Full text of Statements and Speeches of Robert L. Owen : Affairs in Mexico : Speech in the Senate of the United States

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SPEECH
OF

IION.

ROBERT

O WE N

ON AFFAIRS IN MEXICO.

Mr. OWEN. Mr. President, I believe that many of the peo
ple o f the United States do not fully appreciate the facts which
have justified the United States in refusing to recognize Huerta,
in demanding an apology, in taking possession of Vera Cruz,
and in massing its forces in preparation for dealing in other
ways, perhaps, with Gen. Victoriano Huerta. I feel impelled to
present some of the facts which have justified our conduct and
which would now justify the United States in demanding and
enforcing by arms, if otherwise unavoidable, the restoration of
“ Government of the people, by the people, and for the people,”
to the hands of the people of Mexico, and the overthrow' of
the cruel commercialized military oligarchy now riding the
people o f Mexico to ruin and chaos.
When Victoriano Huerta usurped the presidency of Mexico
by military revolution February 18, 1913, he found immediate
opposition. The legislature of the State of Coahuila passed
resolutions instantly supporting Madero (Feb. 19). This reso
lution made Madero’s death expedient to Huerta to prevent
organized support of Madero. Madero was killed (Feb. 22,
1913) at once.
It soon became obvious to Huerta that his only chance to
hold his power against Carranza and Zapata fighting for the
constitution was by exciting a war or some act of aggression by
the United States which would enable him through misguided
patriotism to rally behind himself the leaders of the constitu
tionalist movement. Huerta thought he could by exciting their
patriotism make them forget or condone his crimes in resisting
a common foe and thus get them to support his leadership.
From many quarters since last summer the authorities of the
United States have had reason to know of Huerta’s wicked
purpose against the United States.
Finally, when the unspeakable misconduct of Huerta’s admin
istration had not yet moved the United States to take any
aggressive action against Huerta, a step was taken by one of
Huerta’s subordinate officers at Tampico which could not be
overlooked or condoned. One o f Huerta’s subordinate officers,
on the 9th of April, 1914, in all human probability instigated
by Huerta himself, arrested at Tampico a paymaster o f the
U. S. S. Dolphin and a boat’s crew, all in the uniform of the
United States. Our sailors were unarmed and entered Tampico
to purchase some gasoline. Two of them were in our boat with
the flag o f tlie United States at the bow and the stern o f the
boat, and upon our own soil under the international law. Our
unarmed men, in the uniform of the United States, were then
44815—13387
3

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4
paraded through the streets of Tampico as a public spectacle,
subsequently released with an apology from the subordinate
officer and later with an expression of regret from Huerta. But
Huerta deliberately declined to salute the flag, under the rules
of international law, as demanded by the President of the
United States, for this international affront and indignity, while
he temporized for 10 days with President Wilson, evidently with
a view to obtaining a cargo o f 250 machine guns and 2,000,000
rounds o f ammunition which were expected to arrive by a Ger
man merchant ship at Vera Cruz on Tuesday, April 21. The
President of the United States gave Huerta until 6 o’clock
Sunday night, April 19, to make the amends required by interna
tional law. The salute was not made. On Monday, April 20,
the President of the United States presented the matter to the
Congress o f the United States, and Congress passed a resolution
as follow s:
T h a t t h e P r e s id e n t i s j u s t i f i e d in t h e e m p lo y m e n t o f t h e a r m e d f o r c e s
o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s to e n f o r c e h is d e m a n d f o r u n e q u iv o c a l a m e n d s
f o r c e r t a in a f f r o n t s a n d in d i g n it i e s c o m m i t t e d a g a in s t t h e U n it e d S t a t e s .
B e i t f u r t h e r r e s o lv e d t h a t t h e U n it e d S t a t e s d i s c l a i m s a n y h o s t i l i t y
t o t h e M e x ic a n p e o p le o r a n y p u r p o s e t o m a k e w a r u p o n M e x ic o .

