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May 21, 2015

Past, Present, and Future Challenges for the Euro Area

Remarks by
Stanley Fischer
Vice Chairman
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
at
the ECB Forum on Central Banking conference
“Inflation and Unemployment in Europe”
Sintra, Portugal

May 21, 2015

It is an honor and a pleasure to participate in the ECB Forum on Central Banking,
and I thank you, President Draghi, and other members of the ECB Board, for inviting me
to take part.1 Although the topic of the conference is inflation and unemployment, I will
take another perspective by discussing some of the past, present, and future challenges
that have and may in future confront the ECB and the euro area.
My theme is taken from Jean Monnet, who in 1976 wrote: “Europe will be forged
in crises, and will be the sum of the solutions adopted for those crises.”2 This quote is
discussed in the interesting recent paper by Luigi Guiso, Paola Sapienza, and Luigi
Zingales, whose view of Monnet’s contention can be deduced from the title of their
paper: “Monnet’s Error?”3 There are similar quotes from others, among them Jacques
Chirac in 2003 and the former chief economist of the ECB, Ottmar Issing, in 2010.4 I
first heard a statement to this effect from Jean-Claude Trichet at the 2011 Jackson Hole
conference.5

1

I am grateful to Brian Doyle, Jane Haltmaier, Stacey Tevlin and Paul Wood of the Federal Reserve Board
for their assistance. The views expressed are my own and not necessarily those of others at the Board, on
the Federal Open Market Committee, or in the Federal Reserve System.
2
See Jean Monnet (1976), Memoires (Paris: Fayard).
3
See Luigi Guiso, Paola Sapienza, and Luigi Zingales (2015), “Monnet’s Error?” NBER Working Paper
Series 21121 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, April).
4
In a 2003 TV interview, Chirac said, “And whenever there’s been a crisis, we’ve emerged from it with a
stronger Europe.” See TF1 and France2 (2003), “Excerpts of TV Interview by President Chirac to TF1 and
France2,” March 10, www.david-morrison.org.uk/other-documents/chirac-20030310.htm.
In November 2010, Prof. Issing (then chief economist and member of the Board of the ECB) gave an
address at the Faculty of Economics of the University of Pavia for the honoris causa degree in international
economic integration. He said, “After all, ‘Europe,’ to use this term, has been through many crises and all
in all has emerged stronger from each one.” See Otmar Issing (2010), “Professor Otmar Issing Address,”
in “Otmar Issing: An Economist and Architect of Supranational Institutions,” introduction by Guido
Montani, Il Politico (University of Pavia, Italy), no. 1, p. 22,
http://economia.unipv.it/pagp/pagine_personali/gmontani/Scientific%20papers/Montani-ISSING.pdf.
5
A year later, at the 2012 Jackson Hole conference, I quoted Jean-Claude as having said, “[T]he European
project is a project in process. It was not set up with this particular aim of getting to a monetary union.
We’ve had crisis after crisis since we started. At every stage of the process, we have heard the same story
from Americans . . . . ‘You Europeans don’t know how to make decisions. You’re always slow. What
phone number should I call if I want to speak to Europe? This dream is bound to collapse.’ We have heard
that every time, and we have been slow. But in the end we have emerged stronger from every crisis.” I

-2An extended 2015 version of the Monnet contention would take the form: “The
first step on the road to European union was the creation of the Coal and Steel
Community in 1951. At the start, we did not have a road map, but we had the goal of
ensuring that the countries of Europe would never again go to war, and to that end, we
had to build an institutional structure that would make another European war impossible.
From time to time we encountered obstacles in that process. These obstacles often led to
crises, but the crises were overcome, and from each crisis, the prospects for a united,
prosperous, and peaceful Europe emerged stronger. And that is what will happen this
time too.”
This leaves us with three questions: Has modern Europe developed primarily
through crises? Will it be stronger when this crisis is over? And what challenges or
crises is Europe likely to have to deal with in future? Despite the fact that political and
economic aspects of the structure of the European economy have inherently been closely
intertwined throughout history--and saying this, one thinks of the Romans and later of
Charlemagne--I will focus on the economic aspects of the European project, and
primarily on its monetary and financial aspects.6
Intra-European monetary and exchange rate problems have for centuries
bedeviled European countries and intra-European trade, and led to the desire for greater
exchange rate stability--perhaps through some form of treaty or agreement, or even
through a monetary union. Of course, the desire for greater exchange rate stability is true

