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March 7, 2016

Reflections on Macroeconomics Then and Now

Remarks by
Stanley Fischer
Vice Chairman
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
at
“Policy Challenges in an Interconnected World”
32nd Annual National Association for Business Economics Economic Policy Conference
Washington, D.C.

March 7, 2016

I am grateful to the National Association for Business Economics (NABE) for
conferring the fourth annual NABE Paul A. Volcker Lifetime Achievement Award for
Economic Policy on me, thereby allowing me the honor of following in the footsteps of
Paul Volcker, Jean-Claude Trichet, and Alice Rivlin.1 The honor of receiving the award
is enhanced by its bearing the name of Paul Volcker, a model citizen and public servant,
and a giant in every sense among central bankers.
One thinks of many things on an occasion such as this one. My mind goes back
first to growing up in a very small town in Zambia, then Northern Rhodesia, and to the
surprise and delight my parents would have felt at seeing me standing where I am now.
They would have been even more delighted that my girlfriend, Rhoda, whom I met when
my parents moved to a bigger town in Zimbabwe, and I have been happily married for
50 years. But that is not the story I will tell today. Rather, I want to talk about our field,
macroeconomics, and some of the lessons we have learned in the course of the last
55 years--and I say 55 years, because in 1961, at the end of my school years, on the
advice of a friend, I read Keynes’s General Theory for the first time.
Did I understand it? Certainly not. Was I captivated by it? Certainly, though
“captured” is a more appropriate word than “captivated.” Does it remain relevant?
Certainly. Just a week ago I took it off the bookshelf to read parts of chapter 23, “Notes
on Mercantilism, the Usury Laws, Stamped Money and Theories of UnderConsumption.” Today that chapter would be headed “Protectionism, the Zero Lower

1

I am grateful to David Lopez-Salido, Andrea Ajello, Elmar Mertens, Stacey Tevlin, and Bill English of
the Federal Reserve Board for their assistance. Views expressed are mine, and are not necessarily those of
the Federal Reserve Board or the Federal Open Market Committee.

-2Bound, and Secular Stagnation,” with the importance of usury laws having diminished
since 1936.
There is an old joke about our field--not the one about the one-handed economist,
nor the one about “assume you have a can opener,” nor the one that ends, “If I were you,
I wouldn’t start from here.” Rather it’s the one about the Ph.D. economist who returns to
his university for his class’s 50th reunion. He asks if he can see the most recent Ph.D.
generals exam. After a while it is brought to him. He reads it carefully, looking
perplexed, and then says, “But this is exactly the same as the exam I wrote over 50 years
ago.” “Ah yes,” says the professor. “It is the same, but all the answers are different.”
Is that really the case? Not really, though it is true to some extent in the realm of
policy. To discuss the question of whether the answers to the questions of how to deal
with macroeconomic policy problems have changed markedly over the past half-century
or so, I will start by briefly sketching the structure of a basic macro model. The building
blocks of this model are similar to those used in many macro models, including FRB/US,
the Fed staff’s large-scale model, and a variety of DSGE (dynamic stochastic general
equilibrium) models used at the Fed and other central banks and by academic researchers.
The structure of the model starts with the standard textbook equation for
aggregate demand for domestically produced goods, namely:2
(1) AD = C + I + G + NX;
(2) Next is the wage-price block, which is based on a wage or price Phillips
curve. Okun’s law is included to make the transition between output and
employment;

2

A fuller description of the equations is contained in the appendix.

