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For release on delivery
8:15 p.m. EDT
June 11,1992

Comments on the Current Economic Recovery
by
Susan M. Phillips
Member
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Board of Directors of the
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
Atlanta, Georgia
June 11, 1992

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In my remarks this evening I would like to discuss the current national
economic situation and the longer-run prospects for the economy. Of course,
having posed such a topic, the first question that many would ask is: when will
this economy really recover? The short answer is that the economy already is in
the early stages of a recovery. I feel as though we have been in those early stages
for quite a long time. Some parts of the country are further along in the recovery
process than others. But the pace of aggregate national growth is quite sluggish
by historical cyclical standards, and questions remain about the sustainability of
the current recovery.
Background — Recession and the Current Recovery
Before discussing the outlook in greater detail, however, let me first put
this recession and recovery into perspective. As you recall, real gross domestic
product—the broadest measure of the nation's output and income—fell sharply
in the latter part of 1990 and early 1991 following the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait.
But seen in a broader context, that two-quarter contraction of activity was only
part of a longer period of sluggish economic performance, extending back three
years. Even after excluding the brief downturn related to the Gulf War, the
economy has only been growing at an annual rate of a little less than
1-1/2 percent since early 1989. Although this is a positive number, it is well
below the pace needed to raise general standards of living.
Measured from the trough in real GDP, this has been the slowest recovery
in half a century. The recovery seemed to be on track immediately after the end
of the Gulf War, but it faltered in the second half of last year. Activity began to
pick up early this year, and real GDP is now estimated by the Commerce

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Department to have rebounded at a 2.4 percent annual rate in the first quarter—a
healthy increase, but still rather modest for the early phase of an economic
recovery.
The economic tea leaves so far in the second quarter seem to be consistent
with continued—albeit moderate—growth of activity. Production around the
turn of the year had been held down, in part, as businesses attempted to shed
excess inventories. However, considerable progress was made in paring stocks
early this year. With inventories in better shape, the stage is now set for further
gains in aggregate demand to be reflected relatively quickly in higher production.
In fact, industrial production rose half a percent in February and continued to
advance at about that pace in March and April. With these gains, the cumulative
rise in production between February and April retraced nearly all of the decline
that occurred between last October and January.
The data on the labor market for the month of May published last week
are mixed—good and bad news. In particular, as has been widely reported in the
press, the unemployment rate jumped from 7.2 percent in April to 7.5 percent in
May. This is its highest level in nearly eight years. A significant part of the
increase reflected a rise in the number of young people (aged 16 to 24) entering
the labor force to find work at the beginning of the summer. At the same time,
however, the number of workers on nonfarm payrolls advanced another 68,000 in
May, continuing the expansion of employment that resumed in February. In
addition, work schedules lengthened and overtime hours increased in a number
of industries. Thus, seen from the demand side of the labor market—that is,

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employment and hours—it appears that income and economic activity have
continued to expand at a moderate pace.
Let me now turn from employment and production to indicators of
aggregate demand, starting with housing. As you know, this is a bellwether
sector of the business cycle. Encouraged by declines in mortgage interest rates,
households boosted their purchases of homes around the turn of the year. Sales
of new and existing homes picked up in the fourth quarter of last year and
increased further in the first quarter. The data on sales and new construction in
April were somewhat disappointing, but the fundamentals—such as mortgage
rates and real incomes—point to further solid gains in activity in this sector.
Moreover, favorable spillover from the strengthening of new construction that
now is under way—if sustained—should affect a much broader circle of
industries in coming months. We are already beginning to see improvement in
housing related industries.
Recent data on consumer spending also have had their ups and downs
from month to month. Personal consumption expenditures rose smartly in the
first quarter and edged up further in April. The retail sales figures that were
released this morning showed no improvement in May. However, sales of
domestically produced autos and light trucks, which had been on a respectably
high plateau advanced further last month. Looking ahead, real incomes and
consumer confidence have been rising, which suggests the likelihood of a revival
of the uptrend in household spending sometime soon.
Business spending for new equipment remains somewhat lackluster,
perhaps reflecting an abundance of caution in the business sector. But a modest