spoke to Jean-Claude recently to check that this is what he said in 2011. He replied that he had, but that he
doubted that he had said “we have been slow,” since he generally states “we have been bold.”
6
See Charles P. Kindleberger (1993), A Financial History of Western Europe, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford
University Press). The book presents four chronologies in its chapter 1: “I: Wars”; “II: Monetary Events”;
“III: Banking Landmarks”; and “IV: Financial Events.” The earliest entry is in “Banking Landmarks,”
12th and 13th c.: Fairs of Champagne.

-3also of almost the entire world, and is reflected in the original Articles of Agreement of
the International Monetary Fund.
The first modern international attempt to regularize monetary relations among
independent European states was that of the Latin Monetary Union (LMU), which came
into force in 1866. The original members were France, Belgium, Switzerland, and Italy.
The Papal States joined later in the same year, and Greece and Rumania joined in 1867.7
The members agreed to fix exchange rates among them by setting the amounts of silver
and gold (weights and fineness) in the national coinage, with a specified exchange rate
(15.5) between silver and gold. In addition, a limit of 6 francs per inhabitant was set on
the value of smaller coins issued by each country, “because of their substantial
seigniorage.”8
The LMU fixed exchange rates within a bimetallic international system.
Kindleberger notes that in setting up the Union, the Swiss, Belgians, and Italians were in
favor of moving to the gold standard, but that “French resistance dominated” (p. 68).
“Then came a series of blows to silver” (p. 68), the most important occurring after the
establishment of the Reichsbank, when Germany in 1873 shifted from bimetallism to the
gold standard, and the Reichsbank started selling its silver. In practice this moved the
LMU to a gold standard, a change that was formally recognized in 1878--the year of the
International Monetary Conference called by the United States to maintain bimetallism,
an effort which failed.

7

Later many other countries accepted the coinage standards set by the LMU but did not formally join the
Union.
8
See Kindleberger, Financial History of Western Europe, p. 68, in note 5.

-4The exchange rates established by the LMU became ineffective during and after
World War I, and the Union was formally ended in 1927.9 Kindleberger writes
consolingly that “from 1865 to 1867, . . . the Latin Monetary Union worked reasonably
well, and its success suggested the desirability of expanding it to arrive at a ‘universal
money’ ” (p. 69).
Now to post-World War II Europe, and the question of whether Europe has
emerged stronger through crises. The Treaty of Rome, establishing the European
Economic Community (EEC), was signed in 1957 by the six original members: Belgium,
France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and West Germany, the same group that had
set up the Coal and Steel Community. The aim was economic integration among the six
members, including a common market and a customs union. At that time, the Bretton
Woods agreement and capital controls were still producing reasonable stability in
exchange rates.
However, as Bretton Woods began to unravel in the 1960s, exchange rates
became more unstable, and appreciations and depreciations against the dollar led to
sizable shifts in bilateral rates among European currencies. Yet the EEC continued to
work within the Bretton Woods framework, even as the Bretton Woods approach began
to be modified at the end of the decade and the beginning of the 1970s. Of particular
difficulty to members of the EEC, under some circumstances the exchange rate bands
specified in the Smithsonian agreement permitted movements of up to 9 percent between
any pair of currencies.

9

Greece was suspended from the LMU in 1908 for debasing its gold coinage, and readmitted in 1910.

