approach argue

that

bank management has substantiaì

of

expertise in

evaluating risks and should be free to
take risks commensurate with expected
returns' Happiìy, we have refrained from regulating
LBo lending by banks,
choosing instead to supervise.
The appropriate

role of banking authorities in a world where supervislon
is emphasized is to distill the existing body of regulations
into a compact,
effective set, and to monitor and supervise
the behavior of firms under their
Jurisdiction as unintrusiveìy as posslble. Ideal ly, the
arrangement wouìd
closely resemble bond or loan.covenants
-- private market arrangements:that
are designed to effectively influence management
behavior wlth minlmal
restralnts on thelr dlscretion. The amount
of discretion granted in these
arrangements depends on
Judgments about

thei

r

the capabilities of

management and

resources.

supervisory authorities need timely, accurate
informailon to be able to
identify and close troubled lnstltutlons as
they become insolvent. prudent
use

of closure wlll

ensure

that the costs of

bank

fallures are not

and are borne by unlnsured credltors
and stockholders,
insurance funds or taxpayers. Government

excessive

not transferred to

the

authorities need to ensure that
deposltorles suppry adequate, accurate,
and timery informailon on therr
financlal condrilon not onry to the supervisor,
but arso to the pubrc.
Depositors and creditors wlll have incentives
to more carefully
moni

tor the condl tlon of

supervlsors

choose and

f i nancl

wlll be a vltal

al i nst'ituilons.

Informailon provi ded by

input to these decisions. In turn, lnformailon
generated by markets ln the form
of rates banks need to offer to obtaln funds
from deposltors and credltors,
supervi sory process.

wlll complement the informaHon from the

-7-

The structure

of the bank regulatory

in the u.S. is unique in
number of respects. As you
know, banks can choose to be regurated
or
system

supervised by one or more federal
and state agencies. These agencies
different goals and incentives due to

a

have

differences in theÍr authority and
responsibiìities' For example, a chartering/regulatory
authority has the
i ncenti ve to mai ntai n or i
ncrease i ts consti tuency. To accompì
i sh thl s, they
might offer broader powers or prevent
the closure of insolvent instituilons.

failure of institutions could be interpreted
by some as ineffectiveness on
the part of the government authority.
A deposit insurer has an incen've to
prrotect rts fund; conseguenily,
if abre, it may arso prevent or deray cos¡y
The

fai I ures.

critics

persistenily argued that the murilpre
agency system is
seriously flawed and largely to blame
for cos¡y and lneffective
have

regulation' In particular, it has been
primari

bank

charged

ly responslble for the unwl I I ingness or

that thls structure ls

lnabl I lty

of reguìators to
in hlgher costs for
abillty of banks ln thts system to

promptly close institutlons
that are insolvent, resulilng
the insurance funds and taxpayers. The

alter thelr regulatory status also allegedly
induces,,compeililon in laxlty,,,
where regulators compete for
constituents by relaxlng their standards. The
implicatlon

is that consolldation of regulatory,

supervlsory and lnsurance

functlons lnto fewer, perhaps even
one agency is a deslrable and necessary
change.

I

dlsagree wlth thls

vlew. It is not clear that regulatory consoìlda¡on
would result ln lmproved, less
costly regulailon. Given the lnevltable
lncentlves of the lnsurlng agency
to protect the lnsurance fund, lt would be
parttcularry dangerous to concentrate
the charterrng, reguratory, supervrsory,
and insurlng funcilons ln a slngle
enilty.

-8-

It

has been alleged

failure resolutlon

that closures

would occur more quickly and costs of

if the Federaì Deposit Insurance corporation
(FDIc)' the insurer, arso
had reguratory, supervisory, and cìosure
powers.
Ïhe Federal savings and Loan Insurance
corporation (FSLIC)/Federal Home Loan
Bank Board experfence indicates
that thls is unlikely. ïhe FDIC, like any
insurer' has incentives to maintain
the varue of its insurance fund and
therefore rnight delay closures that would
materially reduce the vaìue of the
fund' Indeed, in the recent past both the FSLIC
and FDIC have been strong
advocates

litigation

wou'ld be lower

of forbearance poilcies. Further, existing
stemming from

recent closure decisions

and threatened

fiike those at First

Republic, MCorp, Gibraltar savlngs,
and Llncoln) indlcate that acilons taken
by regulators to close troubled instltutions
more quickly are viewed by some
as vlolatlons of'the property rlghts
of individuals. Thus, it is not cìear
that the FDIC acting lndependently can resolve
fairures any faster or at less
cos

t.

