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BANKERS LIBERATION--EQUAL OPPORTUNITY
IN THE MONEY MARKET

Remarks by Mr. Robert P. Mayo, Presid,ent
of the Feder(ll, Reserve Bank of Chicago, before
the Ia,,;a Bankers Association
October 21, 1970
Liberation movements continue to be news.

So I thought that

I would be right in style if I talked with you today about •~ankers
lib."

As you know, the central theme for the liberation groups is
that there are inequities in our economic system that require adjustment.

Well, bankers have been concerned about inequities too and you've

certainly let me know that.

Let me hasten to add that I hope that

you continue to communicate with me by telephone, letter or visit.
Maybe that way I can discourage you from any urges you may have to
picket or parade in front of the Fed.

A fairly wide range of problems have been suggested to me by
bankers--problems from which they would like liberation.

They all

require attention and concern, but today I would like to talk about
a problem area that has been of particular interest to most bankers
in Iowa.

How do rural banks compete effectively with their large city

cousins?

How can they achieve equal opportunity in the money markets?

Are they discriminated against, forced to meet local demands with


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locally generated funds while the giants in Chicago, New York and on
the West Coast pick up funds all over in the world?

Now, I may use the term rural or country banks but I am certain
tha~ you all recognize these complaints as coming from all sizes of
banks.

The smaller institutions argue that banks in the larger cities

of the state have the advantage and these, in turn, raise the same
concerns about their competitive relationship with still larger counterparts in the metropolitan areas.

I would be the first to admit that this concern about equal
opportunity has not attracted many followers in the last few years.
After all, even very small banks have df scovered the Federal funds
market.

The income from such funds has been as high or higher than

the return on credits to local customers.

But can you turn these flows into a two-way street, coming in
as well as going out?

I submit that as pressures ease in the money

market, the chorus of voices representing concerns with access to
financial markets will increase.

The crescendo of concern is not

likely to reach the volume of some of our "lib" groups, but it will be
there nevertheless.

And I think that it should be listened to.

What I would like to do today is to look at this problem with
you.

I would like to see if we can distinguish between complaints

about real inequities th_a t require adjustments and what may simply
be disadvantages that reflect the failure to keep up with the stream
of progress or to use efficiently the facilities available.

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These two sources of difficulties require different types of
solutions or programs.
financial mechanism.

The former may require some changes in our
The latter, however, may require essentially

an educational effort or changes on the part of the banks themselves.
Public agencies have a responsibility for providing a competitive
environment that blocks the concentration of economic power.

But

neither regulation nor subsidy that preserves inefficient operations
and therefore misallocates resources can be justified in the public
interest.

Let us, therefore, take a look at what has been happening
in Iowa and to Iowa banks.

What are the implications for the exist-

ing structure of banking and the extent to which banks can take
advantage of existing financial market facilities?

Then perhaps we

can suggest areas in which assistance is needed and what kind of
assistance is likely to be helpful while preserving the purifying
discipline of the market place.

First, a quick loo~ at the Iowa economy.

After all, banks--

like all other businesses--have problems unique to their particular
environment.

You are operating in a state whose total population, according
to preliminary Bureau of Census estimates, has remained very stable
between 1960 and 1970, growing only about 1.2 percent.

However, nowhere

is the trend toward urbanization more evident than in Iowa:


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Seventy-nine of Iowa's 99 counties lost population;
Eighteen of the twenty counties gaining population
either had a city of at least 25,000 population or
were adjacent to a county with a city of at least
25,000 in population ;
Only two counties showing population gains were some
distance from important urban centers.

Iowa manufacturing has also undergone significant changes.
The rising productivity of Iowa manufacturing workers compares
favorably with the nation as a whole.

In 1958 the average Iowa

worker produced just over $10,000 of manufactured goods; in 1967 he
was producing $15,500 worth of goods.

'1'he number of manufacturing

establishments has declined but the average size of plant has
increased by 35 percent.

Food processing, nonelectrical machinery and electrical
machinery still account for more than half of all manufacturing employment in the state.

Food processing has not shown noticeable

growth, but the two machinery producing sectors have grown rapidly.
Thus, while agriculture and agriculture-related industry play an
important role in Iowa's economy and will continue to be important
for some time, other industries are catching up.