-5In response to these pressures, members of the EEC agreed in 1972 to the socalled “snake”--or “the snake in the tunnel”--that attempted to limit exchange rate
fluctuations of each currency relative to the dollar.10 However, this system was soon
tested, notably by the oil crises of the 1970s, as both the effects of the oil price increases
themselves and the policies adopted in response differed across countries. Denmark and
the United Kingdom exited the snake soon after entering, Italy dropped out in 1973, and
France participated intermittently during the mid-1970s, first dropping out in 1974.
The snake was a failure, a failure that created problems, though not clearly a
crisis. If exchange rates among members of the EEC were to be stabilized in the new
world of floating rates, the Community had to invent a substitute. In 1978, the members
of the EEC created the European Monetary System, which started with an Exchange Rate
Mechanism (ERM I) that limited currency fluctuations relative to a basket of national
currencies.11 All members except the United Kingdom participated in ERM I. The
arrangement also committed central banks to intervene to support the resulting bilateral
rates as they approached the limits of the permissible bands. Countries in the ERM also
adopted policies that lowered inflation, bringing interest rates into closer alignment. The
initial success of the ERM encouraged European leaders to lift capital controls and built
momentum toward monetary union, which was reflected in the Maastricht Treaty (the
Treaty on European Union), agreed to in 1991 and signed in 1992.
However, strains also emerged under the ERM, in an environment in which the
Bundesbank emerged as the dominant central bank in Europe, and the Deutschmark as

10

The snake agreement was made among the six original countries of the EEC plus another three about to
join: Denmark, Ireland, and the United Kingdom.
11
By 1978, the original six members of the EEC had been joined by Denmark, Ireland, and the United
Kingdom.

-6the dominant European currency. This led other countries in the ERM to follow German
monetary policy. In part as a consequence of German reunification, the pressures
generated by diverging fiscal policies and tightening German monetary policy
contributed to the ERM crisis of 1992. Moreover, the earlier lifting of capital controls
and the promises to intervene to support rates that were ultimately not credible put
tremendous pressure on the pegged rates--and on relations among some members of the
EEC. The crisis forced the United Kingdom and Italy out of the ERM and forced others
(Portugal and Spain) to devalue their currencies.
The ERM crisis was an apt illustration of the difficulties of trying to manage
exchange rates among countries operating under markedly different economic conditions.
However, rather than dissuading policymakers from trying to limit exchange rate
fluctuations within a system that would nonetheless preserve the possibility of some
exchange rate flexibility, the experience seemed to encourage them to continue with the
plan of the Maastricht Treaty to introduce a single currency and a common monetary
policy at the beginning of 1999. Here indeed was an example of a crisis leading to a
strengthening of the European system--though the process to create EMU--the Economic
and Monetary Union, not the European Monetary Union--began well before the ERM
crisis.
The exchange rate and central banking provisions of the Maastricht Treaty were
introduced on the schedule set out in 1991, with the ECB coming into existence in 1999.
Until about 2009, the monetary aspects of the plans for the development of the European
Union (EU) seemed to be a major success--but not a sufficient success to persuade all

-7members of the Union to become members of the ECB and adopt the euro, with the most
notable standout being the United Kingdom.
The ERM crisis also drove home the need for greater coordination of fiscal
policies in the run-up to monetary union. Members of the EU agreed to the Stability and
Growth Pact in 1996. Although, as we all know, the conditions of the pact have not
always been observed, nor enforced by Brussels, the acknowledgment of the need for a
coordinated fiscal policy to complement monetary union was still a step forward--one
which may be drawn on in future.
What lessons can we draw from this history of the region’s economic and
monetary responses to earlier crises? Do the results bear out the spirit of the statements
by Monnet and others about each crisis leading to greater strength? Certainly, each
setback and each crisis spurred policymakers to take steps that they might not otherwise
have taken at that time, and the end result of those steps has been a more unified
European monetary union. Successive crises have not deterred policymakers from the
goal of economic integration, but rather seemed to strengthen their belief in the need for
it--and that integration is stronger today than it ever was in the past.
Looking back, the progress in this project from its earliest days after World
War II until today has been impressive. Trade integration has led to the free flow of
goods within the EU, and this has brought economic gains. Greater trade integration has
in turn generated a continued desire for greater monetary integration, which was put in
place in 1999, and until recently seemed to be a major success. That success in turn
made crystal clear the need for more fiscal integration--a challenge for the future, to
which we will return.