-3(3) Monetary policy is described by a money supply or interest rate rule;
(4) The credit markets and financial intermediation are built off links between the
policy interest rate and the rates of return on, and/or demand and supply
functions for, other assets;
(5) The balance of payments and the exchange rate enter through the balance of
payments identity, namely that the current account surplus must be equal to
the capital account deficit, corrected for official intervention;
(6) Dynamics of stocks: There are dynamic equations for the capital stock, the
stock of government debt, and the external debt.
When I was an undergraduate at the London School of Economics (LSE) between
1962 and 1965, we learned the IS-LM model, which combined the aggregate demand
equation (1) with the money market equilibrium condition set out in (3). That was the
basic understanding of the Keynesian model as crystallized by John Hicks, Franco
Modigliani, and others, in which it was easy to add detail to the demand functions for
private-sector consumption, C; for investment, I; for government spending, G; and for net
exports. The Keynesian emphasis on aggregate demand and its determinants is one of the
basic innovations of the Keynesian revolution, and one that makes it far easier to
understand and explain what factors are determining output and employment.
Continuing down the list, on price and wage dynamics, the Phillips curve has
flattened somewhat since the 1950s and 1960s.3 Further, the role of expectations of
inflation in the Phillips curve has been developed far beyond what was understood when
A.W. Phillips--who was a New Zealander, an LSE faculty member, and a statistician and

3

See Blanchard (2016).

-4former engineer--discovered what later became the Phillips curve. The difference
between the short- and long-run Phillips curves, which is now a staple of textbooks, was
developed by Milton Friedman and Edmund Phelps, and the effect of making
expectations rational or model consistent was emphasized by Robert Lucas, whose
islands model provided an imperfect information reason for a nonvertical short-run
Phillips curve. In Okun’s law, the Okun coefficient--the coefficient specifying how much
a change in the unemployment rate affects output--appears to have declined over time.
So has the trend rate of productivity growth, which is a critical determinant of future
levels of per capita income.
In (3), the monetary equilibrium condition, the monetary policy decision was
typically represented by the money stock at the LSE and perhaps also at the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) after the Keynesian revolution (after all,
“L” represents the liquidity preference function and “M” the supply of money); now the
money supply rule is replaced by an interest-rate setting rule, for instance a reaction
function of some form, or by a calculated “optimal” policy based on a loss function.
The development of the flexible inflation-targeting approach to monetary policy is
one of the major achievements of modern macroeconomics. Flexible inflation targeting
allows for flexibility in the speed with which the monetary authority plans on returning to
the target inflation rate, and is thereby close to the dual mandate that the law assigns to
the Fed.
A great deal of progress has been made in developing the credit and financial
intermediation block. As early as the 1960s, each of James Tobin, Milton Friedman, and
Karl Brunner and Alan Meltzer wrote out models with more fully explicated financial

-5sectors, based on demand functions for assets other than money. Later the demand
functions were often replaced by pricing equations derived from the capital asset pricing
model. Researchers at the Fed have been bold enough to add estimated term and risk
premiums to the determination of the returns on some assets.4 They have concluded,
inter alia, that the arguments we used to make about how easy it would be to measure
expected inflation if the government would introduce inflation-indexed bonds failed to
take into account that returns on bonds are affected by liquidity and risk premiums. This
means that one of the major benefits that were expected from the introduction of
inflation-indexed bonds (Treasury Inflation-Protected Securities, generally called TIPS),
namely that they would provide a quick and reliable measure of inflation expectations,
has not been borne out, and that we still have to struggle to get reasonable estimates of
expected inflation.
As students, we included NX, net exports, in the aggregate demand equation, but
we did not generally solve for the exchange rate, possibly because the exchange rate was
typically fixed. Later, in 1976, Rudi Dornbusch inaugurated modern international
macroeconomics--and here I’m quoting from a speech by Ken Rogoff--in his famous
overshooting model.5 As globalization of both goods and asset markets intensified over
the next 40 years, the international aspects of trade in goods and assets occupied an
increasingly important role in the economies of virtually all countries, not least the
United States, and in macroeconomics.
At the LSE, we took a course on the British economy from Frank Paish, whose
lectures consisted of a series of charts, accompanied by narrative from the professor. He

4
5

See D’Amico, Kim, and Wei (2014).
See Dornbusch (1976) and Rogoff (2001).

