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Approximately 3 p.m., EST (12 noon PST)
Thursday, February 24, 1966




CURRENT MONETARY AND FISCAL DEVELOPMENTS

Remarks of

SHERMAN J. MAISEL
Member
Board of Governors
of the
Federal Reserve System

at the

Fortieth Annual Meeting
of the
California Taxpayers1 Association

San Francisco, California

February 24, 1966

CURRENT MONETARY AND FISCAL DEVELOPMENTS

The issues and problems of economic policy hold the forefront
of discussion and controversy these days.

The celebration of the 20th

anniversary of the Employment Act of 1946 yesterday marked an important
historical milestone.

In the past 20 years, we have vastly enlarged

our ability to utilize economic knowledge to improve the national welfare.
Still it remains most difficult to achieve agreement on, or even a common
understanding of, the basic economic decisions that face us.
Controversies exist partly because the subject is so complex.
Choice of a proper monetary and fiscal policy is far more difficult
than one would gather from catch phrases.
to economic questions.

There are few simple answers

Furthermore, many people are confused as a result

of seeming inconsistencies as when economists, having expounded the
virtues of a budget deficit, turn around and become the chief supporters
of a tax increase to insure a budget surplus.

What observers fail to

realize is that policy must change constantly as the economic situation
changes.

What was right yesterday may be disastrously wrong tomorrow.

Economic Relationships are Complex
Life would be much less complicated if the real world were as
simple as some believe and if it were possible to determine our course
merely by following slogans.

For example, our problems would be greatly

eased if all that was necessary for proper price and output results was
to tighten money and raise interest rates.
Unfortunately, as attested- in two recent instances where the
simple relationships appear reversed, economic relationships are more
complex than that.




*2-

In the yeats 1955 through 1959, the commercial banks were net
debtors to the Federal Reserve--a condition that is the simplest indi­
cator of tighter money.
prevailed:

From 1960 through 1964, the opposite condition

banks then had a net excess of reserves.

The first period

evidenced considerably more monetary constraint than the second.
credit and the money supply expanded far more slowly.
was also more restrictive in the first period.

Bank

Fiscal policy

The output of the economy

did not grow as rapidly as available resources while in the last five
years demand moved ahead fast enough to utilize some of the resources
previously idle.
From these simple facts what sort of price movement would we
expect?

Clearly those who stress only the most elementary of relation­

ships would have expected prices to fall from 1955 through 1959 and then
to rise from 1960 through 1964 as monetary and fiscal constraint eased.
The facts are exactly the opposite.

From January 1955 to December 1959,

the wholesale industrial price index (probably our best measure of
expected monetary impact) shot up at a rate of 2.3 per cent per year.
During the next five years, it did not change at all.
The European experience shows a similar failure of agreement
with the simple theory.

During the past five years most Western European

countries have raised their discount rates rather steadily.
they have high interest rates.

These increased rates have been accom­

panied by very rapid price increases.




As a result

Policies Must Change Over Time
Most modern economics text books open with a chapter emphasizing
the idea that policies must change to fit changing conditions.
no absolutes.

There are

Contrary to the impression sometimes given in the press,

most modern neo-Keynesian works put as much stress on the causes and ways
of fighting inflation as they do on combatting depressions.

Depending

on the particular relationships of total demand and supply, either con­
dition is equally possible.
As it happened from 1956 to nearly the end of 1965 the problem
facing this country was one of fiscal drag and too little total demand.
Accordingly, most economists focused attention on the need for choosing
public policies to help increase both the public and private demand for
goods.
As the economy moved to a higher employment level, however,
naturally economists’ recommendations reflected a need to change policies
to meet the new circumstances.

They recognized that demand sometimes

may need to be curbed just as in other periods it may need to be fostered.
Causes of Disagreement
Since there is agreement that policy must shift with the under­
lying economic situation and since there is also agreement in the abstract
that there are certain policies that are properly matched with certain
problems, what causes all the current controversy over proper monetary
and fiscal policy?

I think we can find at least three major explanations.

1.

There is less unanimity than we think as to the proper
goals for our economy.

2.

There is uncertainty as to the actual facts that will face
us as this year progresses.




-4-

3,

There is a basic lack of agreement over some of
the specific ways in which the economy operates.

