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2004 Distinguished Alumni Award, Sidwell Friends School, Washington, D.C.
May 22, 2004

Economics and Ethical Behaviors
I am pleased to be here today and honored to accept the Sidwell Friends School
Distinguished Alumni Award for 2004. It is awe-inspiring to be included in the company of
so many accomplished graduates, including Walter Gilbert, Hanna Holborn Gray, Antonio
Casas, Helen Colson, and Bill Nye. All of you, as Sidwell Friends graduates and friends,
clearly understand the value of a good education. Indeed, economists have long noted an
"education premium" in compensation, with college-educated workers earning
approximately fifty percent more than workers with no more than a high school education.1
However, you also know that a good education is more than just the classroom-based
learning of facts, or even the skill of critical thinking. A truly outstanding education also
encourages moral behaviors and appropriate decisions. Sidwell Friends, with its grounding in
Quaker traditions, certainly values the moral and ethical development of its students.
Fortunately, many schools teach the importance of choosing the "hard right over the easy
wrong." That is where I will focus my brief remarks. From my perspective as a policymaker,
I want to commend the emphasis on a complete education, with technical, critical thinking,
and ethical components, and encourage you and other schools to, if anything, redouble your
efforts to instill moral values and ethical behaviors. Obviously, we as Sidwell graduates hope
to exemplify those values as much as possible in our personal and professional dealings.
Similarly, I encourage the current generation of students to take advantage of the moral and
ethical training available at these schools. Do not forsake a solid grounding in those topics
that will help you to do "good" while you are learning the skills required to do "well."
Some of you may have noticed that I encouraged this focus on teaching and practicing
ethical and cooperative behaviors as an economic policy maker. In that role, shouldn't I
encourage you to be only a coolly self-centered, utility-maximizing, homo economicus? The
answer is no. Economic outcomes are improved when market participants "play by the
rules." This fact has a strong grounding in economic theory and empirical research. In fact,
you may be surprised to know that the economics profession, even with its hard-headed
assumption of rational actors pursuing their own self interest, has for the last few decades
also focused on the role of moral and cooperative behaviors in leading to better economic
outcomes.
As one major example, a recent Nobel Prize in economics was shared by George Akerloff,
who in a classic paper in 1970 showed that a failure of markets arises when the seller does
not share honest and complete information about the quality of a product, in his paper, used
cars, with would-be buyers.2 Akerloff went on to show that such asymmetry in information
and opportunistic behavior will ultimately drive honest dealings out of the market unless it is
overcome by new institutional structures. Some of those structures arise from the private
sector. As a policymaker, I see many of those structures arise in the form of regulation. In

those markets in which there is a strong likelihood that self-policing behavior will not
emerge, and opportunistic behavior is a real risk, the government must create regulation to
protect the weaker or less-well-informed party from the stronger, better-informed one. These
regulations are well intended and often have the desired outcome; however, in spite of the
regulators' best efforts, they can be burdensome, and compliance with them may well
consume resources that might go to providing more or better goods and services. This is not
an argument against regulation; sound regulation is needed. It is an example of the cost
imposed on society by the unscrupulous behaviors of a few.
Not only have economists identified theoretical failures that come from unethical and
opportunistic behaviors, social scientists have also demonstrated real world benefits from
cooperative behaviors. For example, a study of engineers found that individual workers who
are more generous with their time with other workers, and in turn frequently benefit from
the help of others, are more productive and have higher social standing.3
More recently of course, the entire economy, that is to say all of us, have experienced the
costs of unethical behaviors in a matter of great macroeconomic consequence. The recent
accounting and governance scandals were sufficiently numerous and serious to generate
widespread concern among investors about the reliability of financial reporting in general.
These scandals were a notable factor behind the U.S. stock market slide in the spring and
summer of 2002, amidst the cascade of scandals culminating with WorldCom's revelations in
June that year. And concerns about corporate governance probably contributed, at least in
some measure, to the heightened business caution and sharp fall-off in business investment
during this period. Thus, although other, more important factors were also working to
restrain real activity during this period, it seems likely that the scandals exacerbated an
already weak economic situation. Just as opportunistic behavior by individuals calls forth
regulations as a counterweight, so too these corporate governance scandals have called forth
new laws and regulations, which were probably the proper response and required to restore
confidence, but which have almost surely added to the cost of doing business.
The negative effect from lapses in corporate governance at the macroeconomic level in the
United States is a very visible example of the national costs of poor corporate governance.
Social scientists have also found that at the level of the individual company poor corporate
governance costs and good corporate governance pays, quite literally. Some researchers
have found that investments in firms which engage in unethical behavior earn abnormally
negative returns for prolonged periods (Long and Rao, 1995).4 Others find that firms that
have better corporate governance also have higher stock market valuations, higher
profitability and faster sales, and there is evidence that buying shares of firms that score high
in corporate governance and selling shares in firms that do not yields abnormally positive
returns (Gompers, Ishii and Metrick, 2003).5
All of this is true not just in the United States, but globally as well. At the macroeconomic
level, the World Bank has identified corruption as the single greatest obstacle to economic
and social development. The Bank states that "corruption undermines development by
distorting the rule of law and weakening the institutional foundation on which economic
growth depends."6 Fortunately, there is some evidence from studies of emerging markets
that firm-level corporate governance matters more in countries with weak legal systems, and
one can infer from this work that firms can partially compensate for ineffective legal systems
by practicing ethical behavior.7

Let me close by saying that the economy of the United States depends greatly on an
educated workforce. My own research demonstrates that our productivity boom of the last
nine years requires a talented and flexible work force.8 Education, however, must be
broadly defined to include moral and ethical behaviors and good decisionmaking. There is
plenty of evidence that such behaviors pay an ample reward to the individuals who make
them and, unfortunately, the absence of such behaviors extracts a cost, potentially from all
of us. I am pleased to have attended a school that continues to value such an education,
encourage all schools to emphasize such training, and am truly honored to accept this award
from my fellow alumni.
Footnotes
1. Card, David and John E. DiNardo, Skill Biased Technological Change and Rising Wage
Inequality: Some Problems and Puzzles, Journal of Labor Economics, Vol. 20, No. 4,
(2002), pp. 733-783. Return to text
2. Akerloff, George A., The Market for Lemons: Quality Uncertainty and the Market
Mechanism, The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 84, No. 3 (Aug., 1970), pp.
488-500. Return to text
3. Flynn, Francis J., How Much Should I Give and How Often? The Effects of Generosity
and Frequency of Favor Exchange on Social Status and Productivity, Academy of
Management Journal, Vol. 48, No. 5 (2003), pp.539-553. Return to text
4. Long, D. Michael and Spuma Rao, The Wealth Effects of Unethical Business Behavior,
Journal of Economics and Finance, Vol. 19, No. 2, (Summer 1995), pp. 65-73. Return to
text
5. Gompers, Paul, Joy Ishii, Andrew Metrick, Corporate Governance and Equity Prices, The
Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 118, No. 1, (Feb., 2003), pp. 107-155. Return to text
6. The World Bank Group, The New Anticorruption Home Page. Return to text
7. Klapper, Leora F. and Inessa Love, Corporate Governance, Investor Protection and
Performance in Emerging Markets, Journal of Corporate Finance (forthcoming). Return to
text
8. Ferguson, Jr., Roger W. and William L. Wascher, Distinguished Lecture on Economics in
Government: Lessons from Past Productivity Booms, Journal of Economic Perspectives
(forthcoming) Return to text
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Last update: May 22, 2004