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FRB: lvr UI CtE:\¿ELiAliD. ADDRESSES. HOSKINS. 12. 23, :.1 l'i ;. G.. \¿l 9:00 a.m., E.S.T. May IJ F ,: l9g9 t¡ a ,þ Rethl nki ng the Regulatory Response to Ri sk-taki ng in Banklng !,1. Lee Hoskins, presldent Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland a Bankers Associ ailon Annual Convenilon Pennsyl vanl Baltirnore, Maryland May 23, I 989 EDEßAL RESERVE BANK OF IGNSAS ul{ 0 v Cfl 1sg9 RESEARCH LIBRARY RETHINKING THE REGULATORY RESPONSE TO RISK.TAKING IN BANKING ls a simple one. The underlying shortcoming of the present flnanclal regulatory system is that it ignores, and attempts to override, market forces. As we consider regulatory reform of the flnancial industry, hre are idling at a crossroads. One road leads to reinvlgoration of My message today to guide the industry. market principles and incentives to further rellance on the regulatory I belleve that the would will first course other road leads apparatus. of action ls the correct one, and today I lÍke to discuss my vlew of the regulatory take us down that road. The system and Flrst, banking regulators the approach that must emphasìze supervlsion rather than regulatlon. The essentlal dlfference between these lles'ln the nature of.the limits placed on the'dlscretlon of the management of banklng flrms. Regulatlon amounts to placlng uncondltional two,approaches llmits on the dlscretlon of bank management. Thls approach lmplles that the of the management of the regulated firm cannot be trusted. Supervlslon lmplles conditlonal llmits on their freedom of actlon, actlvated only when management actlons threaten to impose costs on the lnsurance fund or Judgment taxpayers. Thls approach presumes that management is competent unless they demonstrate otherwl se. Second, agencles I belleve that the current framework of multlple regulatory offers a number.of advantages over proposed, streamllned alternatlves and should be preserved and flne-tuned, rather than dlscarded. Thlrd, the deposlt insurance system must be reformed so that the market plays a larger role in assessing and pricìng bank rlsk. The current method of deposlt lnsurance prlclng encourages bank and substltute lnsured deposlts for management to take addltlonal rlsks uninsured debt and equlty. It reduces the -2lncentives it for insured depositors to care about the riskiness of theìr of monitoring and restraining entirely in the hands of regulators. And leaves the tasks REGULATION AND At present, ITS risk-taklng bank banks. almost COSTS rre are essentially following the approach adopted nearìy years d9o, amid the financial fallout achlevlng the social goal 50 of the Great Depression. Specifically, of a safe and sound flnanclal system has been entrusted largeìy to a regulatory process, rather than to prlvate in free markets. Regulators decisionmakers operating achieve a strong 'cl asses banks of have attempted to flnanclal sector by controlllng the actlvitles of certain f i nanci al i,i ntermedl ari es, .the most .notabl e exampl e bei ng commerci al . Numerous constraints on the discretlon rlsky competltlve actions controls were imposed on of bank management were imposed malnly through acts priclng, products, location, of to undertake Congress. and balance sheet composltlon. These restrlctlons were deslgned to prevent the failure of indlvldual banks. Moreover, deposlt llabtlitles were lnsured (up to a llmit) to reduce the incentlves for deposlt holders to run ln the unlikely event that a fal I ure occurred. For several decades after the Depression, the ftnanclal system appeared to be relatlvely safe and sound. was erected appeared against the fears The supervisory and regulatory apparatus that to be an effective, inexpenslve, and permanent bulwark of chronlc financlal lnstabllity fostered by the experlence of the 1930s. The regulators appeared to be doing their Jobs well. Bank fallures were few ln number and not costly. However, as the 1970s began, a confluence of forces, most notably volatlle inflatlon and hlgh nomlnal -3- interest rates along with a substantial decline in the costs of information processing and transmission, produced an envlronment system of bank in whlch the existing regulation could be seen as one containing substantial flaws and social costs. l'lhat have we learned from regulation? It economic goaìs this should be obvious experience of exclusive relìance on that using government regulation to entails both substantial costs and a number of the risk that a system of, regulatlon risks. achieve Ihere is will not be as effectlve as desired, both lnitlally lmplemented and over tlme. There is also the risk that regul ation wi I I have unÍ ntended, perverse effects. when The present system :market.mechanism:and and of bank regulation includes numerous constraints on the so,'is inevitably costly. 