-4recovery in coming months may be in train. New orders for nondefense capital
goods have traced an uneven, but generally upward, path since reaching their
trough early last year. For computers, new orders have been rising, on balance,
in recent months. With prices continuing to fall, demand is likely to expand
further. For aircraft, by contrast, the outlook is relatively weak. In short,
business investment is an area which bears watching in coming months to see
whether recovery is sustained.
Imbalances and Strains of the 1980s
With this background on the recent recession and recovery, let me now
turn from the numbers to a more fundamental question about our nation's
economic condition. Why has this recovery been so sluggish, and, looking
forward, why might the climb back continue to be slower than other recoveries?
A key part of the answer, in my opinion, is that growth has been retarded in
recent years because the economy has been struggling to correct a number of
critical imbalances and work through some longer-term strains in particular
sectors of the economy.
Perhaps the most visible of these imbalances are the vacant office
buildings that dot the landscape of our metropolitan areas. The overbuilding of
commercial structures in the 1980s has come to have strikingly negative effects
on the economy. In many areas of the country, floor space for offices and other
commercial activities was created at a pace far more rapid than could be justified
by normal absorption rates or even by reasonable considerations of long-run
profitability. The end result was a huge overhang of vacant space, a plunge in
new construction, and steep markdowns in the values of existing properties.

-5With the fall in the value of commercial real estate, the loans that helped to fuel
the construction boom also lost value. Many lenders saw profits plummet and
their capital shrink, causing them to become more cautious in providing credit.
This reluctance to lend has been especially evident among banks and life
insurance companies and has contributed, in turn, to the sluggish pace of
economic activity.
Just as commercial construction was the area of perhaps the greatest
imbalance coming into the 1990s, it also is the area where a turnabout may take
longest. In many locales, the construction work-in-process was begun some time
ago, and with few new projects entering the pipeline, spending and employment
in this sector probably will continue to fall in coming quarters. However, as
activity nears a cyclical trough, the drag of this sector on overall growth of the
economy should begin to diminish.
The recovery also is being restrained at the moment by fiscal imbalances
at all levels of government. At the federal level, attempts to correct a major
budgetary imbalance have dominated the political debate for a number of years,
with mixed results. Some successes have been made in limiting spending and in
shifting fiscal policy more toward underlying restraint. Nevertheless, the deficit
remains very large; and it appears that the federal budgetary imbalance is going
to be with us for some time to come. We will have to see what, if anything,
comes of the current round of balanced-budget initiatives. Even if a
constitutional amendment is passed, efforts to correct the fiscal imbalance are
bound to have at least a mildly restraining effect on the economy. Nevertheless,

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if carefully administered, the long-term effect of moving forward with corrective
actions can only be favorable.
The aggregate budgetary statistics for state and local governments tell a
story similar in some ways to that of the federal government. Spending rose
rapidly for a number of years as states were forced to take on many of the
programs formerly funded at the federal level. State tax receipts did not keep
pace. As a result, the combined state and local budget deficit, net of social
insurance funds, shifted from a slight positive in 1986 to a sizable negative in
1990. Faced with rising deficits, a number of states and localities have raised
taxes, but the more common reaction has been to restrain spending. Total real
purchases of goods and services by state and local governments were essentially
flat in 1991, after seven years of relatively strong increases. State and local
officials have had to face many painful budgetary choices. Cutbacks in some
budget categories have been necessary to make way for increased spending for
high-priority categories or for federally mandated programs.
The rapid buildup of debt in the 1980s was not confined to the public
sector. In the business sector, the 1980s brought merger mania and a wave of
corporate buyouts that often entailed the substitution of debt for equity. The debt
of nonfinancial corporations rose much faster than GDP in the 1980s, and
corporate interest expenses increased sharply relative to cash flow. As firms
became more heavily leveraged, their credit ratings deteriorated. By 1990, when
the economy had weakened, the number of downgradings far exceeded the
number of upgradings.