-6made a strong impression on me in a lecture in 1963, in which he said, “You see, it (the
balance of payments deficit) goes up and it goes down, and it is clear that we are moving
toward a balance of payments crisis in 1964.” I waited and I watched, and the crisis
appeared on schedule, as predicted. But Paish also warned us that forecasting was
difficult, and gave us the advice “Never look back at your forecasts--you may lose your
nerve.” I pass that wisdom on to those of you who need it.
I remember also my excitement at being told by a friend in a more senior class
about the existence of econometric models of the entire economy. It was a wonderful
moment. I understood that economic policy would from then on be easy: All that was
necessary was to feed the data into the model and work out at what level to set the policy
parameters. Unfortunately, it hasn’t worked out that way. On the use of econometric
models, I think often of something Paul Samuelson once said: “I’d rather have Bob
Solow’s views than the predictions of a model. But I’d rather have Solow with a model
than without one.”
We learned a lot at the LSE. But wonderful as it was to be in London, and to
meet people from all over the world for the first time, and to be able to travel to Europe
and even to the Soviet Union with a student group, and to ski for the first time in my life
in Austria, it gradually became clear to me that the center of the academic economics
profession was not in London or Oxford or Cambridge, but in the United States.
There was then the delicate business of applying to graduate school. There was a
strong Chicago tendency among many of the lecturers at the LSE, but I wanted to go to
MIT. When asked why, I gave a simple answer: “Samuelson and Solow.” Fortunately, I
got into MIT and had the opportunity of getting to know Samuelson and Solow and other

-7great professors. And I also met the many outstanding students who were there at the
time, among them Robert Merton. I took courses from Samuelson and Solow and other
MIT stars, and I wrote my thesis under the guidance of Paul Samuelson and Frank Fisher.
From there, my first job was at the University of Chicago--and I understood that I was
very lucky to have been able to learn from the great economists at both MIT and
Chicago. Among the many things I learned at Chicago was a Milton Friedman saying:
“Man may not be rational, but he’s a great rationalizer,” which is a quote that often
comes to mind when listening to stock market analysts.
After four years at Chicago, I returned to the MIT Department of Economics, and
thought that I would never leave--even more so when MIT succeeded in persuading Rudi
Dornbusch, whom I had met when he was a student at Chicago, to move to MIT--thus
giving him too the benefit of having learned his economics at both Chicago and MIT, and
giving MIT the pleasure and benefit of having added a superb economist and human
being to the collection of such people already present.
MIT was still heavily involved in developing growth theory at the time I was a
Ph.D. student there, from 1966 to 1969. We students were made aware of Kaldor’s
stylized facts about the process of growth, presented in his 1957 article “A Model of
Economic Growth.” They were:
1. The shares of national income received by labor and capital are roughly
constant over long periods of time.
2. The rate of growth of the capital stock per worker is roughly constant over
long periods of time.

-83. The rate of growth of output per worker is roughly constant over long periods
of time.
4. The capital/output ratio is roughly constant over long periods of time.
5. The rate of return on investment is roughly constant over long periods of time.
6. The real wage grows over time.
Well, that was then, and many of the problems we face in our economy now relate
to the changes in the stylized facts about the behavior of the economy: Every one of
Kaldor’s stylized facts is no longer true, and unfortunately the changes are mostly in a
direction that complicates the formulation of economic policy.6
While the basic approach outlined so far remains valid, and can be used to address
many macroeconomic policy issues, I would like briefly to take up several topics in more
detail. Some of them are issues that have remained central to the macroeconomic agenda
over the past 50 years, some have to my regret fallen off the agenda, and others are new
to the agenda.
1. Inflation and unemployment: Estimated Phillips curves appear to be flatter
than they were estimated to be many years ago--in terms of the textbooks,
Phillips curves appear to be closer to what used to be called the Keynesian
case (flat Phillips curve) than to the classical case (vertical Phillips curve).
Since the U.S. economy is now below our 2 percent inflation target, and since
unemployment is in the vicinity of full employment, it is sometimes argued
that the link between unemployment and inflation must have been broken. I
don’t believe that. Rather the link has never been very strong, but it exists,

6

See Jones and Romer (2010).