'expllclt. rRegulated'.lnstitutlons'incur Some ,costs:ôt^ê highly vlslble compliance costs,' and regulators bear monitoring costs. Other costs are not so vlslble. assoclated with restrictlons on permissible actlvities that can prevent economies regulated There are costs of scale and scope from being reaìized, thereby raising the costs of firms. Restrlctlons on activitles, products, and locatlon decrease the optlons available to consumers and artificially raise prices by limiting competi tlon. Regulatory barriers costs of of regulated to competltion flrms. may have a further subtle effect on the Protection from competitlon reduces the incentlves costs. It also reduces the need and deslre to seek out and adopt lnnovations that could result in lower costs in regulated flrms to minlmlze current the future. There are other costs of of regulatlon. Regulatory rules limlt the abillty regulated firms to take certaln actlons but do not elimlnate management's deslre to pursue profitable buslness opportunltles. The lure of proflts, comblned wlth changes 1n technology, conduclve economlc condltlons, and the -4existence of domestic and foreign competitors subject to different degrees of regulation' give regulated flrms the means, motive, and opportunity to avoid existing reguìatory constraints. Inevitably, regurated financial institutions will search for substitute ways to engage in rucrative, activities' prohibited activity is a cosily endeavor. tven if the end resurt is the ineffrcient provision of financiar services. successful, Regulators are contlnually faced wlth a dlremma: acquiesce regulaton to pr ug the roophor es. The r atter restarts add more However, such or the cosry cycr e. In addition to the inevitable costs, regulailon can have unintended, perverse effects. For exampre, reguratory rimitations on the abirity of commerclal banks to diversify, both geographically and lnto addjtional lines of buslness,.were supposed to reduce the riskiness of banks by limiting competltlon and preventlng bank involvement in acilvriles where rarge rosses could be lncurred' Astute use of diversification by banks ,,as presumably viewed as unllkely' The huge losses realized by banks wlth undiversified portfolios in the 1980s lllustrates the misguided, unintentional rnpact of regulation. Another wet-known exampre of reguraron with unintended, perverse effects i s flat-rate deposlt lnsurance. I wi r r di scuss this more fully in a moment. Regulation' then, resul t. ls costly and cannot be relied on to produce So what should be done? flnanclal markets I do not thlnk that the deslred government lnvolvement ln shourd be ended. To be sure, a po'ilcar and ìegar ls lndlspenslble for assurlng lndivldual llberiles and property rights' and for settlng the rules of the game withln whlch framework loan markets operate. But detalled regulation should not be used to guard agarnst the normaì rrsks c of a competitlve marketplace. Such decislonmaking, and inevitably exanp'les are plentiful ' dlrect controls adversely affect long-term hurt those they were intended to help. ïhe Rai lroads, sheltered by rate-of-return reguration, eventually whithered into near-complete decay. The u.S. steel industry, once protected from the rest of the world by a government-guaranteed price floor, soon became a world leader in inefficiency. The same seems to be market share dominated true for the banking industry. Banks have rost to ress regurated competitors in areas that they had rong ike commercial lending, consumer instal lment credit, and retai I deposits' In addition, the banking industry's profitability has been falìing durlng the rgg0s, reaching revers not seen since I rg5g. I believe that a safe and'sound financial system can be attalned at substantaily rower cost rf we rery ress on reguration and a more on supervlslon' Thls requlres a sharp reversal in the attitude of government authorities' Rather than lmposing unconditional limlts on the discreilon of bank management' or regulatlng their behavior, the authoriiles should condltionally cede discretlon to bank management. That is, the authorities should let regulatlon bank management manage. A supervisory approach recognrzes that ls costly; lt also recognizes that bank management has the skllls, informatlon, and incentlve to make opilmum use of thelr resources, whlle bank regulators do not' The amount of discretion extended to management could vary across banks, dependrng on a number of factors, such as the supervrsory authority's assessment of the quality of the instituilon,s lnternal controls and management' the lnstltution's current and expected financial evldenced by lts capltal strength and earnings, and the