Iowa is seemingly destined to become progressively urbanized
and industrialtzed and this trend will undoubtedly stimulate banking


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markets in urban centers.

But rising prosperity throughout the state

will support good markets elsewhere as well.

We see, consequently, the same developments that have changed
the ~nvironrnent over the past decade and will continue to do so in
the Seventies.

These changes may appear to threaten the viability

of smaller country banks.

But they also generate new techniques for

'solving old problems and new opportunities for diversification and
growth.

Let's take a look at one of those old problerns--lending to
agriculture.

What assistance should or can be made available?

The predominant lending activity of Iowa banks is to agriculture.

Farm loans account for 50 percent or more of total loans in

over three-fifths of all the banks in the State.

In nearly 90 percent

of the banks, farm loans make up at least 20 percent of the loan
portfolio.

Loans have increased at a much faster pace than deposi~s at
rural banks in recent years, a divergence made possible by the low
ratio of loans to deposits at most banks in - earlier years.

Expansion

of bank lending by a relative shift from security investments to loans
obv~ously cannot be sustained indefinitely.

Individual banks began

to reach "loaned-up" positions a decade or more ago and presently a
large proportion have reached the point where further reductions in


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liquidity do not appear feasible or prudent, given present institutional
arrangements.

More than a fourth of the Iowa banks have loan-to-deposit

ratios in excess of 65 percent--two-fifths have ratios in excess of
60 percent.

Also, many rural banks, because of their capital structure,
have had difficulty in providing adequate credit service for their
larger individual borrowers.

Although most Iowa banks have boosted

their capital accounts in recent years, there are still about 300 banks
--or almost half the banks in the state--with capitalization under
$200,000.

Projections of farm credit demands--both aggrega~e and individual borrowers--indicate substantial growth.

This suggests that many

more banks will find it difficult to supply from their own resources
the same share of farm credit growth that they have provided in recent
years.

Generally, the banking system can employ various mechanisms

and devices to obtain outside sources of funds.

However, in many

rural areas and for many small banks these mechanisms are unavailable
or inadequate.

Branch and group banking are prohibited in many areas;

correspondent banks have not provided a sufficient volume of funds;
discounting at Federal Intermediate Credit Banks has been negligible;
liability management has been fairly difficult for small rural banks
and secondary markets for their loans are virtually nonexistent.


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Recognizing these problems the Board of Governors of the Federal
Reserve System last spring established a special committee within the
system to investigate agricultural credit problems in capital deficit
areas and possibilities for their amelioration through improvements
in marketability of rural bank paper.

The recormnendations of this

committee are expected in mid-1971.

But this is only one channel through which country banks may
achieve "equal opportunity" with their city counterparts.
the first.

It is not

It will not be the last.

Real progress stemming from Federal Reserve efforts to improve
markets, however, can only be made if t lle banks respond.

They must make

effective use of innovations and be willing to adjust their services to
the changes in demand for them.

If they do, it will be healthy both

for the public and the banks.

In a nutshell, continued viability of the rural banks will depend on (1) their capacity to recognize changing demands for their services, and (2) their ability to turn the benefits of technology to the
advantage of their customers and, therefore, themselves.

The latter

entails, of course, access to money markets and info~ation about them.
Your city correspondents can help you here and I encourage you to use
their facilities.


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Trends in these directions have already begun.

As the nation

has shrunk in terms of communications, and as the inexorable pressure
of rising costs has forced economies of scale in business~-especially
in agriculture--a good many small banks have diversified their lending
and.have found ways to participate in either n~tional or regional money
markets so as to better synchronize their sources and uses of funds.

No longer need the local bank in the heartland of America be
a specialized agricultural lender, with all the problems--with respect
to both amounts and timing--of matching locally generated funds with
local demands.

Long-established patterns change slowly, but evidence

on the distribution of loans over the past decade demonstrates that flexibility has increased.

Iowa banks, botJt large and small_, while still

holding a greater proportion of their assets in farm loans than banks
in any other state in this Federal Reserve District, have reduced that
share.

The difference is reflected in higher credits to commerce, in-

dustry, and consumers.

Another significant development of the last decade has been the
growing participation of small banks in the national money market--partly
direct and partly through correspondents.

The most important access

route has been through the Federal funds market.

Through this facility

smaller banks were able not only to put funds to work at good returns
but, at the same time, to maintain a much higher degree of liquidity
than their overall loan-deposit relationships might imply.