-7Turning to the household sector, purchases of motor vehicles and other
durables were at high levels for an extended period in the last decade. To finance
those purchases, households turned heavily toward borrowing. Growth of the
financial liabilities of the household sector averaged about 12 percent per year
from the end of 1982 through 1988. Because this rate considerably exceeded the
growth of personal income, many households found it necessary to stretch out
loan repayment schedules, thereby committing more of their future income to the
repayment of debt. That strategy worked well as long as income growth was
maintained. But when income growth slowed in 1989, the squeeze was on, and a
period of belt-tightening has ensued. At the same time, changes in the tax code
led to the phase-out of some interest rate deductions and further inhibited
spending for big-ticket items. Households began to reduce their purchases of
consumer durables in 1989, and they trimmed those outlays further in the next
two years. Other types of spending have similarly been scaled back.
As I mentioned earlier, consumer spending has picked up recently and
surveys of consumer attitudes show a pronounced improvement in confidence in
recent months. Nonetheless, the levels of most confidence indexes are still low
by historical standards. This apprehension about business conditions and about
personal finances is another factor that has been, and likely will continue to be, a
damping influence on the pace of economic recovery. I suspect that consumers
have nagging worries about our nation's long-run economic prospects and
whether the current and future generations will live as well as the previous ones.
Even workers in professions once thought to be immune to economic hard times,
such as accountants and middle management, find themselves facing the reality,

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or the potential, of job loss or what has become known as "downward mobility."
The problems of structural change and adaptation are perhaps most severe in
defense-related industries. But firms in a wide variety of nondefense industries,
including banking, are also refocusing corporate activities and eliminating
inefficient operations to be competitive in today's market. Adding to the
uncertainty are a lack of confidence in the ability of governments to deal with
their budget deficits, racial tensions and problems in urban areas, and the
disintegration of nations around the world into warring ethnic factions. These
anxieties may well continue to be manifested in lower consumption and
borrowing levels, thereby damping the pace of economic recovery somewhat.
The financial sector also experienced significant strains in the decade of
the 1980s. The "S&L crisis" is well known, and we are still working through its
resolution. The banking sector also has been strained by having to work through
or write off nonperforming loans in agriculture, energy, commercial real estate,
and to less developed countries. Higher interest rates, narrow margins, and
limitations on product line opportunities may also have put pressure on bank
profit margins. Moreover, efforts to address problem loans and strengthened
capital standards have made it difficult for many banks to maintain or expand
their lending activities.
Corrections Underway in the 1990s
Fortunately, adjustments are underway that should correct many of the
imbalances and drags on our economy, setting the stage for sustained growth as
we move further into the 1990s. In particular, the balance sheet and operating
restructurings taking place at all levels—households, businesses, and

-9governments—should lead to reduced financial vulnerability and improved
efficiency. In the household sector, for example, the buildup of financial
liabilities slowed sharply last year to a 4 percent increase — half the rate just two
years earlier and less than a third the pace in the mid-1980s. The volume of
consumer installment credit outstanding actually declined in 1991 for the first
time since 1958. Households also have been actively taking advantage of the
low-interest rate environment to reduce personal debt by paying off high-rate
consumer credit and refinancing mortgages. With the growth of household credit
slowing and interest rates down, the share of personal income needed to service
debt has begun to tilt back down, after many years of steady increase. These
financial adjustments are gradually putting households in a better position to
spend and eventually to contribute an important lift to the general economy.
Continued expansion of payroll employment is key, of course, to continued
consumer spending.
Parallel efforts have been underway to restructure corporate balance
sheets. Aided by a strong stock market, issuance of equity by nonfinancial
corporations outstripped equity retirements in 1991 for the first time since 1983,
and the pace of gross equity issuance so far this year has been at a record level.
The growth of business debt has almost come to a halt. The mix of debt also
took a significant shift toward the long end of the maturity spectrum, as
corporations took advantage of declines in long-term interest rates. Indeed, the
ratio of short-term debt (bank loans, commercial paper, finance company loans,
and so forth) to long-term debt now is about where it was in 1980. With the

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decreases in interest rates and the diminished use of debt, the debt-servicing
burden of nonfinancial corporations has begun to ease.
The financial sector is also showing signs of improvement. Bank profits
and capital levels are strengthening. The rate of bank failures has slowed and
loan portfolios appear to have stabilized. The so-called "credit crunch" may be
starting to ease, as lenders appear to be more willing to make at least some kinds
of loans, a posture that can be supported by the banking system's better access to
capital and funding markets. Although not yet a closed chapter, the discussions
of the S&L resolution now seem to focus on finishing and winding down the
process. With lower interest rates, a strong secondary stock market, and an
improving banking industry, the financial sector now seems better positioned to
finance a budding recovery.
Restructuring is affecting not only the financial side of business activities,
but also the operating side. Manufacturers achieved strong gains in productivity
over the course of the 1980s, and their international competitiveness improved
markedly. Recently the emphasis on achieving greater efficiency seems to have
spread to areas well beyond the production line to the service sector and to
businesses outside manufacturing. Many corporations are reassessing the
manner in which they have their businesses organized and are undertaking
fundamental restructurings aimed at boosting productivity and enhancing their
ability to react promptly to demand shifts. Although these efforts may keep
near-term employment gains small, they also will tend to lower production costs,
enhance competitiveness, and raise our real standard of living over the long haul.

