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AMERICA'S STAKE IN THE IKDEFElIDEIiT BAMi

Remarks of R. M. Evans,
Member, Board of Governors; Federal Reserve System,
at the annual Independent Bankers Breakfast,
8:00 a.m., Mayflower Hotel, Washington, D.C..
September 21, 1953.

For Release Upon Delivery

AMERICA'S STAKE IK TEE IiJDSPEHDENT BANK

It is customary to express appreciation of invitations to appear
before an audience, even at breakf'astime.

I have heard those hackneyed

words many times, as 70U .have, and they usually sound, and are, perfunctory.
But in my case it is no mere pleasantry to say that I am glad to be with
your particular group at this time.
The longer I have been in Government service the more deeply I
believe in what is perhaps an old-fashioned Jeffersonian doctrine that the
real source of our country's strength springs from the type of men who are
developed by our small independent business enterprises, whether in agri­
culture, in commerce, or industry, or banking.

It isn't easy to define

small business in precise terms bscause that is a relative matter.

But

it isn't necessary to define it with exactitude in order to enumerate its
principal characteristics.
You, who are members of the independent bankers' group know what
those characteristics are, for the smaller, independent unit banks are the
very embodiment of small business.

They serve small business.

oimed and managed by local people.

They are part and parcel of the com­

munity.

They are

Most of them were established a long time ago with funds sub­

scribed by local citizens.
the community.

They have grown up with, and have grown with,

They represent and reflect their own environment as no

outsider possibly could.

You are closely associated in your daily lives

with your local businessmen and farmers and manufacturers.

You know their

problems, their aspirations, their abilities, and their limitations.




-2Now this is a far cry from the kind of business or institution
that is run by remote control from some distant point —

that is owned or

controlled by people who are far removed from the community.

Very often

the local office is run by looking into a rule book written in the distant
home office by people whose knowledge of local conditions is at best second­
hand and without benefit of personal contacts..
Beyond that, I believe that the enduring moral and spiritual
values of this Nation are rooted in the smaller, closely knit communities
spread across the face of this land.

As you travel through them and see

their churches and schools and public buildings and observe the faces of
the men and women and the children of these typically American small towns
and small cities, you must be insensitive indeed if you do not derive from
it a feeling of deep reassurance —

of confidence —

in the basic virtues

of the American character and its vast capabilities.
The founding fathers envisaged such a nation of free men where
equal opportunity would be a reality and not merely an ideal.

They had

rebelled against remote control and they were resolved to be rid of all
forms of imperialistic power.

The Constitution, as you know, is a grant

of powers for all citizens, not a denial.
not of restriction.

It is a document of liberation —

Its guarantees of freedom, I believe, are best realized

in the way of life that flourishes in our smaller communities.
We have not come by these benefits without bitter struggles and
some setbacks.

At the turn of the century, for example, we had reached

what has been called the high tide of trustification, when two-thirds of
the country's manufacturing capital was controlled by monopolistic or




-

semi-monopolistic combinations.

3

-

They were bound together, for the most

part, loosely, but nevertheless effectively, by a few financial giants.
The growing recognition of the inherent evils in this kind of concentra­
tion of economic power ushered in the era of trust-busting.

It was, in its

way, an economic revolution.
I venture to say that if similar dangers were to become apparent
to the American people in this day and age there would be a similar popular
uprising against it.

I am not saying, for a moment, that we can or should

turn back the clock, that we should make arbitrary rules to define a large,
or small, business, and to outlaw bigness as such.

I do say that we must

constantly be alert to give every reasonable encouragement to the smaller
enterprises, to encourage the flow of capital, and to see that our tax
laws do not impede our smaller enterprises.
People who are engaged in businesses of their own or in which
they own a real share have a very different attitude, as to the kind of
government we should have, from those regimented in a great army of em­
ployees whose lives are dominated by the time-clock rather than by a sense
of personal participation in and responsibility for the success of the
industry or business in which they are engaged.
The banker, in particular, must be fully conscious of his respon­
sibility to the community.

He has not always been as respected a figure as

I am glad to say he is today.

In the middle of the last century, banks in

many places had exhibited such reckless irresponsibility that popular opinion
rebelled against them, and by statute, or even Constitutional prohibition,
banking was outlawed in Florida, Texas, Arkansas, Illinois, Wisconsin, Iowa,




-

u

-

Minnesota, Oregon, California, and the District of Columbia.* Fortunately,
that day has long since passed.

Today the banking profession has won a

greater measure of public confidence than ever before.