-9and we may well at present be seeing the first stirrings of an increase in the
inflation rate--something that we would like to happen.
2. Productivity and growth: The rate of productivity growth in the United States
and in much of the world has fallen dramatically in the past 20 years. The
table shows calculated rates of annual productivity growth for the United
States over three periods: 1952 to 1973; 1974 to 2007; and the most recent
period, 2008 to 2015. After having been 3 percent and 2.1 percent in the first
two periods, the annual rate of productivity growth has fallen to 1.2 percent in
the period since the start of the global financial crisis.
The right guide to thinking in this case is given by a famous Herbert Stein
line: “The difference between a growth rate of 1 percent and 2 percent is 100
percent.” Why? Productivity growth is a major determinant of long-term
growth. At a 1 percent growth rate, it takes income 70 years to double. At a
2 percent growth rate, it takes 35 years to double. That is to say, that with a
growth rate of 1 percent per capita, it takes two generations for per capita
income to double; at a 2 percent per capita growth rate, it takes one generation
for per capita income to double. That is a massive difference, one that would
very likely have severe consequences for the national mood, and possibly for
economic policy. That is to say, there are few issues more important for the
future of our economy, and those of every other country, than the rate of
productivity growth.
At this stage, we simply do not know what will happen to productivity
growth. Robert Gordon of Northwestern University has just published an

- 10 extremely interesting and pessimistic book that argues we will have to accept
the fact that productivity will not grow in future at anything like the rates of
the period before 1973. Others look around and see impressive changes in
technology and cannot believe that productivity growth will not move back
closer to the higher levels of yesteryear.7 A great deal of work is taking place
to evaluate the data, but so far there is little evidence that data difficulties
account for a significant part of the decline in productivity growth as
calculated by the Bureau of Labor Statistics.8
3. The ZLB and the effectiveness of monetary policy: From December 2008 to
December 2015, the federal funds rate target set by the Fed was a range of
0 to 1/4 percent, a range of rates that was described as the ZLB (zero lower
bound).9 Between December 2008 and December 2014, the Fed engaged in
QE--quantitative easing--through a variety of programs. Empirical work done
at the Fed and elsewhere suggests that QE worked in the sense that it reduced
interest rates other than the federal funds rate, and particularly seems to have
succeeded in driving down longer-term rates, which are the rates most
relevant to spending decisions.
Critics have argued that QE has gradually become less effective over the
years, and should no longer be used. It is extremely difficult to appraise the
effectiveness of a program all of whose parameters have been announced at
the beginning of the program. But I regard it as significant with respect to the

7

See, for instance, Mokyr, Vickers, and Ziebarth (2015).
See Byrne, Fernald, and Reinsdorf (forthcoming).
9
Inside the Fed, the range of 0 to ¼ percent is generally called the ELB, the effective lower bound.
8

- 11 effectiveness of QE that the taper tantrum in 2013, apparently caused by a
belief that the Fed was going to wind down its purchases sooner than
expected, had a major effect on interest rates.
More recently, critics have argued that QE, together with negative interest
rates, is no longer effective in either Japan or in the euro zone. That case has
not yet been empirically established, and I believe that central banks still have
the capacity through QE and other measures to run expansionary monetary
policies, even at the zero lower bound.
4. The monetary-fiscal policy mix: There was once a great deal of work on the
optimal monetary-fiscal policy mix. The topic was interesting and the
analysis persuasive. Nonetheless the subject seems to be disappearing from
the public dialogue; perhaps in ascendance is the notion that--except in
extremis, as in 2009--activist fiscal policy should not be used at all. Certainly,
it is easier for a central bank to change its policies than for a Treasury or
Finance Ministry to do so, but it remains a pity that the fiscal lever seems to
have been disabled.
5. The financial sector: Carmen Reinhart and Ken Rogoff’s book, This Time Is
Different, must have been written largely before the start of the great financial
crisis. I find their evidence that a recession accompanied by a financial crisis
is likely to be much more serious than an ordinary recession persuasive, but
the point remains contentious. Even in the case of the Great Recession, it is
possible that the U.S. recession got a second wind when the euro-zone crisis
worsened in 2011. But no one should forget the immensity of the financial