Our Economic Goals
All can agree that logical goals for our economy should be
maximum growth, full employment, and stable prices.

Agreement is even

less complicated when the pursuit of these goals promises the simultan­
eous achievement of balance of payments equilibrium, equal opportunity,
free competition, minimum governmental interference, and maximum national
security.
Problems arise only when it becomes clear that reaching some
of these goals will interfere with the attainment of others.
however, this is the situation.
require sacrifices in another.

Unfortunately,

To reach a given level in one sphere may
This is a familiar fact of life in both

the physical and economic worlds.

Since we cannot reach all simultan­

eously, a great deal of current controversy is actually a debate over
priorities among our many desirable goals.
This Yearfs Economic Situation
Almost always some disagreement exists as to the underlying and
prospective economic situations.

It becomes particularly acute in periods

such as the present when Vietnam expenses, high investment prospects,
heavy inventory accumulations, large potential consumer spending are all
subject to rather large possible variations.
The President's Economic Report, setting out the Administration's
appraisal for the year, stressed that the projections on which it was
based were the best possible from the facts available at the end of the
year.




The Report has not, however, been accepted as a sound basis for

-5-

policy by many observers.

They point out that the situation may alter.

New conditions may arise.

They also draw different conclusions from the

known facts.

Primarily they believe that the probability of unfortunate

developments is far higher.

They also feel that this is the time to be

pessimistic rather than optimistic with respect to the dangers of infla­
tion.
Some of our current debates arise from uncertainties over what
the facts and prospects really are.

It is hard, however, to distinguish

between true disagreements over the facts and those in which differences
in philosophies lead analysts to interpret the same facts in opposite
manners.
The Functioning of the Economy at High Employment Levels
While the two previous points lead to some controversy, far
more of current debate arises from a lack of accord as to how the economy
operates near full employment.

What are the potential impacts of monetary,

fiscal, or other policies at existing economic levels?
All agree that demand should be curtailed when it is so high
that additional purchases lead only to price rises rather than to addi­
tional output and employment.

After vigorous debate, a majority of policy

makers agreed that monetary and fiscal policy should help expand demand
when employment was at 5 or 6 per cent.
Clearly, however, there is less unanimity now that unemploy­
ment is at 4 per cent and heading toward 3.5.

What are these disagree­

ments that exist because of differences in analysis rather than from
assumptions concerning the current situation?




£-

Wage-Price Guideposts
Some believe that the current levels of high demand give too
much power over prices to industry and labor leaders and, therefore,
demand should be cut back.

They point out that at present levels fewer

market constraints exist for wage and price boosts.

A small number of

key industrial price moves or high wage bargains can set off a rapid
upward spiral of prices, costs, and wages.

In an attempt to avoid the

danger of price increases, these analysts believe that demand should be
cut back now so as to return to a considerably higher level of unemploy­
ment, less use of resources, and less danger of price and wage movements.
Others are far more concerned with the cost to the economy of
the wasted resources that would result from a lower level of demand and
output.

They feel that with the President’s wage-price guideposts, uses

of the available stockpiles, and with defense priorities, increased
imports, and similar specific steps, we can avoid a wage-price spiral.
They trust that when it becomes clear that price restraint or lower
production and unemployment are the alternatives, then patriotism and
self-interest, plus use of the Government’s economic power in specific
cases, v.7i11 reinforce the guidepost policy and will allow the country to
utilize a maxiriU.’.iu of resources with a minimum of price rise.
Clearly, if present attempts to hold the wage-price line fail,
there will be much heavier pressures to reduce demand to a point where
market forces will support fewer increases.

There will be greater support

for those who argue that the alternative policy of lower employment, lower
profits, and reduced rate of growth in output should replace the guideposts.




The controversies then will revolve around whether Jemand should

-7be held down, primarily by aggregate means, or whether selective poli­
cies should be introduced to deal with the most troublesome spots.
Contrasts Between Monetary and Fiscal Policy
There is fairly complete agreement that monetary and fiscal
policy ought to work together to help maintain demand at a proper level.
However, because they work in different ways and affect separate groups,
there is less unanimity as to what makes a proper mix in any package.
Monetary policy is far simpler to change.

While considerable

time was spent in analysis and debate of the discount rate change, once
the Federal Reserve decided to move, action was rapid.