This resolution was justified by a preamble referring to the
facts presented by the President in his message to Congress of
the 20th of April.
The Senate of the United States, after discussion, voted down
a substitute preamble to this resolution, offered by the distin
guished Senator from Massachusetts, as follows:
T h a t t h e s t a t e o f u n r e s t r a in e d v io le n c e a n d a n a r c h y w h ic h e x i s t in
M e x ic o , t h e n u m e r o u s u n c h e c k e d a n d u n p u n is h e d m u r d e r s o f A m e r ic a n
c it iz e n s a n d t h e s p o li a t i o n o f t h e ir p r o p e r t y in t h a t c o u n t r y , t h e i m
p o s s ib il i t y o f s e c u r in g p r o t e c t io n o r r e d r e s s b y d i p lo m a t i c m e t h o d s in
t h e a b s e n c e o f la w f u l o r e f f e c t iv e a u t h o r i t y , t h e I n a b ilit y o f M e x ic o t o
d is c h a r g e i t s i n t e r n a t io n a l o b l i g a t i o n s , t h e u n p r o v o k e d i n s u l t s a n d
in d i g n it i e s in f lic t e d u p o n t h e f la g a n d t h e u n if o r m o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s
b y t h e a r m e d f o r c e s in o c c u p a t io n o f la r g e p a r t s o f t h e M e x ic a n t e r r i
t o r y h a v e b e c o m e in t o le r a b le .
T h a t t h e s e l f -r e s p e c t a n d d i g n i t y o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s a n d t h e d u t y
t o p r o t e c t it s c it iz e n a n d it s i n t e r n a t io n a l r i g h t s r e q u ir e t h a t su c h
a c o u r s e be f o llo w e d in M e x ic o b y o u r G o v e r n m e n t a s t o c o m p e l r e s p e c t
a n d o b s e r v a n c e o f i t s r ig h t s .

Those who voted against the amendment proposed by the
Senator from Massachusetts, I feel sure did not question the
truth o f the statements in the preamble, but thought it unwise
to repeat these grievances for fear that it would lead to imme
diate war, as the preamble justified immediate intervention and
the President had not recommended intervention. The Govern
ment o f the United States had been sincerely endeavoring in
true friendship to use its good offices to restore peace in Mexico
without resorting to armed force, hoping that Huerta and his
associates would consent to hold an honest election and restore
constitutional government in Mexico. This hope has utterly
failed, and in the meantime a terrific war is being waged by
armies of Mexicans fighting for liberty and demanding constitu
tion and reform.
Mr. President, I voted against the preamble proposed by the
Senator from Massachusetts, although I fully recognized the
truth of its recitations, because I very greatly desired to have
an adjustment of the difficulties in Mexico with as little loss
o f life as possible, and I desired to hold up the hands of the
President of the United States in his anxious and patriotic
purpose to secure the adjustment o f these difficulties peacefully,
44915— 13387

if possible. But, Mr. President, I wish that the people of the
United States and that the people of the world might know
that our seizure of Vera Cruz and our demand of Huerta to
salute the flag had behind it the most abundant justification,
and I think that the world should know what the conditions
are which have confronted us on our immediate borders and
which not only have justified our extremely moderate and
considerate conduct in this matter but which would now justify
the United States in demanding the complete restoration of
peace and order in Mexico and the l’eestablisliment of liberty
and the actual sovereignty o f the people of Mexico. The wel
fare o f the whole world depends upon the establishment of the
ideals of the Republic of the United States, of “ constitutional
liberty and order and justice between man and man.” The peo
ple of the United States do not desire in any degree to control
the affairs of the people of Mexico, but I do believe that the
people o f the United States very greatly desire the restoration
o f liberty, justice, and constitutional self-government in Mex
ico, so that the people o f Mexico can enjoy the rights of life
and liberty, the pursuit of happiness, and enjoy the fruit of
their own labors.
The President, in his message to Congress, sa id :
We do not desire to control in any degree the affairs of our sister
Republic. Our feeling for the people of Mexico is one of deep and
genuine friendship, and everything that ws have so far done or re
frained from doing has proceeded from our desire to help them, not to
hinder or embarrass them. We would not wish even to exercise the
good offices of friendship without their welcome or consent. The
people of Mexico are entitled to settle their own domestic affairs in
their own way and we sincerely desire to respect their right.
Mr. President, I .agree with this generous sentiment and
I wish we might assist the people o f Mexico to restore orderly
government without such enormous destruction o f life and prop
erty. At present, in the attempt to establish order, a series of
daily bloody battles are in progress, with thousands of men
being killed on the battlefields of Torreon. Monterey, Tampico,
and so forth. The people of Mexico have no way in which to
express their opinion but by battle. They have no elections in
Mexico which deserve to be called by the name. The last elec
tion, of October 26, 1913, was a willful fraud and a corrupt
mockery of the people o f Mexico, engineered by a military oli
garchy, directed by Huerta.
Secret instructions were sent out from Mexico City Octo
ber 22, 1914, in Huerta’s interest to have the votes counted for
Huerta and to make the elections void as to the presidency by
returning a deficient number o f precincts, which, under the
Mexican law. would leave Huerta as provisional President, and
this was accomplished under Huerta’s dictatorship.
Mr. President, the real difficulty in Mexico is the establish
ment of a commercialized military oligarchy, enjoying every
form o f privilege and monopoly at the expense o f the rights
of the people of Mexico, millions of whom are denied the rights
of property, of liberty, and of life itself. Under this heartless
organization the wages of the people are not sufficient to sus
tain a civilized human being, provide food and shelter, much
less provide any opportunity for instruction or for human prog
ress. It is the same condition which caused the great French
Revolution in 1789. The muraer in Mexico o f American citi
zens, and of Englishmen and o f Germans and of Frenchmen and
44915— 13387