structure of the regulatory framework would
be less crlilcal ln
world where deposlt insurance dld
not exist or rras perfecily
The

priced.

given mlsprlced deposlt lnsurance
and the attendant need

a

However,

for regulailon, the
multlple regulator system and the abllity
of banks to alter their regulatory
status appears to work reasonably

I

offers a number of advantages over
proposed consolldated alternatlves.
In partlcular, compeiltive pressures can
wel

and

be introduced by havrng more than
one reguratory opton.
Each government

authorrty has a different vrew on the best way
to
implement regurailon due to varrous
incentives, goars, and powers. Because
each regulator's authorrty rs vague
and can overrap, rnter_agency
disagreements can surface about
the approprlate type and extent of supervlslon
and regulatlon and also about
the extent to whlch market dlsclpllne on

regulated flrms shourd be reiled
upon. Thrs encourages hearthy, ongorng

-9-

public debates about the merits of alternative
strategies and contemplated
changes (e'g., the recent debate between
the occ and FDIC about minimum
cap i

tal requ i rements )

.

such a forum may encourage regulatory innovation
and experimentation. ïhe
existence of multipìe regulators and the
conversion option has encouraged

regulatory competition, creating pressure

of particularly

burdensome, obsolete

for regulators to

regulations. For

lessen the impact

exampìe, states are

able and have been willing to expand securities
underwriting powers for
state-chartered' non-member institutions, and this
inevitably puts pressure
other regulators to follow suit.
The system

of

mul

ti pì e authorl ti es offers other benefi

ts.

Muì

on

ti pl e

regulators with overlapping authority might be more
likely to discover
problems within a holdlng company
and prevent problems at one unit from being
transmltted to others. In this way, multiple regulators
could serve as a
useful double-checking device. Another advantage
of the present system of
multiple regulators is that the ìender-of-last-resort
function is not belng
exercl sed by el ther the charteri ng authori

tl es or the i nsuri ng agencl es.

Thi

arrangement, coupìed wlth col

that the dlscount wlndow

llllqutd

lateral requirements, reduces the probabi I ity
wlll be used to support insolvent rather than

banks.

There

is llttle

evldence that,'compeililon 1n laxlty,,has occurred

present multlple regulator system. In

ln

the

fact, historically, banks have not

frequently changed thelr regulatory status.
The multlple regulator framework should
not be abandoned slnce it has a
number of deslrable features. However,
the present structural conflgura¡on
and

distrlbution of

powers and

unchanged' A number

responsibiìiiles

need

not be

left totally

of alternatlve arrangements have been proposed over the
years and mlght work as lrell or better
than the current system. At a mlnimum,

s

_

l0_

there should be more than one agency chartering
and regulating/supervising the

activities of banks' Regulated institutions should be al
lowed to
regulator' Given the inevitable incentives of the insuring

choose

agency

the insurance fund,
Í

jt

would aìso be wise

n both charteri ng and regul ation/supervi

their

to protect

to limit the insurers, involvement

sion. It i s parti cul arìy

dangerous

to vest aìì functions in a single agency. However, it
might be desirable to
allow the insurer to influence the choice of an instìtution,s
supervisor.
Deposit insurance premiums could
seìected by a

differ

dependlng on which supervjsor

was

bank. Supervisors with records of early closure and other

actions that protect the insurance funds would be
associated with lower
premiums. Final]y, it is a good idea
to have the lender_of-last_ resort
function performed by an agency that is not invoìved
in either chartering or
the provl sion of insurance.

To reap the benefits
government
system

of a supervislon-based

authoritles, deposit insurance

of deposit

insurance rras adopted

transactlon and savlngs balances

of

system coupled

wlth mul¡ple

must be reformed. The current

ln 1933.

