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Comments on "Monetary Policy Rules
and Financial Stability" by Bennett T. McCallum

Thomas C. Melzer
President
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

The Bank of Japan
Sixth International Conference
The Institute For Monetary And Economic Studies
October 28-29, 1993

Professor Bennett McCallum presents simulation results
from a model in which the monetary authority endeavors to
smooth interest rates in the short run, while simultaneously
fixing its sights on its long-run price stability objective.
Achievement of these goals is a consequence of following the
McCallum rule to keep the monetary base on a path consistent
with stabilizing nominal GDP growth.
In most respects, I like Ben's approach.

It is similar

in spirit to a proposal I made to the FOMC a few years ago.
Both of us recognize the problem of focusing monetary policy
too narrowly on interest rates rather than monetary aggregates
and price stability.

The danger is that the long-run growth

in the monetary base or some narrow monetary aggregate will be
determined

by a series of short-run actions to

interest rates.
achieve

its

stabilize

I proposed that the Fed constrain itself to

long-run objectives by keeping

the

quarterly

growth rate of the monetary base within some specified range.
Policymakers would be free to pursue other short-run policy
objectives, such as smoothing the federal funds rate, so long
as they did not violate the quarterly growth rate bands.
with Ben's approach, under my proposal

reserves

As

injected

within the quarter to stabilize interest rates in the face of
financial market disturbances would

be withdrawn

if they

compromised the Fed's longer-run objective.
My personal sympathy with Ben's approach notwithstanding,
several questions occurred to me as I read the paper.

First,

I

in the

noticed




that Ben's measure

of weekly

variation

2

federal funds rate was two and one-half times as large in his
simulations as in actual experience. This increased level of
volatility

is nearly

identical

to the

increase

in the

variability of the federal funds rate that was observed during
the period when the Fed was targeting non-borrowed reserves in
the early 1980s compared with the period since.

A frequent

criticism of non-borrowed reserve targeting was that it
resulted in too much interest rate volatility. Consequently,
I am not sure Ben/s simulations would be generally accepted as
interest rate smoothing.
I also cannot help but wonder whether the relationships
among interest rates, the monetary base and total spending,
upon which Ben/s simulation results depend, would have been
different had the Federal Reserve implemented monetary policy
in a manner consistent with both Ben's and my views.
Finally, I wonder whether the relationships would change
during financial crises. For example, if some event suddenly
changed the public's perception of the soundness of the
banking system, the risk premiums that one bank would charge
another on loans would rise. Such changes would likely alter
the relationships among interest rates, the monetary base and
nominal GDP precisely when one would like to rely on them the
most.
Having stated my general sympathy with the approach that
Ben has taken and having raised a few concerns, I would like
to address the remainder of my remarks to the somewhat broader




3

question that Ben's paper raises: can a central bank fulfill
its role as lender of last resort without the option of
lending directly to individual banks? Ben answers yes to this
question, arguing that the remaining gap in the argument for
eliminating the discount window is whether interest rate
smoothing can be practiced without undermining the Fed's
longer-run policy objectives.
I doubt that the Fed can deal adequately with all
disturbances

to the banking

system

through

open market

operations alone. It could if information were costless. But
that is just not the case. The distinction between insolvency
and illiquidity is often judgmental, and judgments can be
clouded

—

especially

during

financial

crises.

As

a

policymaker, I am uncomfortable relying on the assumption that
market

participants will

always make

a

diagnosis of insolvency versus illiquidity.

correct

instant

Consequently, I

am not certain that the market should be relied upon to always
supply reserves to illiquid but solvent institutions.
Having an open discount window with a penalty discount
rate seems like a relatively efficient way tcu insure that
liquidity will be allocated to such institutions.

A penalty

discount rate would give banks incentive to repay their loans
from the central bank as soon as they had dealt with their
liquidity problem.

I might also point out that there is

nothing inconsistent with interest rate smoothing through open
market operations and maintaining the discount window to lend




4

directly to illiquid but solvent banks at a penalty discount
rate.
Besides this information problem, I think there are
incentive problems in coordinating the allocation of reserves
in a financial crisis.

The history of banking

in the

United States indicates the need for some central authority to
allocate reserves in a financial crisis.

Prior to the

establishment

banks

of

the

Federal

Reserve,

acted

cooperatively in allocating reserves through clearinghouses.
These clearinghouses were especially useful in supplying
individual banks with liquidity during financial crises.
Banks recognized a conflict between their interests as
individual banks and the interests of the banks as a group.
In a financial crisis, the incentive of an individual bank
would be to hold on to its reserves and to increase its
reserve ratio. If it loaned reserves to an illiquid bank, it
would risk becoming illiquid itself. Nevertheless, the group
recognized that the failure of a member might trigger runs on
all members.