size to the provislon of the federal safety net. of as subsldies attrlbutable The recent debate about the appropriate response to bank involvement ln leveraged buyouts (LBos) lllustrates the dlstinctfon between these two approaches' Some people are urglng that bank involvement ln LBos be regulated -6- -- restricted or precluded. accurately evaluate These critics presume that bank management cannot rlsk. others argue that bank participation in LBos can generate a number of benefits for banks, firms and the economy. proponents ò supervisory approach argue that bank management has substantiaì of expertise in evaluating risks and should be free to take risks commensurate with expected returns' Happiìy, we have refrained from regulating LBo lending by banks, choosing instead to supervise. The appropriate role of banking authorities in a world where supervislon is emphasized is to distill the existing body of regulations into a compact, effective set, and to monitor and supervise the behavior of firms under their Jurisdiction as unintrusiveìy as posslble. Ideal ly, the arrangement wouìd closely resemble bond or loan.covenants -- private market arrangements:that are designed to effectively influence management behavior wlth minlmal restralnts on thelr dlscretion. The amount of discretion granted in these arrangements depends on Judgments about thei r the capabilities of management and resources. supervisory authorities need timely, accurate informailon to be able to identify and close troubled lnstltutlons as they become insolvent. prudent use of closure wlll ensure that the costs of bank fallures are not and are borne by unlnsured credltors and stockholders, insurance funds or taxpayers. Government excessive not transferred to the authorities need to ensure that deposltorles suppry adequate, accurate, and timery informailon on therr financlal condrilon not onry to the supervisor, but arso to the pubrc. Depositors and creditors wlll have incentives to more carefully moni tor the condl tlon of supervlsors choose and f i nancl wlll be a vltal al i nst'ituilons. Informailon provi ded by input to these decisions. In turn, lnformailon generated by markets ln the form of rates banks need to offer to obtaln funds from deposltors and credltors, supervi sory process. wlll complement the informaHon from the -7- The structure of the bank regulatory in the u.S. is unique in number of respects. As you know, banks can choose to be regurated or system supervised by one or more federal and state agencies. These agencies different goals and incentives due to a have differences in theÍr authority and responsibiìities' For example, a chartering/regulatory authority has the i ncenti ve to mai ntai n or i ncrease i ts consti tuency. To accompì i sh thl s, they might offer broader powers or prevent the closure of insolvent instituilons. failure of institutions could be interpreted by some as ineffectiveness on the part of the government authority. A deposit insurer has an incen've to prrotect rts fund; conseguenily, if abre, it may arso prevent or deray cos¡y The fai I ures. critics persistenily argued that the murilpre agency system is seriously flawed and largely to blame for cos¡y and lneffective have regulation' In particular, it has been primari bank charged ly responslble for the unwl I I ingness or that thls structure ls lnabl I lty of reguìators to in hlgher costs for abillty of banks ln thts system to promptly close institutlons that are insolvent, resulilng the insurance funds and taxpayers. The alter thelr regulatory status also allegedly induces,,compeililon in laxlty,,, where regulators compete for constituents by relaxlng their standards. The implicatlon is that consolldation of regulatory, supervlsory and lnsurance functlons lnto fewer, perhaps even one agency is a deslrable and necessary change. I dlsagree wlth thls vlew. It is not clear that regulatory consoìlda¡on would result ln lmproved, less costly regulailon. Given the lnevltable lncentlves of the lnsurlng agency to protect the lnsurance fund, lt would be parttcularry dangerous to concentrate the charterrng, reguratory, supervrsory, and insurlng funcilons ln a slngle enilty. -8- It has been alleged failure resolutlon that closures would occur more quickly and costs of if the Federaì Deposit Insurance corporation (FDIc)' the insurer, arso had reguratory, supervisory, and cìosure powers. Ïhe Federal savings and Loan Insurance corporation (FSLIC)/Federal Home Loan Bank Board experfence indicates that thls is unlikely. ïhe FDIC, like any insurer' has incentives to maintain the varue of its insurance fund and therefore rnight delay closures that would materially reduce the vaìue of the fund' Indeed, in the recent past both the FSLIC and FDIC have been strong