- 12 crisis that the U.S. economy and the world went through following the
bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers--and no one should forget that such things
could happen again.
The subsequent tightening of the financial regulatory system under the DoddFrank Act was essential, and the complaints about excessive regulation and
excessive demands for banks to hold capital betray at best a very short
memory. We, the official sector and particularly the regulatory authorities, do
have an obligation to try to minimize the regulatory and other burdens placed
on the private sector by the official sector--but we have a no less important
obligation to try to prevent another financial crisis. And we should also
remember that the shadow banking system played an important role in the
propagation of the financial crisis, and endeavor to reduce the riskiness of that
system.
6. The economy and the price of oil: For some time, at least since the United
States became an oil importer, it has been believed that a low price of oil is
good for the economy. So when the price of oil began its descent below
$100 a barrel, we kept looking for an oil-price-cut dividend. But that dividend
has been hard to discern in the macroeconomic data. Part of the reason is that
as a result of the rapid expansion of the production of oil from shale, total U.S.
oil production had risen rapidly, and so a larger part of the economy was
adversely affected by the decline in the price of oil. Another part is that
investment in the equipment and structures needed for shale oil production
had become an important component of aggregate U.S. investment, and that

- 13 component began a rapid decline. For these reasons, although the United
States has remained an oil importer, the decrease in the world price of oil had
a mixed effect on U.S. gross domestic product. There is reason to believe that
when the price of oil stabilizes, and U.S. shale oil production reaches its new
equilibrium, the overall effect of the decline in the price of oil will be seen to
have had a positive effect on aggregate demand in the United States, since
lower energy prices are providing a noticeable boost to the real incomes of
households.
7. Secular stagnation: During World War II in the United States, many
economists feared that at the end of the war, the economy would return to
high pre-war levels of unemployment--because with the end of the war,
demobilization, and the massive reduction that would take place in the defense
budget, there would not be enough demand to maintain full employment.
Thus was born or renewed the concept of secular stagnation--the view that the
economy could find itself permanently in a situation of low demand, less than
full employment, and low growth.10 That is not what happened after World
War II, and the thought of secular stagnation was correspondingly laid aside,
in part because of the growing confidence that intelligent economic policies--

10

I am distinguishing in this section between secular stagnation as being caused by a deficiency of
aggregate demand and another view, that output growth will be very slow in future because productivity
growth will be very low. The view that future productivity growth will be very low has already been
discussed, with the conclusion that we do not have a good basis for predictions of its future level, and that
we simply do not know whether future productivity growth will be extremely low or higher than it has been
recently. There is no shortage of views on this issue among economists, but the views to some extent
appear to depend on whether the economist making the prediction is an optimist or a pessimist.

- 14 fiscal and monetary--could be relied on to help keep the economy at full
employment with a reasonable growth rate.
Recently, Larry Summers has forcefully restated the secular stagnation
hypothesis, and argued that it accounts for the current slowness of economic
growth in the United States and the rest of the industrialized world. The
theoretical case for secular stagnation in the sense of a shortage of demand is
tied to the question of the level of the interest rate that would be needed to
generate a situation of full employment. If the equilibrium interest rate is
negative, or very small, the economy is likely to find itself growing slowly,
and frequently encountering the zero lower bound on the interest rate.
Research has shown a declining trend in estimates of the equilibrium interest
rate. That finding has become more firmly established since the start of the
Great Recession and the global financial crisis.11 Moreover, the level of the
equilibrium interest rate seems likely to rise only gradually to a longer-run
level that would still be quite low by historical standards.
What factors determine the equilibrium interest rate? Fundamentally, the
balance of saving and investment demands. Several trends have been cited as
possible factors contributing to a decline in the long-run equilibrium real rate.
One likely factor is persistent weakness in aggregate demand. Among the
many reasons for that, as Larry Summers has noted, is that the amount of

11
This research includes recent work by Johannsen and Mertens (2015) and Kiley (2015) that uses
extensions of the original Laubach and Williams (2003) framework. An international perspective on
medium-to-long-run real interest rates is provided by U.S. Executive Office of the President (2015).
Reinhart and Rogoff (2009) and Hall (2014) discuss the long-lived effects of financial crises on economic
performance. See also Hamilton and others (2015). I have, in addition, drawn on Fischer (forthcoming).