(»
of Spaniards, and the wholesale robbery and destruction o f
property under the lawless conditions which have ensued from
this primary cause are merely details of an unavoidable result.
The usurpation and violence of Huerta, his insult to our flag
and uniform, are details of the egregious crime against hu
manity which this commercialized military oligarchy of Huerta
and his friends represent The killing of thousands in Mexico
City when Huerta treacherously overthrew Madero is only a
detail of this criminal system.
Mr. President, the remedy for this condition is not from
the top down; it is from the bottom up. Liberty, freedom,
and equal rights are not bestowed by the powerful few on the
many as an act of grace and justice, but are established by the
many by the ballot, or, where the ballot is denied, at the point o f
the sword. This was done at Runnymede, when the Magna
Charta was wrested from the hands o f John. This was done
in France, over a hundred years ago, when Louis X VI and Marie
Antoinette were dethroned. This was done by the American
colonists when we set up the Government of the United States.
The common people established liberty in France, in England,
and in the United States. And this will be done in Mexico at
the cannon’s mouth, by the armies of the common Mexican
people demanding the right o f life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness. My sympathies are with the common people of
Mexico. 1 want them to govern themselves, and I desire that
the United States shall give a friendly hand to those who seek
to establish constitutitnal government in Mexico.
They say that Gen. Francisco Villa, leading the constitution
alist armies, has been a horse thief, a bandit, a robber, a
killer o f men. It may be true, for Villa was only an igno
rant, unlearned peon, whose sister was ruined by a Cientifico.
Villa, I understand, when 18 years of age, killed the betrayer
of his sister, and took to the mountains to save his own life,
in a country where the rights of a peon were little better than
the rights o f a wolf. The hand of society was against Villa,
and Villa made war on society. But Villa, whatever his sins o f
the past, is now waging a humane warfare, as he has recently
learned it out of a volume given him by an American officer.
Villa, at all events, is now demanding the constitution and
reform. Villa, at all events, avows his friendship for the
United States and its wise policies. Villa, at all events, has
taken his own life in his hands and is leading thousands of
other common men in the demand for the overthrow of the
usurping despot, Huerta, for the overthrow o f the entire system
represented by Huerta of a commercialized, military oligarchy,
and the establishment o f constitutional government; and in
this enterprise I hope for the reestablishment of the constitu
tion and honest government, trusting and believing that neither
Villa nor Carranza, nor the men fighting with them, will ever
stand for the restoration in any other form o f the evil system
which they are gladly shedding their blood to terminate.
I wish to show that we are justified, not by our own griev
ances alone, but by the grievances of Englishmen, Germans,
Frenchmen, Spaniards, and above all, perhaps, by the griev
ances of the unhappy people of Mexico, whose liberties, whose
property rights, and whose lives have been, and are now. at
the mercy o f an armed military oligarchy, led by Huerta; that
no man’s life is safe in Mexico, that no man’s property is safe
44915— 13387

in Mexico, that no man, whether he be Mexican, American,
Englishman, German, Frenchman, or Spaniard, has any safety
in his life or his property under the criminal rule of this usurp
ing military despot, who has declared himself vested with leg
islative, judicial, and executive power over the people o f Mexico.
Until Diaz established his military control of Mexico and car
ried on a halfway benevolent commercial despotism there were
52 dictators, Presidents, and rulers in 59 years in Mexico. The
Encyclopedia Britannica on Mexico, describing the causes of
their difficulties, says that the—
C A U SE OF T H E

P R E S E N T R E V O L U T IO N I S T H E
T H E P EO PLE.