At last

count our recot'ds show that about two-thirds of all member banks in


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this District participate in the Federal funds market--at least occasionally.

The participation ratio is least, as might be expected,

among the smallest banks.

But the fact that even a few of the banks

with deposits less than 5 million dollars do take advantage of this
fac~lity suggests that the potential is there for many others, too.

The Federal funds market is just one example of how ability
to tap the money market can provide a means of liberating the small
bank from the constraints of a small and undiversified local market for .
its services.

And it is obvious that small banks have a heavy stake in

the developments of other market facilities--such as secondary markets
in locally generated credit instruments--that will free them further
from the rigidities inherent in narrow markets and concentrations in
credits to borrowers with similar characteristics.

But while a pipeline to the money market may provide access to
participation in the good life, it cannot provide real liberation if
it serves either to divert funds away from the legitimate needs of the
local community or, contrariwise, to absorb capital that would yield
higher real returns elsewhere.

It is a fact that the vast majority of smaller banks that participated in the Federal funds market in the past two years have used it
only as an outlet for funds, sometimes in significant amounts relative
to their size.

Perhaps these have been banks in "surplus" areas--tha t

is, where funds generated through personal,- business or public deposits


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have exceeded local credit needs.

But to a large extent they represent

channeling of funds to the customers of the larger banks that are the
purchasers.

At the money market rate levels of the past two years, the

income from such use of funds may have been as high or higher than the
return on credits to local customers.

Whether some of these funds found their way back to rural credit
deficit areas, it is impossible to say.

But to do the job of channeling

flows of credit to their optimum uses, market facilities must provide a .
two-way street.

There is little evidence that the Federal funds market

has been a significant source of funds to rural banks generally.

I would not want these remarks to be construed as advocating
borrowing short and lending long.

Obviously the short-term money market

cannot solve all the problems of handling today's agricultural credit
needs.

But greater access to it could perhaps improve flexibility.

For most of the smaller banks, the direct link to the money
market is through correspondent banks, but the purchase of Fed funds
is only one of the ever-widening services they offer.

Very little

information is available about the volume of longer-term credit
flowing from city correspondents to country banks, but what evidence
there is suggests that it is much less than might be expected and
often quite costly.

At the same time, both statements from correspondents and the
favorable experien_c e of some small banks suggest that customer banks


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who aggressively seek funds from this source find it, provided they
have a record of good management and a sound portfolio.

The major com-

plaint that we _hear is that many small banks don't keep their houses
well enough in order and can't provide enough information on credits
to ~llow the correspondents to act in timely fashion.

And, to repeat

another point just made, many small banks just don't pick up their phones
and s~ek out the services that may be available to them.

But it is also obvious that country banks would be in better
position to demand services from correspondents if there were more
direct links between credit surplus and credit deficit areas--markets
oriented to the kinds of credit instruments generated in rural areas.
Since these are typically obligations of people known on_ly locally,
some kind of insurance undoubtedly would be required.

Such a system,

moreover, would be far more consistent with the market's ability to
~!locate resources impersonally and efficiently than that which could
possibly emerge from subsidized or other artificial efforts to equate

I
the odds between small and large banks in their access to funds.

Small banks will have to depend on large banks or grow enough
by themselves to supply the wider services the public increasingly
demands.

In the past, rural banks have been more insulated from cyclical

swings in both monetary policy and credit demands.

But as market areas

enlarge, via technology, this insulation will diminish.

And, more

immediately, as pressures ease in money market, the easy returns from
- - - ~~d_funds sales will be less reliable as a steady source of earnings.
Therefore, it would be wise to give first priority to local credit
demands.

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As regulators, we must not underestimate problems of the small
bank, but neither can we justify subsidizing obsolescence, and certainly
our judgment is not adequate to substitute for the market's function.
The entire _history of Federal efforts to solve the farm problem serves
as a warning against laying the first stone of a potential pyramid of
controls in the name of helping deserving small enterprise.

Our role, as I see it, is to help remove the obs•tacles that
obstruct the free and competitive working of the market--for these are
the real causes of any disadvantage the rural banker suffers--not to
substitute decisions that may produce contrary results.

Only in this

way can we bring real equality of opportunity to all financial institutions and a fair deal to the public.


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