Within a month

of the announcement, the interest rate on Treasury bills and five-year
Treasury bonds had risen by nearly half a per cent.

In contrast, changes

in fiscal policy may take months or even years to vote and implement.
On the other hand, fiscal policy moves alter the level of
demand rapidly and measureably.

Some impact is felt within the first

quarter and a large per cent occurs within the first year.

It is rather

simple to compute the type and amount of demand shifted.
The amount and type of demand altered by monetary policy is far
less certain as is the speed of its effect.

While it is agreed that

drastic changes in the amount of money have substantial observable impacts
leading either to major inflations or depressions, far less is known about
what results flow from changes of 2 or 3 per cent in the interest rate
or money supply.

How much demand will be cut this year as a result of

recent changes in monetary policy remains a matter of considerable debate.




When either monetary or fiscal policy is tightened, major
complaints are heard from those whose costs are raised or incomes cut.
This, of course, is one of the reasons why tax changes take so long.
As a rule most people prefer that the incidence of a tax change falls
upon the other fellow's income or business.

Similarly when interest

rates rise, those who pay interest or whose business is diminished by
higher rates cry out.
While interest costs exceed interest income for most families,
for many the difference is not large.

On the other hand, for those who

are net creditors, interest tends to be a significant source of income.
These contrasts reduce the pressures against tightening monetary policy
compared to those against reducing demand through fiscal changes.
The Resulting Controversies
These patent disagreements make it clear why it is so easy to
get into heated economic debates at the moment.

Some favor more fiscal

and monetary restraint because they believe that demand will rise faster
than supply later this year.

Others want more restraint because they

believe demand is already too high.
unemployment.

Some fear price rises more than

Others dislike the guidepost approach to restraining

prices and wages more than the alternative channel of restraining them
through lowering opportunities for profits and jobs.
Similarly, those concerned with the specific effects of higher
interest rates would have preferred to see taxes raised instead.

Those

who fear their taxes might be r^ieed would like to see public expendi­
tures cut back.
further.




Those without jobs would like to see demand rise still

It seems clear that under these circumstances the policy maker
is going to be loved by few.
he feels is possible.
flicting powers.

He has to select an alternative which

He has to balance conflicting goals, and con­

He has to base policy on what he believes is the most

probable economic path even while recognizing that events may alter it.
He knows that all he can really hope to do is to improve the likelihood
of proper decisions, but he cannot, of course, guarantee 100 per cent
accuracy.
At the moment most of the debates over policy concern fiscal
and other governmental policies outside the monetary sphere.
rarily, monetary goals appear less controversial.

Tempo­

There is more complete

agreement than usual that monetary policy will be expected to decrease
the exuberance of the civilian sector.

It will also have to reinforce

fiscal policy by attempting to see that the demand reduced through the
speed-up in tax collections and sale of monetary assets is not re­
created through the banking sphere.
Few fear that demand this year will be insufficient to main­
tain growth and high employment.

Our Vietnam requirements as well as

the unfilled needs of the Great Society are sufficiently large to make
it appear that the problem may be more one of an untoward rather than
an insufficient expansion of demand.

It is perhaps surprising that in

this situation there hasn't been more pressure for tax increases, even
if only on a stand-by or discretionary basis, from those concerned over
the inflationary possibilities.




*io-

the Role Of Monetary Policy
Since monetary policy has taken the lead in attempting to
restrict demand growth, it is proper to ask how it hopes to accomplish
its task.

To this question, we find almost as many answers proposed as

we find analysts.

While work is progressing on finding the precise

sequence of effects->-i.e., the linkages and timing between policy actions
and the actual results, we must admit that uncertainties are still great.
One complicating factor in finding answers is that the Federal
Reserve operates in the financial markets whereas the demand that must
be constrained is not that for credit instruments, but that for real
goods and resources.

All that can really be discussed are the most

logical possibilities.

The primary Federal Reserve action comes through

a curtailment of the growth in reserves.
expansion must slow down.
to their money holdings.
would be.

As a result the rate of credit

Firms and households receive lesser additions
Interest rates are higher than they otherwise

How much rates rise depends in part upon the long-term expecta­

tions of spenders and how much they are willing to pay for more credit.
Since credit supplies are limited, a user can obtain more only by bidding
it away from others.