- 15 physical capital that the revolutionary information technology firms with high
stock market valuations have needed is remarkably small. The slowdown of
productivity growth, which as already mentioned has been a prominent and
deeply concerning feature of the past six years, is another important factor.12
Others have pointed to demographic trends resulting in there being a larger
share of the population in age cohorts with high saving rates.13 Some have
also pointed to high saving rates in many emerging market countries, coupled
with a lack of suitable domestic investment opportunities in those countries, as
putting downward pressure on rates in advanced economies--the global
savings glut hypothesis advanced by Ben Bernanke and others at the Fed
about a decade ago.14
Whatever the cause, other things being equal, a lower level of the long-run
equilibrium real rate suggests that the frequency and duration of future
episodes in which monetary policy is constrained by the ZLB will be higher
than in the past. Prior to the crisis, some research suggested that such
episodes were likely to be relatively infrequent and generally short lived.15
The past several years certainly require us to reconsider that basic assumption.
Moreover, recent experience in the United States and other countries has
taught us that conducting monetary policy at the effective lower bound is

12

It is also a major factor explaining the phenomenon of the economy’s impressive performance on the
jobs front during a period of historically slow growth.
13
See, for instance, Gordon (2014, 2016).
14
See Bernanke (2005). See also the recent work by Caballero, Farhi, and Gourinchas (2008); and
Mendoza, Quadrini, and Rios-Rull (2009).
15
See, for instance, Reifschneider and Williams (2000), Blanchard and Simon (2001), and Stock and
Watson (2003).

- 16 challenging.16 And while unconventional policy tools such as forward
guidance and asset purchases have been extremely helpful and effective, all
central banks would prefer a situation with positive interest rates, restoring
their ability to use the more traditional interest rate tool of monetary policy.17
The answer to the question “Will the equilibrium interest rate remain at
today’s low levels permanently?” is also that we do not know. Many of the
factors that determine the equilibrium interest rate, particularly productivity
growth, are extremely difficult to forecast. At present, it looks likely that the
equilibrium interest rate will remain low for the policy-relevant future, but
there have in the past been both long swings and short-term changes in what
can be thought of as equilibrium real rates.
Eventually, history will give us the answer. But it is critical to emphasize that
history’s answer will depend also on future policies, monetary and other,
notably including fiscal policy.
Concluding Remarks
Well, are the answers all different than they were 50 years ago? No. The basic
framework we learned a half-century ago remains extremely useful. But also yes: Some
of the answers are different because they were not on previous exams because the
problems they deal with were not evident fifty years ago. So the advice to potential
policymakers is simple: Learn as much as you can, for most of it will come in useful at

16

For a discussion of various issues reviewed by the Federal Open Market Committee in late 2008 and
2009 regarding the complications of unconventional monetary policy at the ZLB, see the set of staff memos
on the Board’s website at www.federalreserve.gov/foia/fomc/readingrooms.htm.
17
See Williams (2013).

- 17 some stage of your career; but never forget that identifying what is happening in the
economy is essential to your ability to do your job, and for that you need to keep your
eyes, your ears, and your mind open, and with regard to your mouth--to use it with
caution.
Many thanks again for this award and this opportunity to speak with you.