-8What about the present crisis of the euro area? Two or three years ago, there was
widespread skepticism on the western shores of the Atlantic and the English Channel
about the viability of the monetary union, and there was much discussion of what would
happen after the breakup of the present euro area--whether there would be one or two
euro areas, one for the stronger countries, one for the weaker, and if so, how well each of
the two blocs would fare.
With one sentence--the sentence that included the words “whatever it takes”-- that
skepticism was largely, though not totally, erased. With one decision--the decision to
implement QE--it became clear that the ECB has the capacity both to decide to
implement monetary policy at the zero lower bound--indeed below the zero lower
bound--and to succeed in implementing that policy. There can be no one whose Bayesian
priors have not moved in favor of the survival of essentially the present euro area, even
though we still await the outcome of the Greek crisis, and even though we know that the
present crisis is not yet over.
Is this an example of the success of the Monnet approach? Absolutely. European
monetary policy in the earlier part of the Great Financial Crisis was innovative,
particularly in the invention of full-allotment outright monetary transactions. That policy
was inspired by crisis, as were the innovative policies undertaken by the Fed in the
United States. More important than that: It is hard to believe that a European banking
union would have been put in place by 2014 if it had not been for the crisis. And it is no
less difficult to believe that a Single Supervisory Mechanism would have been set up
absent the crisis. Of course, one may say that the ability to make these difficult decisions
depended on the skills of the leadership of the ECB--and that is true, and will always be

-9true. But the fact is that, when needed, Europe produced the monetary policy leadership
it needed.
What of the future? What crises, what extremely difficult decisions, await the
EU? Some are already visible. The decision to use the single currency to drive the
European project forward was a risky one, and at some stage or probably in several
stages, it will be necessary to put the missing fiscal framework into place. And that, if it
happens, will be another example of a crisis--the present crisis, one hopes--whose
solution will have strengthened the European enterprise. For success in this area must be
one of the most difficult economic challenges facing the EU after the present crisis is
over.
Also awaiting the EU are the possibilities of major difficulties associated with the
current Greek crisis and, later, with a potential British exit. One can of course imagine
many different types of future crises, including crises that could develop out of the
worsening geopolitical situation in which the Western world finds itself. And one could
go on.
Experience tells us that the best way to deal with future crises is to strengthen the
economic framework in which they will be confronted. That will require a great deal of
thought about how to deal with future crises that could most easily be solved by an
exchange rate adjustment, and it will also require developing a better mechanism to
ensure that member states run responsible financial and budgetary policies. It means also
seeking solutions to the difficult demographics now confronting many European
countries.

- 10 And it means the continuation of a courageous and effective monetary policy, and
courageous and effective regulation and supervision of the financial system – albeit a
monetary policy that could do even better if accompanied by an expansionary fiscal
policy.
All that has been done so far makes it very likely that EMU--the Economic and
Monetary Union--will survive this crisis. But in the longer run, EMU will not survive
unless it also brings prosperity to its members. That means that the most important
challenge of the future will require an increase in productivity growth in Europe--and that
is a challenge that faces the entire developed world.
Let me conclude by congratulating you, the management and staff of the ECB, on
what you have achieved in your short history, and especially in the last few years. And
best wishes for future success in continuing to do your share in contributing to the
building of Europe--preferably without having to face too many future crises, useful as
Monnet’s approach suggests such crises could be.
Thank you--and good luck.