As in any hoarding situation, the more credit that

people put into excess hoards the greater the pressures.
It also is clear that initially the demand which is curtailed
must primarily be that for durable goods.

Few people pay so much in

interest that they have to eat less or cut their use of services as rates
rise.

On the other hand, a new house, a new plant, a new school, an

extra 10 per cent stock of inventories are all undertakings that can be
postponed.




-11

Other questions in debate are how the change in financial
markets specifically influences purchases of goods and what is the amount
of impact.
Some believe that the rise in interest rates forces potential
buyers out of the market.

They stress that higher interest payments cut

builders* profits, raise mortgage payments, increase the cost of bond
issues and therefore lead to a lesser willingness to borrow and buy.
Others hold that the impact is felt primarily through the
lesser credit availability.

Banks lack money to lend and so turn pros­

pective borrowers away or cut the amount they will lend.
the frustrated borrowers must spend less.

As a result,

It is important for all to

recognize that for monetary policy to lessen demand, bankers must refuse
credit to customers who in other circumstances would be welcomed.

To

fight inflation in a situation when demand is pressing against supply,
credit must be limited, and hopefully the limited supply of loanable
funds will be channeled primarily to finance productive expenditures,
i.e., those that will increase the current supply of goods.
expectations and inventory building must be held back.

Overly high

Past experience

tells us that the loans that do the most damage are those for stockpiling
of additional inventories or for building excess capacity of plant and
equipment which increase current demand but come on stream too late to
add to current supply.
It is hard to pinpoint the exact area of impact of monetary
action because the financial mechanism is so complex.

There is a high

degree of substitutability among types of loans and lending institutions.




-12-

Even knowing who gets cut off from credit at a given institution does
not tell us who will make the ultimate retrenchment of activities.
In general, indeed, going down item by item or borrower by
borrower, may not necessarily give us a good picture of the impact of
monetary policy either on total expenditures or on their pattern.

The

whole may be greater than the apparent sum of its parts.

In each case

it may look superficially as if no one need be affected.

Each type of

borrower may appear to have a preferred position with some lenders or
some sources of funds.
someone is left out.

And yet, after all the musical chairs are occupied,
Because this process is fluid, who gets left out

may be quite different each time.

The outcome for each depends on a host

of particular factors in the given circumstances.

We can hope that

lenders will do their best to see that those denied credit are those
whose demand is least necessary in the present situation.
The Problems of Plenty
As we listen to the current debates, however, it is useful to
reflect on how much more pleasant they are than those of recent years.
Five years ago the major debate was over the unsoundness of setting more
rapid growth and 4 per cent unemployment as a goal for our economy.
People were concerned with the structural changes which seemed to anchor
us at higher unemployment levels.

They argued against the use of govern­

mental policies to increase the rate of expansion in demand as a means
of increasing employment opportunities.
Fortunately, their advice was rejected.

We have experienced

a record-breaking expansion with the greatest price stability of any




43
major country.

-

Our chief problem no longer is lacl: of demand, but the

difficulty of dealing with a situation involving Vietnam requirements
super-imposed upon an economy which was already approaching a high
employment level.

This has given rise to exuberant expectations and

has meant monetary and fiscal policies have had to shift from encouraging
demand to restraining it moderately.
Our problems are simplified because of our recent record
growth in capacity and the improvements in technology and productivity.
The per cent of capacity required by Vietnam is far less than that for
Korea.

We have made some progress in programs for retraining and expand­

ing skills.

Because the base has grown, a 5 per cent expansion in real

output makes far more goods available for our needs than was true even
a few years ago.
Because of larger capacity and tighter monetary policy, the
planned fiscal restraint this year--even though primarily a one-shot
program, to be accomplished in large part by a speed-up in collection
of taxes--may turn out to be adequate.

The task we face is to slow down

the growth in demand in order to match its rate of expansion to that of
potential output.

If, however, monetary policy fails in its restraint,

if the wage-price guideposts don’t succeed, or if Vietnam expenses esca­
late beyond present expectations, then a moderate shift toward fiscal
restraint will not suffice.

A tax increase will be logical.

We will

once again have reached that point longed for by many for so long where
a large budget surplus makes excellent economic sense.