P R IV IL E G E D

C LA SSES V E R SU S

It says—
Thenceforward, till the second election of Porfirio Diaz to the presi
dency in 1884, the history of Mexico is one of almost continuous
warfare in which Maximilian’s empire is a mere episode. The conflicts,
which may at first sight seem to be merely between rival generals, are
seen upon closer examination to be mainly (1) between the privileged
classes, i. e., the church and (at times) the army, and the mass of the
other civilized population; (2) between Centralists and Federalists,
the former being identical with the army, the church, and the sup
porters of despotism, while the latter represent the desire for repub
licanism and local self-government.
On both sides in Mexico there was an element consisting of honest
doctrinaires; but rival military leaders exploited the struggles in their
ow interest, sometimes taking each side successively; and the insta
rn
bility was intensified by the extreme poverty of the peasantry, which
made the soldiery reluctant to return to civil life, by the absence of
a regular middle class, and by the concentration of wealth in a few
hands, so that a revolutionary chief was generally sure both of money
and of men. But after 1884, under the rule of Diaz, the Federal sys
tem continued in name, but it concealed in fact, with great benefit to
the nation, a highly centralized administration, very intelligent, and
on the whole both popular and successful—a modern form of rational
despotism.
Porfirio Diaz’s reign was “ popular and successful ” in a certain
narrow sense. It exploited the great riches of Mexico, it estab
lished many monopolies, it maintained order by killing those
who dared resist the unsound system, but it eventuated in the
only possible result of glorifying property accumulation and
making millionaires on the one hand and on the other hand iu
the result of reducing the mass of the people to abject poverty,
of preventing the mass o f the people being educated, of prevent
ing the mass of the people having a reasonable opportunity to
enjoy life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The Diaz
regime or system magnified property rights at the expense of
and by minimizing human rights. The necessary results of the
Diaz system was his flight to avoid assassination and the suc
ceeding tragedies we have recently been witnessing.
The people of the United States are industrious and kindhearted, with high ideals of liberty and human brotherhood
and a resolute purpose not to interfere with the liberty of others
The great body of the people of the United States do not wish
to acquire the territory now occupied by the Mexican people
and do not wish to exercise any political authority over them
or their affairs.
All men know, Mr. President, that when nations become in
volved in the violent excitement o f war, when thousands of men
are killed on either side, and tens o f thousands are wounded,
and these terrible evils sending grief to homes in every section
are exaggerated, there spring up demands for indemnity and
reparation that would not be made in moments of more sober re
flection. If, therefore, the United States should be impelled by
- 44915—

13387

P R E S E N T R E V O L U T IO N I S T H E
T H E P EO PLE.

P R IV IL E G E D

C LA SSES V E R SU S

It says—
Thenceforward, till the second election of Porfirio Diaz to the presi
dency in 1884, the history of Mexico is one of almost continuous
warfare in which Maximilian’s empire is a mere episode. The conflicts,
which may at first sight seem to be merely between rival generals, are
seen upon closer examination to be mainly (1) between the privileged
classes, i. e., the church and (at times) the army, and the mass of the
other civilized population; (2) between Centralists and Federalists,
the former being identical with the army, the church, and the sup
porters of despotism, while the latter represent the desire for repub
licanism and local self-government.
On both sides in Mexico there was an element consisting of honest
doctrinaires; but rival military leaders exploited the struggles in their
ow interest, sometimes taking each side successively; and the insta
rn
bility was intensified by the extreme poverty of the peasantry, which
made the soldiery reluctant to return to civil life, by the absence of
a regular middle class, and by the concentration of wealth in a few
hands, so that a revolutionary chief was generally sure both of money
and of men. But after 1884, under the rule of Diaz, the Federal sys
tem continued in name, but it concealed in fact, with great benefit to
the nation, a highly centralized administration, very intelligent, and
on the whole both popular and successful—a modern form of rational
despotism.
Porfirio Diaz’s reign was “ popular and successful ” in a certain
narrow sense. It exploited the great riches o f Mexico, it estab
lished many monopolies, it maintained order by killing those
who dared resist the unsound system, but it eventuated in the
only possible result of glorifying property accumulation and
making millionaires on the one hand and on the other hand iu
the result o f reducing the mass of the people to abject poverty,
of preventing the mass o f the people being educated, of prevent
ing the mass of the people having a reasonable opportunity to
enjoy life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The Diaz
regime or system magnified property rights at the expense of
and by minimizing human rights. The necessary results of the
Diaz system was his flight to avoid assassination and the suc
ceeding tragedies we have recently been witnessing.
The people o f the United States are industrious and kindhearted, with high ideals of liberty and human brotherhood
and a resolute purpose not to interfere with the liberty of others
The great body of the people of the United States do not wish
to acquire the territory now occupied by the Mexican people
and do not wish to exercise any political authority over them
or their affairs.
All men know, Mr. President, that when nations become in
volved in the violent excitement o f war, when thousands of men
are killed on either side, and tens o f thousands are wounded,
and these terrible evils sending grief to homes in every section
are exaggerated, there spring up demands for indemnity and
reparation that would not be made in moments of more sober re
flection. If, therefore, the United States should be impelled by
- 44915—