advocates litigation wou'ld be lower of forbearance poilcies. Further, existing stemming from recent closure decisions and threatened fiike those at First Republic, MCorp, Gibraltar savlngs, and Llncoln) indlcate that acilons taken by regulators to close troubled instltutions more quickly are viewed by some as vlolatlons of'the property rlghts of individuals. Thus, it is not cìear that the FDIC acting lndependently can resolve fairures any faster or at less cos t. structure of the regulatory framework would be less crlilcal ln world where deposlt insurance dld not exist or rras perfecily The priced. given mlsprlced deposlt lnsurance and the attendant need a However, for regulailon, the multlple regulator system and the abllity of banks to alter their regulatory status appears to work reasonably I offers a number of advantages over proposed consolldated alternatlves. In partlcular, compeiltive pressures can wel and be introduced by havrng more than one reguratory opton. Each government authorrty has a different vrew on the best way to implement regurailon due to varrous incentives, goars, and powers. Because each regulator's authorrty rs vague and can overrap, rnter_agency disagreements can surface about the approprlate type and extent of supervlslon and regulatlon and also about the extent to whlch market dlsclpllne on regulated flrms shourd be reiled upon. Thrs encourages hearthy, ongorng -9- public debates about the merits of alternative strategies and contemplated changes (e'g., the recent debate between the occ and FDIC about minimum cap i tal requ i rements ) . such a forum may encourage regulatory innovation and experimentation. ïhe existence of multipìe regulators and the conversion option has encouraged regulatory competition, creating pressure of particularly burdensome, obsolete for regulators to regulations. For lessen the impact exampìe, states are able and have been willing to expand securities underwriting powers for state-chartered' non-member institutions, and this inevitably puts pressure other regulators to follow suit. The system of mul ti pì e authorl ti es offers other benefi ts. Muì on ti pl e regulators with overlapping authority might be more likely to discover problems within a holdlng company and prevent problems at one unit from being transmltted to others. In this way, multiple regulators could serve as a useful double-checking device. Another advantage of the present system of multiple regulators is that the ìender-of-last-resort function is not belng exercl sed by el ther the charteri ng authori tl es or the i nsuri ng agencl es. Thi arrangement, coupìed wlth col that the dlscount wlndow llllqutd lateral requirements, reduces the probabi I ity wlll be used to support insolvent rather than banks. There is llttle evldence that,'compeililon 1n laxlty,,has occurred present multlple regulator system. In ln the fact, historically, banks have not frequently changed thelr regulatory status. The multlple regulator framework should not be abandoned slnce it has a number of deslrable features. However, the present structural conflgura¡on and distrlbution of powers and unchanged' A number responsibiìiiles need not be left totally of alternatlve arrangements have been proposed over the years and mlght work as lrell or better than the current system. At a mlnimum, s _ l0_ there should be more than one agency chartering and regulating/supervising the activities of banks' Regulated institutions should be al lowed to regulator' Given the inevitable incentives of the insuring choose agency the insurance fund, Í jt would aìso be wise n both charteri ng and regul ation/supervi their to protect to limit the insurers, involvement sion. It i s parti cul arìy dangerous to vest aìì functions in a single agency. However, it might be desirable to allow the insurer to influence the choice of an instìtution,s supervisor. Deposit insurance premiums could seìected by a differ dependlng on which supervjsor was bank. Supervisors with records of early closure and other actions that protect the insurance funds would be associated with lower premiums. Final]y, it is a good idea to have the lender_of-last_ resort function performed by an agency that is not invoìved in either chartering or the provl sion of insurance. To reap the benefits government system of a supervislon-based authoritles, deposit insurance of deposit insurance rras adopted transactlon and savlngs balances of system coupled wlth mul¡ple must be reformed. The current ln 1933. By guaranteelng the small deposltors (orlglnally llmlted to $2,500), deposlt lnsurance removed the incenilves for these lndlvlduals to participate in runs and, consequently, increased the near-term stablllty of the financial system. unfortunately, the way federal