- 1 1 -

The efficiency gains and related cost reductions that manufacturers
achieved over the last decade have resulted in sustained increases in exports. For
a number of years now, serious questions have been raised about the ability of
the United States to compete internationally. But the facts simply don't support
the contention that the U.S. is not competing in the global economy. In the
six-year period from 1985 to 1991, our real exports of goods and services rose
about 75 percent, and we made substantial progress toward closing the trade
deficit. Prospects for further increases in coming years depend, in part, on the
economic situation of our major trading partners. Growth in many of the
industrial economies has been sluggish over the past year, but is likely to recover
in the period ahead. At the same time, activity in Latin America and the newly
industrializing economies of Asia remains relatively strong. On balance, the
export situation does seem to be much more encouraging than some of the recent
rhetoric would imply.
A list of factors affecting the longer-run sustainability of economic growth
would not be complete without reference to inflation. [Note—CPI data to be
released 6/12/92.] The pickup in inflationary pressures that began to emerge in
the latter part of the 1980s has been reversed. I know that some commentators
view this morning's reported jump in the producer price index as a sign that
inflation in beginning to re-accelerate. However, with nominal wage increases
gradually easing, I think the odds of seeing a further gradual reduction in the core
rate of inflation are quite favorable. Let me cite a few numbers. Over the twelve
months ending in April, the overall consumer price index rose 3-1/4 percent,
down from a 5 percent increase during the preceding twelve-month period.

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Granted, some of the slowing reflects lower oil prices . But even excluding the
volatile energy and food categories, price increases have slowed from 5 percent
last year to slightly less than 4 percent this year.
As an aside, although attention always seems to focus on the CPI, and the
CPI excluding energy and food certainly is a key measure of the core rate of
inflation, it may not necessarily be the only rate we should be following to assess
underlying price pressures. Even changes in the "core" CPI reflect more than
"pure" price changes. For example, many economists feel that quality
improvements in the basket of goods and services purchased by consumers are
not adequately captured in the CPI. Indeed, some have argued that the
inadequacies of the quality adjustments could account for as much as
2 percentage points in the annual rate of CPI inflation. Looking at a variety of
indicators may help to get a better feel for the deceleration of inflationary
pressures—for example, GDP price indexes, producer prices at all stages of
processing, or labor cost measures. However one measures it, as we move closer
to a stable price environment, we are likely to see an active debate concerning
the appropriate statistical measure of prices for guiding economic policy.
Back to the subject at hand—at this juncture, having given a fair bit of
attention to the favorable trends I see emerging, I should perhaps inject a
cautionary note. Certainly, I do not want to sound more optimistic than a full
assessment of the facts would warrant. There still are significant areas of
weakness in the economy—commercial real estate, the defense industry,
continued unemployment, and government budget deficits. Long-term interest
rates have remained high relative to shorter rates, which is probably inhibiting

-13investment somewhat. Moreover, it may be some time before households and
businesses are fully satisfied with their financial structures. This balance sheet
restructuring or deleveraging may go on for a while, serving to damp the pace of
recovery.
Conclusion
In summary, no one can forecast with confidence exactly when the
positives in the outlook will completely outweigh the remaining negatives. The
risk of a temporary setback can never be fully discounted. But, that said, there
are clearly reasons to be encouraged about both the longer-run and near-term
prospects for the economy. Stronger balance sheets, improved industrial
production and productivity, a stronger trend in exports, a strengthening financial
sector, and lower inflation all auger well for the longer-run performance. And,
despite the remaining uncertainties, I expect the economic data increasingly to
shift in a more favorable direction as the year progresses.
Thank you for your kind attention.