13387

8
the unhappy conditions in Mexico to intervene, we should, in
my opinion, declare to the world that we will not, under any
circumstances, take any of the territory now occupied by
Mexico.
We should do more than this— we should declare the true,
plain, honest motives which inspire the people o f the United
States in its present attitude. And these reasons should be
such as to fully justify the American Nation before the thought
ful opinion o f the people of other civilized nations.
The United States is already more than abundantly justified
In declaring armed intervention in Mexico, although the Presi
dent has not done more than he has deemed necessary to bring
about an adjustment with as little force and loss of life as pos
sible. I am glad that the authorities of Argentina, Brazil, and
Chile have been accepted as mediators between the United
States and the military oligarchy which has usurped the right
o f sovereignty of the Mexican people, although I am not willing
to appear to believe that any agreement with Huerta would
have any value whatever unless backed by a cannon or to appear
to believe he wishes an honorable adjustment.
It must be kept clearly in mind that our difficulty in Mexico
is not, in reality, whether or not Victoriano Huerta, who has
declared himself dictator at Mexico City, and who is at the
head of an organized army, pretending to represent the Mexican
people, shall fire 21 guns in salute to our flag. Our difficulty
lies much deeper than this.
Mexico, under the form of a Republic, established a liberal
constitution in 1853, an abstract of which I submit as Exhibit I.
It will be observed that this constitution, in Title I, Sec. I,
declares “ That in the Republic all are born free,” and yet the
Mexican people are enslaved by cruel commercial and political
monopoly, and peonage is found everywhere through Mexico.
No man is really free in Mexico.
This constitution declares that instruction is free, and yet
the great masses of the people have had no free instruction.
And all of the other assurances and guaranties of the constitu
tion have been gradually ignored until no man’s life or prop
erty is really safe in Mexico. Fifteen millions o f Mexicans
are substantially denied the right of life, liberty, and the pur
suit of happiness, and the bloodiest fratricidal strife has ensued
from this evil cause.
The coustitution, in Title I, Sec. I, guarantees the right of
petition, and yet when the House of Delegates of the Congress
o f the Republic of Mexico petitioned Huerta for protection of
the lives of the members of Congress, he immediately answered
this petition by arresting and throwing into the penitentiary
all the delegates who so petitioned—110 in number—on Octo
ber 9,1913.
Title I, section 1, article 13, provides that no one shall be tried
according to special laws, or by special tribunals, and yet this
military oligarchy had killed and imprisoned thousands, in
cluding American citizens and consuls, contrary to the consti
tution. In the prison of San Juan de Uluo, at Vera Cruz, our
officers found 325 Mexican men imprisoned without trial, with
out accusation, by the Huerta military despotism, merely be
cause they were unwilling to enlist as soldiers to support this
wicked power. All o f the personal guaranties have been ig
nored. Article 22 forbids mutilation, torture, yet the San Juan
44915— 13387