- 18 References
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Deficit,” speech delivered at the Homer Jones Lecture, St. Louis, April 14,
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Blanchard, Olivier (2014). “Where Danger Lurks: The Recent Financial Crisis Has
Taught Us to Pay Attention to Dark Corners, Where the Economy Can
Malfunction Badly,” Finance and Development, vol. 51 (September), pp. 28-31.
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Blanchard, Olivier, Eugenio Cerutti, and Lawrence Summers (2015). “Inflation and
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- 19 and Economics Discussion Series 2014-24. Washington: Board of Governors of
the Federal Reserve System, January,
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- 22 Appendix
The following model includes a number of elements that play a central role in the
analysis of economic fluctuations and in larger policy models as I have encountered them
at the Federal Reserve and other institutions.
An aggregate demand relationship, in the form of the investment-saving (or IS)
curve, characterizes the negative dependence of economic activity on the real borrowing
rate, 𝑖𝑖 𝐵𝐵 − 𝜋𝜋 𝑒𝑒 , and the positive dependence on expected output, 𝑦𝑦 𝑒𝑒 ; government spending,
𝐺𝐺; and net exports, NX, as a function of the exchange rate, 𝑒𝑒, and foreign output, 𝑦𝑦 𝑓𝑓 :
𝑒𝑒𝑃𝑃𝑓𝑓

𝑦𝑦 = 𝐴𝐴(𝑖𝑖 𝐵𝐵 − 𝜋𝜋 𝑒𝑒 , 𝑦𝑦 𝑒𝑒 , 𝐺𝐺, 𝑁𝑁𝑁𝑁), 𝑤𝑤𝑤𝑤𝑤𝑤ℎ 𝑁𝑁𝑁𝑁 = 𝑓𝑓 �

𝑃𝑃

, 𝑦𝑦 𝑓𝑓 �.

(1)

The Phillips curve describes a relationship between inflation and labor market
slack. Inflation responds negatively to the level of the unemployment gap, 𝑢𝑢,
� and to

changes in aggregate productivity, 𝑧𝑧 (including shocks to commodity prices). Current

inflation also responds positively to expected future inflation, 𝜋𝜋 𝑒𝑒 , and to the level of the

borrowing rate and of the exchange rate, 𝜙𝜙(𝑖𝑖 𝐵𝐵 , 𝑒𝑒) (cost − push shocks):
𝜋𝜋 = 𝑓𝑓(𝑢𝑢�) − 𝑧𝑧 + 𝜋𝜋 𝑒𝑒 + 𝜙𝜙�𝑖𝑖 𝐵𝐵 , 𝑒𝑒�.

(Phillips curve)

(2)

Current issues regarding the role of expectations, the size of the slope, and the

pass-through from exchange rate movements to domestic prices and wages can be
addressed in this context. Recent discussions can be found in Blanchard’s (2016)
reference to the back-to-the-1960s thinking about the Phillips curve and in Blanchard,
Cerutti, and Summers’s (2015) thoughts on hysteresis mechanisms underlying the
inflation and unemployment dynamic.

- 23 To connect cyclical fluctuations in the level of aggregate activity with changes in
employment, Okun’s law has been proved useful as an empirical description of the
relationship between the output gap and the unemployment gap, 𝑢𝑢� =
(2007); and Daly, Fernald, Jordà, and Nechio (2013, 2014)):
𝑦𝑦� = −𝛾𝛾𝑢𝑢�.

𝑢𝑢−𝑢𝑢∗
𝑢𝑢∗

(Okun’s law)

(see Knotek

(3)

To characterize monetary policy, it is nowadays useful to consider how the central
bank affects the level of interest rates by setting the federal funds rate, 𝑖𝑖, in response to

deviations of expected inflation from its target, 𝜋𝜋� = 𝜋𝜋 𝑒𝑒 − 𝜋𝜋 ∗ (inflation gap), and percent

deviations of output from its potential level, 𝑦𝑦� =
𝑖𝑖 = 𝑓𝑓�𝜋𝜋 𝑒𝑒 − 𝜋𝜋 ∗ , 𝑦𝑦��.