It is up to you to

continue to merit that confidence.
And, as you know, many of our great industrial enterprises have
come to an increasingly enlightened attitude in encouraging stock ownership,
in providing pensions and, in other ways, giving to workers some of that
sense of security —

of independence and freedom of action which is char­

acteristic of those who own and operate, or have a real share in, small
enterprises.

I am informed, for example, that it is a definite policy of

the larger oil companies to encourage local ownership and operation of fill­
ing stations.

It is by no means a philanthropic gesture but comes from an

awareness of some of the concepts on which this Nation was founded.

I think

there is much the same policy among the great automobile manufacturers, not
only in the distribution of their product but in creating opportunities for
people to engage in business for themselves in closely related industry and
distribution.
The banking field is one that is particularly well adapted to small
business.

In this country a bank can be organized, controlled, and operated

by people in the small towns who band themselves together.

After all, they

know more about local credit conditions than any person possibly could who
resides in a distant city and sends-out mimeographed instructions on how to

* See page 243 —

Financial Development of the United States, published by

Prentice-Hall, Inc., Hew York, 1937.




-5extend or refuse credit.

The local bankers have the benefit of advice

from their correspondent banks and the Federal Reserve System stands ready
to bring them up to date on business, farm and trade conditions in this
country and throughout the world.

There is no reason why the officers and

directors of the country banks should not be fully informed on the credit
situation throughout the Nation and the world.

Many times, I think, their

knowledge of human nature makes it easier for them to understand conditions
in distant countries than it is for those who lack intimate, daily contacts
with their fellow men.
Then, too, an independent bank takes a deeper interest in the
welfare of the community where it is located than does the subsidiary of
some vast banking chain.

The unit bank is owned by people who wish to see

the community prosper and succeed, whose own wealth is tied up in real
estate or in some business in the surrounding country.

They can be depended

upon to do everything possible to make their community a better place in
which to live.

Remember, Rome degenerated and lost its position in world

affairs when rural areas and the small towns deteriorated.
We hear a great deal these days about the dangers to our type of
government because of Communism.

Personally, I am not very worried about

the possibility of the American people becoming Communists.

They are too

well educated and have too much good sense to be deceived by a system whose
record is one of inhumanity as well as inefficiency and failure.

Yet there

is, more and more, a danger that concentration of power may destroy our
traditional freedom.

The centralization of power in the hands of a few

people in the business world would be one of the steps that would, in this




country, lead to socialism with its concentration of power in Government.
If all the banking business of the United States were concentrated in a
few hands, I have no doubt that there would again be a popular uprising
against it.

The danger would be that in striking down the one evil, another

would take its place.

The people might decide, especially if times were

not good, that they would prefer to elect the directors who control the
banks or industry rather than to let a few people in some distant place
provide the leadership.

That would be one of the easy roads to socialism.

But if we have many small businesses owned and operated by local
people, no political party would dare to propose that the Government take
them over.
The areas where a small businessman can succeed are not unlimited.
Outside of the'professions, there are farmers, bankers, merchants, service
operators and manufacturers who can continue to thrive if they have a fair,
competitive opportunity.

The little fellow must have some protection from

the large concerns which- have- vast capital resources.

This type of pro­

tection cannot be merely conversation and should not be a subsidy.

In

almost every session of Congress oceans of words are. spilled in behalf of
small business but, unfortunately, too few constructive steps result.

If

the independent bankers wish to save their business, they must get, through
political action, laxjs that will give them real protection.
I speak from experience in. this particular field, as most of you
well know.




From time to time bank holding company legislation has been

introduced in Congress but some of the bankers as well as others have always
intervened to prevent its adoption.

The situation is Steadily growing worse.

A really effective bank holding company bill is a must.
Credit is the life blood of a nation and when that nation is as
large as ours with such varied conditions as e:cist throughout the country,
it is impossible to give small local businesses the credit attention they
deserve from a distance.

And without credit it is almost impossible for

small businesses to prosper.
You who are here this morning represent small business and you repre­
sent what I consider to be the American pattern of life.

I think the time

has come for you to take your cause to the country and see how much support
you can gain.

You will find your problem is a difficult one but if you have

the pioneering spirit that motivated your forefathers when they settled this
country, you will win because your cause is just.
For the nation as a whole, the choice must always be made between
two basically opposed concepts of the economic and social order.
between them is old and never-ending.

The conflict

The choice, to put it in the simplest

terms, is between individualism and statisia, between a competitive, private
enterprise system —

enlightened capitalism, if you will —

tation of a socialistic order.

and the regimen­

Under the former concept, the individual has

the greatest freedom of choice consistent with the law and order of a civilized
nation.

I-Ie is essentially the captain of his own fate.

cept, he becomes increasingly the captive of the state.




Under the latter con­