9
de Uluo furnishes overwhelming testimony of the violation of
this constitutional provision.
Article 23 declares the penalty of death abolished for po
litical offenses, except treason and murder in the first degree,
and yet President Madero, declared elected as the President of
the Republic of Mexico, and Vice President Suarez, elected
Vice President of the Republic of Mexico, were arrested, their
resignations commanded, under the threat o f immediate death,
and they were immediately killed, and a false account of the
killing published to the world, and no judicial investigation
ever held as promised to the diplomats representing all nations
of the world.
Title I, section 1, article 28, declares that there shall be no
monopolies o f any kind, whether governmental or private (in
ventions excepted), and yet for the last 40 years one monopo
listic concession after another has been granted, giving monop
olies innumerable to private persons—monopolies in agricul
tural lands, monopolies in grazing lands, monopolies in timber
lands, monopolies in oil lands— and it is an open secret that
the oil monopolies have given huge sums in substantial bribery
of the leading officials of the Mexican Government.
Monopoly has become so complete in Mexico that millions of
human beings, willing to labor, own no land upon which they
may labor. The same cruel and intolerable conditions of land
monopoly described by Thomas Jefferson as existing in France
immediately before the French Revolution exist in Mexico to
day, and make revolution absolutely unavoidable— make revolu
tion absolutely inextinguishable until this crime against human
life he corrected and the right of human beings to live shall be
recognized and provided. The demand of the Zapatistas is for
land upon which the peasantry can support life. These condi
tions have led to the war by Carranza, Villa, and the constitu
tionalists. This was the demand which Russia had to heed with
her peasantry—and from which was born “ Nihilism ” and “ An
archism.” It is the right o f land to live on that caused the
unending revolution of the Irish against their alien landlords
and the evil policy of government that tolerated and main
tained the system.
When all the land is held in the hands of the few, enabling
them to dictate the conditions of life upon the millions of
people who have no land, enabling them to dictate the political
conditions and to seize by force, by fraud, by artifice, and
craft the Government powers of the common people of Mexico,
and then to use the organized powers of the common people
against the common people themselves and against their inter
ests, chaos and rujn is the unavoidable consequence.
The people o f Mexico are enslaved, yet Title I, Section I,
article 39 declares that the sovereignty is in the people, that all
public power emanates from the people. And yet, the right of
sovereignty of 15,000.000 Mexican people is usurped by Huerta
and the military oligarchy that surrounds him. The sover
eignty of the people is supposed to be exercised through repre
sentatives honestly chosen in fair elections, yet the election on
the 26th o f October, 1913, was a mockery. Secret instructions
had been sent out from Mexico City to make a false return o f
the votes in favor o f Huerta and to make the returns defective
in order to throw the presidential office in the hands of the Con
gress elected as of that date, the preceding Congress being still
44915—13387----- 2

10
incarcerated in the penitentiary by Huerta’s order. I submit
the names of those still confined in the penitentiary November
15, 1913.
Members of the Mexican Congress put in the penitentiary
by Victoriano Huerta on October 10 for having dared to pass
a resolution to investigate the sudden disappearance of Senator
Dominguez, of Chiapas, and demanding safeguard o f their own
lives by Huerta and still incarcerated on November 13, 1913:
41. Sr. Manuel Antonio.
1. Sr. Guilleiuno Krauss.
42. Sr. Federico Oliveros.
2. Sr. Miguel Santa Cruz.
43. Sr. Faustino Gonzalez.
3. Sr. PrGspero A. Blanco.
44. Sr. JesGs Santilian.
4. Sr. Miguel Campuzano.
45. Sr. Martin Santiago.
5. Sr. Roberto M. Contreras.
46. Sr. Nicolas Basilio.
6. Sr. Salvador Rodriguez.
7. Sr. Juan Palomares Gonzfilez.
47. Sr. Francisco Tolentino.
48. Sr. Guadalupe Mendoza.
8. Sr. Mdnico Rangel.
49. Sr. Manuel Chavez.
9. Sr. Rosallo Anguiano.
50 Sr. Ram6n Pacheco.
10. Sr. Manuel S. Nfiiiez.
51. Sr. Modesto Pacheco.
11. Sr. Alberto Cravioto.
52. Sr. Vincente Canales.
12. Sr. Francisco Lazcano.
53. Sr. Rafael Pacheco.
13. Sr. Juan Urda Avendafio
54. Sr. Pedro Banos.
14. Sr. J. Luz Pena.
55. Sr. Jestis Bafios.
15. Sr. SalomG Torres.
56. Sr. Manuel Martinez, 1st.
16. Sr. Santos Ramirez.
57. Sr. Manuel Martinez, 2d.
17. Sr. Maximiano Galeana
18. Sr. German Malpica
58. Sr. Arcadio Martinez.
59. Sr. Josti Soto.
19. Sr. Ellas Sedano.
20. Sr. Severino Reyes.
60. Sr. Juan San Agustln.
21. Sr. Juan Rosas.
61. Sr. Manual San Agustln.
22. Sr. Jos<5 Antero Garcia.
62. Sr. Rosario Iluerta.
23. Sr. Fernando Erquiaga.
63. Sr. Librado Heredia.
24. Sr. Tadeo Gbmez.
64. Sr. J. Angel Gonzalez.
25. Sr. Antonio Rodriguez Ortiz
65. Sr. Dionisio CarriOn.
26. Sr. Ponciano Ramirez.
66. Sr. Alfonso Castaneda.
27. Sr. Rfimulo Carpio
67. Sr. Adolfo Osorno.
28. Sr. Miguel Millan.
68. Sr. Miguel M. Torres.
29. Sr. David Vallejo.
69. Sr. Liborio Torres.
30. Sr. Antolln Mendtzaba!
70. Sr. Francisco Pineda Rub£n.
31. Sr. Angel Loera.
71. Sr. Francisco Lu (Chino, in32. Sr. Josd Loera.
vaiido de una pierna).
33. Sr. Florentino I. L6pez
72. Sr. Jestis Pulido Cfivares (in34. Sr. Juan Barrera.
vaiido de las dos piernas).
35. Sr. Nazario Arredondo.
73. Sr. Gabriel Martinez.
36. Sr. Teodomiro Hernandez
74. Sr. Angel Silva.
37. Sr. Manuel Cabrera.
75. Sr. Cosine Davila.
38. Sr. TGofilo Velazquez.
76. Sr. Margarito Balderas.
39. Sr. Pablo Bello.
77. Sr. Fausto Herrero.
40. Sr. Ignacio Garcia.
78. Sr. Salvador Acosta.
Many of these men were still in the penitentiary when the
United States seized Vera Cruz April 20, 1914.
By Title I, section 3, foreigners have the same guaranties of
life, liberty, and the possession of property. Yet large num
bers of foreigners have been killed without any adjustment or
diplomatic settlement being made, and hundreds o f millions of
property belonging to foreigners have been impaired, de
stroyed, or taken without compensation.
*
All nations should be patient with another nation torn by
civil strife, and where the constituted authorities are doing
what they can to establish order and justice; but Huerta’s
own evil conduct is the cause of these disorders in Mexico.
The constitution o f Mexico divides the powers of government
into legislative, executive, and judicial, yet Huerta, on the
10th o f October, 1913, destroyed the legislative branch and
threw the Congress in the penitentiary by military force, in
vested himself by decree with legislative power and with
judicial power, in open and flagrant violation of the constitu
tion which he had sworn to support.
44915— 13387