𝑦𝑦−𝑦𝑦 ∗
𝑦𝑦 ∗

(output gap):

(4)

To capture the role of credit and financial intermediation in the economy,
consider a loan market equation, where the demand on the left-hand side depends
negatively on the borrowing rate, 𝑖𝑖 𝐵𝐵 , and the level of economic activity (higher income

implies lower financing needs). The supply of loans depends negatively on the level of
interest rates, 𝑖𝑖, and positively on the level of intermediation spreads, 𝜔𝜔, and income, 𝑦𝑦

(to the extent that higher aggregate income increases deposits and banks’ capitalization
and hence the supplies of intermediated funds). This equation pins down the equilibrium
level of the intermediation spread, 𝜔𝜔:
𝐿𝐿𝑑𝑑 (𝑖𝑖 𝐵𝐵 , 𝑦𝑦) = 𝐿𝐿𝑠𝑠 �𝑖𝑖, 𝜔𝜔, 𝑦𝑦�.

(5)

The borrowing rate, 𝑖𝑖 𝐵𝐵 , is then equal to the sum of the risk-free rate set by the

central bank, 𝑖𝑖, and the spread, 𝜔𝜔:

- 24 -

𝑖𝑖 𝐵𝐵 = 𝑖𝑖 + 𝜔𝜔.

(6)

This analysis is in the spirit of James Tobin’s approach to monetary economics as
was recently described by Solow (2004) and extended by Woodford (2010) to describe
the role for financial intermediation shocks. It also captures the work by B. Friedman, B.
Bernanke, and A. Blinder in thinking about the role of credit and credit spreads in the
transmission of monetary policy impulses.
Open economy aspects are captured by the following equations: The balance of
payment is in equilibrium when net exports are compensated by capital flows of opposite
sign. Capital flows depend on the difference between the domestic interest rate and the
foreign rate adjusted for depreciation:
𝑒𝑒𝑃𝑃𝑓𝑓

𝑁𝑁𝑁𝑁 �

𝑃𝑃

, 𝑦𝑦 𝑓𝑓 � + 𝐶𝐶𝐶𝐶 �𝑖𝑖 − 𝑖𝑖𝑓𝑓 −

𝑑𝑑𝑑𝑑
𝑒𝑒

� = 0.

(7)

Furthermore, the uncovered interest rate parity equates the rate of return on
domestic assets, 𝑖𝑖, to the rate of return on foreign assets, 𝑖𝑖𝑓𝑓 , plus future expected changes
in the exchange rate,

𝑖𝑖 = 𝑖𝑖𝑓𝑓 +

𝑑𝑑𝑑𝑑
𝑒𝑒

𝑑𝑑𝑑𝑑
𝑒𝑒

, and a residual risk premium component, 𝑅𝑅𝑅𝑅:

+ 𝑅𝑅𝑅𝑅.

(8)

For a detailed description of these relationships, see Dornbusch, Fischer, and
Startz (2014); and Obstfeld and Rogoff (1996).

Reflections on Macroeconomics Then and Now
Stanley Fischer
Vice Chairman
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
March 7, 2016
32nd Annual National Association for Business Economics
Economic Policy Conference

Kaldor’s Stylized Facts
1. The shares of national income received by labor and capital are
roughly constant over long periods of time.
2. The rate of growth of the capital stock per worker is roughly constant
over long periods of time.
3. The rate of growth of output per worker is roughly constant over long
periods of time.
4. The capital/output ratio is roughly constant over long periods of time.
5. The rate of return on investment is roughly constant over long periods
of time.
6. The real wage grows over time.
Source: Nicholas Kaldor (1957), “A Model of Economic Growth,” Economic Journal, vol. 67 (December), pp. 591–624.

U.S. Average Productivity Growth

(Nonfarm Business Sector Real Output per Hour—All Persons)
3.5%
3.0%

3.0%

2.5%

2.1%

2.0%
1.5%

1.2%

1.0%
0.5%
0.0%
1952 - 1973
Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.

1974 - 2007

2008 - 2015