deposlt insurance is priced and admlnlstered has created governmentaì subsidization of the risks undertaken by lnsured banks and thrifts. These subsidies reinforce the perverse incentives of regulatlon. of the regulator and regulatee in a controlled r,rhat's more, deposlt insurance Jusilfles regulatory constralnts and contributes to the reguratory diarecilc. envlronment -t t- of frat rate, risk_invariant pricing of deposit insurance allows risk to be shifted to the taxpayer. This subsidization of market risk allows flnancial institutions to seek out and pursue The current method excessively risky business opportunities. Institutions' partìcipation in risky ventures justifies regulators use of regulation to guard against such instab.i lity. it is only a matter of time before institutions find ways around the constraint, alded by technologicaì change and apathy toward market rlsk. This However' behavior forces the regulator entlre to add regulatory constralnts, renewlng the process. Deposit insurance also discourages the government authority from closing poorly run' insolvent instltutlons. The extension of deposit insurance I imits (currently at $l0o,ooo) comblned wlth the willingness of the FDIC and FSLIC to routinely guarantee the deposlts of statutorily uninsured depositors and other uninsured clalmants, has caused deposltors and credltors - big and small to - become unconcerned about of thls the financlal health of lnstitutions. l,llthout threat dtsclpllne, authorlties can choose to push problems off lnto the future in hopes that they will heal over time. Therefore, although some market headway can be made to correct the perverse incentives its lmpìementatlon, attention must also be paid provlded by deposit lnsurance. due to regulailon and to the perverse incen¡ves pollcymakers have proposed deposit insurance premiums that reflect market risk. r{hile rt rs uncrear whether risk-based premiums can be Some implemented easlly and efflciently, it is feasible to alter the system so that a larger proportlon of deposltors and shareholders are exposed to a credlble rlsk of loss' Thls creates lncentives for private funds suppllers to assist regulators ln thelr efforts to monltor and constraln rlsk-taklng by bank management' Monltoring mlght be more people wlth funds at rlsk. If efflcient and effecilve the deposit lnsurance system lf done by ls altered ln thls 12- directìon, the need for ancillary reguìatory restrlctions activitÍes and corporate organizational form The recent adoption of - for example, on - is correspondingly risk-based capital requirements is reduced. an exampìe of a in this direcilon. A number of changes have been proposed to better align risk incenilves. one alternative to risk-based deposit insurance premiums would be more stringent limits on lnsurance and the enforcement of those limits ln practlce. Another reasonable proposal ls some form of co-lnsurance. Another posslbllity is higher capital requ'lrements. These types of changes shlft risk movement from the lnsurance agency and taxpayers to private indivlduals supplying bank funds. All of these changes would lncrease market disclpllne by promp¡ng deposltors, creditors, and shareholders to more closely scrutinize the financlal .condition of banks. CONCLUSION Recent events have ralsed questions about the safety and soundness flnancial system. large, extremely cosily of the thrlft fallures have become comîþnplace ln the 1980s. Additional regulailon is not the appropriate response. The costs of regulatlon, both expl tcit and impl lclt, Numerous, bank and hlgh. Regulators cannot hope to completely and permanenily constrain the actions of regulated flrms, partlcularly when competitors are unconstralned. are However, glven the federal safety net that exists, interventlon ln the affalrs of financial insiltuilons Supervision is preferable to regulation. to market forces. lnformation to the ls required. Supervision appropriately treats banklng as a business, leavlng bank managers respond some government to pursue nerú opportunf¡es and role of the supervlsor should be to provlde of ftnanclal lnstltutlons and markets and to The management close lnsolvent lnstltutlons promptly. A multlple agency framework, rather _13_ than a consolldated one, is compatible wlth a system that relies more heavily on market forces and supervlsion. And, a multiple agency framework less likely to foster "competition in ìaxity" regulation and wlth deposlt insurance reform. Reform when is far it is combined with less of deposit lnsurance i s the key. l,llthout such reform, ìess reliance on regulation and more reìiance on supervision and market discipìine may not be feasible. And without reform, the conseguences of excesslve rìsk-taking will remaln wlth the taxpayer.