11
Mr. President, Mexico is upon our immediate borders; our
boundary line touches Mexico for near 2.000 miles.
Upon the invitation of the constitution of Mexico, very many
thousands of our citizens, who are entitled to the protection
of this Government, entered Mexico and invested hundreds of
millions of property. Their property has been despoiled, their
lives have been taken without redress, and now they are
all fleeing or fled from Mexico for the purpose of saving life
itself and we, responsible to them and for them before the
whole world, with abundant power to protect them, stand face
to face with a military despot whose conduct has made their
flight imperative, but whose conduct against them and against
us is a mild offense compared to his crime against the com
mon people of Mexico, whose Government, such as it was, he
overthrew by military force and usurped on the 18tli of Feb
ruary, 1913.
We all remember, Mr. President, his boastful telegram to
President Taft, February 19, 1913, that he had overthrown the
Mexican Government.
Huerta has been trying to unite behind himself all the revo
lutionary forces of Mexico, and in order to accomplish that, he
has been trying to force the United States to an invasion of
Mexico. He was openly charged with this on the floor of the
Mexican Senate by Senator Dominguez, senator from Chiapas,
on the 23d of September, 1913. He wished to cause interven
tion in a form sufficiently mild that he could use the invasion
as an appeal to the patriotism of the Mexican military leaders
of all revolutionary factions and secure their cooperation with
out having intervention go so far as to capture Mexico City
and compel a restoration of order and the reestablishment of
the power of the common people of Mexico in the exercise of
their acknowledged constitutional sovereignty. He would, how
ever, much prefer being a prisoner of the United States than
being prisoner of Villa or Zapata, both o f whom have sworn
his death for treason.
Mr. President, the United States would be justified in inter
vening for the purpose o f protecting the rights of life and
property of American citizens in Mexico. The United States
would be justified in protecting the rights of Englishmen, Ger
mans, Frenchmen, and Spaniards, whose Governments look to
us for their protection. The United States would be justified,
in order to end the bloody fratricidal strife and restore order
and peace and constitutional government on our border.
Mr. President, the United States has borne repeated injuries
week after week, month after month, and year after year await
ing diplomatic adjustment, until at last, in lieu of adjusting
these immediate grievances which are of record in our Depart
ment of State and which 1 shall not pause to enumerate as they
would fill a volume of themselves, it finally comes to the point
where Huerta, with growing indifference and contempt for the
rights of the American people, and in view o f saving his own
life by forced American intervention, permits— if he did not
instigate— an international insult to the flag and uniform of the
United States, and then refused redress under the rules of
international law.
The world should understand that while the United States
regards the insult to its flag and uniform with great gravity
and is justified in demanding proper amends for this open
44915—13387