The banks in various communities attempted to

deal with these conflicting incentives by allocating reserves
through their clearinghouses.

This history illustrates the

necessity for a central authority to allocate reserves in a
financial crisis. The Federal Reserve was formed to do this
job of the clearinghouses, but more efficiently.
The operation of organizations that settle transactions
among financial institutions creates special reasons for




5

central banks to keep the option to lend to individual banks.
These settlement organizations, some of which have been
created by exchanges for the trading of securities, have been
designed to minimize transactions costs and, to some extent,
risk. In the United States, CHIPS is important for settlement
of the dollar side of foreign exchange transactions.
It is in the interest of each member of a settlement
organization that others have the reserves necessary at the
end of the day to settle their positions with the settlement
organizations.
obligations,
defaulting

If one member cannot meet its settlement
unwinding

member

the

transactions

can make other members

involving
short

the

of the

necessary reserves. An "unwind" of all transactions for the
day would disrupt the business of their customers and possibly
increase solvency risk of some members of the settlement
organization.
Although CHIPS members have incentive for CHIPS to settle
each day, they may be reluctant to lend reserves to the member
that defaults, depending on the reasons for the default. As
in the historical example of clearinghouses prior to the
formation

of

the

Federal

authority

is necessary

Reserve

System,

to reconcile

this

some

central

difference of

incentives of individual members and the membership of the
settlement organizations as a group.
In the United States, banks have looked to the Federal
Reserve as that central authority for allocating reserves to




6

illiquid banks. It is important that settlement organizations
settle

the

transactions

among

disruptions of financial systems.

their

members

to

avoid

In a financial crisis, it

should be a high priority of a central bank to facilitate the
settlement

of transactions through the major

organizations.

settlement

Response of the Federal Reserve to the sharp

decline of stock prices in 1987 illustrates this priority. In
dealing with this potential financial crisis, the Federal
Reserve sought to assure that the clearing organizations in
stocks and derivatives continued functioning in their roles of
settling transactions.
I believe that access to the discount window facilitates
the operation of such settlement organizations. For example,
suppose the settlement of CHIPS were threatened because a bank
did not have enough reserves to cover its transactions.
Suppose further that there were rumors that the bank was
insolvent.

Injecting additional reserves into the banking

system through open market operations would not alter the
reluctance of other banks to lend to this bank. Consequently,
it would not necessarily increase the chances for settlement
of CHIPS without at least a partial unwinding of transactions.
If the Fed does not provide credit through the discount window
to illiquid banks to avoid such problems, the settlement
organizations would have to design other mechanisms to deal
with such liquidity crises.




7

Of course, if a central bank makes credit available to
facilitate the settlement of transactions, collectively banks
will not assume this responsibility.

Moreover, if banks know

that the central bank is committed to providing individual
banks with the reserves necessary to facilitate settlement,
then members of settlement organizations will assume that
there is no risk of default by other members.

In recent

years, central banks have set standards for the operations of
settlement organizations designed to deal with this moral
hazard

problem.

The

following

are

the

major

types

of

standards:
•

Mechanisms for limiting the risk exposures between
members, such as bilateral credit limits between
each pair of members.

•

Collateral requirements, such as a pledge of enough
collateral

with

the

settlement

organization

to

cover default by any one member.
•

Loss sharing arrangements in the event of default
by a member.
Such standards expose members of settlement organizations

to risk of losses if a member defaults on its payments, even
if the

central

settlement.

bank

provides

the reserves

to

facilitate

This arrangement gives members of settlement

organizations an incentive to extend credit lines only to
those counterparts they consider to be in sound condition.
Moreover, central banks of major developed nations have been




8

working to develop and enforce standards for the operation of
international settlement organizations. Setting and enforcing
standards for settlement organizations is, in my opinion, one
of the important forms of cooperation among central banks, a
topic that Charles Goodhart discusses.
In conclusion, I largely share Ben's view that limiting
variation in the monetary base and nominal spending would make
a contribution to the goal of long term price stability.

In

such an environment there might be more financial stability
than what we've observed historically. Nonetheless, I remain
unconvinced that there is not a significant role for central
bank lending to individual institutions for liquidity reasons,
particularly in those unpredicted crisis circumstances when,
absent such lending, the payments system is threatened.