By guaranteelng the

small deposltors (orlglnally llmlted to

$2,500), deposlt lnsurance removed the incenilves

for

these lndlvlduals to

participate in runs and, consequently, increased
the near-term stablllty of
the financial system. unfortunately, the way federal
deposlt
insurance is

priced and admlnlstered has created governmentaì
subsidization of the risks
undertaken by lnsured banks and thrifts.
These subsidies reinforce
the

perverse incentives

of regulatlon.

of the regulator and regulatee in a controlled

r,rhat's more, deposlt insurance

Jusilfles regulatory

constralnts and contributes to the reguratory diarecilc.

envlronment

-t t-

of frat rate, risk_invariant pricing of deposit
insurance allows risk to be shifted to
the taxpayer. This subsidization of
market risk allows flnancial institutions
to seek out and pursue
The current method

excessively

risky business opportunities. Institutions' partìcipation
in risky ventures
justifies regulators use of regulation to guard
against such instab.i lity.

it is only a matter of time before institutions find ways around
the
constraint, alded by technologicaì change and
apathy toward market rlsk. This
However'

behavior forces the regulator

entlre

to add regulatory constralnts,

renewlng the

process.

Deposit insurance also discourages the government
authority from closing
poorly run' insolvent instltutlons. The
extension of deposit insurance I imits
(currently at $l0o,ooo) comblned
wlth the willingness of the FDIC and FSLIC to
routinely guarantee the deposlts of statutorily
uninsured depositors and other
uninsured clalmants, has caused deposltors
and credltors - big and small to

-

become unconcerned about

of thls

the financlal health

of lnstitutions. l,llthout threat

dtsclpllne, authorlties can choose to push problems off
lnto
the future in hopes that they will heal over
time. Therefore, although some
market

headway can be made

to correct the perverse incentives

its

lmpìementatlon, attention must also be paid
provlded by deposit lnsurance.

due

to regulailon

and

to the perverse incen¡ves

pollcymakers have proposed deposit insurance
premiums that reflect
market risk. r{hile rt rs uncrear whether
risk-based premiums can be
Some

implemented

easlly and efflciently,

it is feasible to alter the system so that

a larger proportlon of deposltors and shareholders
are exposed to a credlble
rlsk of loss' Thls creates lncentives for private
funds suppllers to assist
regulators ln thelr efforts to monltor and
constraln rlsk-taklng by bank
management' Monltoring mlght be more
people wlth funds at rlsk.

If

efflcient

and

effecilve

the deposit lnsurance system

lf

done by

ls altered ln thls

12-

directìon, the need for ancillary reguìatory restrlctions

activitÍes

and corporate organizational form

The recent adoption

of

- for example, on

- is correspondingly

risk-based capital requirements

is

reduced.

an exampìe

of

a

in this direcilon.
A number of changes have been proposed to better align risk incenilves.
one alternative to risk-based deposit insurance premiums would be more
stringent limits on lnsurance and the enforcement of those limits ln
practlce. Another reasonable proposal ls some form of co-lnsurance. Another
posslbllity is higher capital requ'lrements. These types of changes shlft risk
movement

from the lnsurance agency and taxpayers to private indivlduals supplying bank
funds. All of these changes would lncrease market disclpllne by promp¡ng

deposltors, creditors, and shareholders to more closely scrutinize the
financlal .condition of banks.

CONCLUSION

Recent events have ralsed questions about the safety and soundness

flnancial system.

large, extremely cosily

of

the

thrlft fallures
have become comîþnplace ln the 1980s. Additional regulailon is not the
appropriate response. The costs of regulatlon, both expl tcit and impl lclt,
Numerous,

bank and

hlgh. Regulators cannot hope to completely and permanenily constrain the
actions of regulated flrms, partlcularly when competitors are unconstralned.
are

However, glven the

federal safety net that exists,

interventlon ln the affalrs of financial insiltuilons
Supervision

is preferable to regulation.

to market forces.

lnformation to the

ls required.

Supervision appropriately treats

banklng as a business, leavlng bank managers
respond

some government

to pursue nerú opportunf¡es

and

role of the supervlsor should be to provlde
of ftnanclal lnstltutlons and markets and to

The

management

close lnsolvent lnstltutlons promptly. A multlple agency framework, rather

_13_

than a consolldated one,

is

compatible wlth a system

that relies

more heavily

on market forces and supervlsion. And, a multiple agency framework

less likely to foster "competition in ìaxity"
regulation and wlth deposlt insurance reform.
Reform

when

is far

it is combined with less

of deposit lnsurance i s the key. l,llthout

such reform, ìess

reliance on regulation and more reìiance on supervision and
market discipìine
may not be feasible. And without reform, the
conseguences of excesslve

rìsk-taking

will

remaln

wlth the taxpayer.