12
affront and indignity before the eyes of the world, neverthe
less beyond the flag incident is a long series of grievances which
the United States has been trying in vain to adjust by diplo
matic process. And the world should understand further that
the killing o f our citizens in Mexico, the destruction of the
property of our citizens in Mexico, the killing of Germans and
Englishmen and Spaniards in Mexico, and the destruction of
their property, for whose adjustment the United States is held
morally responsible and for which the United States has anx
iously desired a settlement as the nearest friend o f the people of
Mexico, are all factors in determining the attitude of the people
of the United States.
The world should remember that this multitude of individual
grievances, which has been impossible of adjustment, is due to
an unstable condition of government in Mexico; that the
unhappy people of Mexico, judged by their own constitution,
have no government; that all constitutional guaranties in the
country under the military control of Huerta have been over
thrown; that the constitution of Mexico has been tranmpled in
the dust by military power, by treason, by murder; and that
the instances of which we complain—of the murder of our citi
zens and of the citizens of other nations and the destruction of
their property—will be indefinitely continued until a stable form
o f government is established in Mexico. The whole civilized
world has a right to complain at the ruinous slavery imposed
upon the people o f Mexico by the monopolies which have in
vaded Mexico in defiance of the constitution of Mexico—monop
olies in land, minerals, timber, water powers, government sup
plies, down to monopolies in gambling and female prostitution—
granted to a favored few who by bribery and corruption have
secured these favors from the dishonest officials who have mis
governed Mexico under the form o f a Republic but in sober truth
as a commercialized military oligarchy during the last 40 years.
This criminal oligarchy has not been content with establish
ing a monopoly of all the opportunities of making a living by
the labor of men—it has not been content with the commercial
slavery of the people of Mexico and reducing them to peonage,
but through the commercial and financial power they have
established a corrupt political monopoly o f the governing
powers which they have concentrated in Mexico City. The
power of the sovereign States of Mexico has been invaded, so
that Huerta, as the President of Mexico, has not hesitated to
set aside governors elected by the people and in their places
put military governors. And while title 3 declares the su
preme power of the federation as divided for its exercise into
legislative, executive, and judicial, and that never can two or
more of these powers be united in one person or corporation,
nor the legislative power be vested in one individual, Huerta,
by his own decree o f October 10, 1913, vested in his one person
legislative, executive, and judicial power in flat violation o f the
constitution of the people of Mexico.
Mr. President, the real basis o f all the difficulties in Mexico
is the stealing from the people of Mexico their constitutional
rights and retaining the stolen goods by military force. The
real difficulty in Mexico is the usurpation of the power o f the
common people o f Mexico by a military oligarchy, pretending
to represent the people. Under such conditions there is the
absolute certainty that no change from one dictator to another
44915— 13387

13
dictator will provide any true remedy so long as the head of
this military group, whether Porfirio Diaz. De la Barra, Madero,
Lascurain (who was president for a few minutes), or Huerta
or the next successful general belonging to Huerta’s group who
arrests him and puts him to death will cure the evil in Mexico.
The real remedy required in Mexico is to restore to the hands
of the people of Mexico their right of self-government, to de
mand a secret, honest election system, decentralization of power,
restoration to the several States of Mexico of the right to man
age their own business in their own way under the constitution
of Mexico. A constitutional convention is necessary in Mexico
to decentralize its powers and to enable the people to exercise
safeguarded self-government and to abolish by law the mo
nopolies which have reduced to abject poverty 15.000,000
Mexicans and given stupendous wealth to a few thousand
families in Mexico.
I have the faith to believe that the people of Mexico will pass
the proper laws for their own protection and for the overthrow
of monopoly if they are given an opportunity and that they will
establish laws based upon economic and political justice, just
as the people of France did.
It was the fisbwomen of France, it was the peasantry of
France, it was the uneducated, unlearned, common herd in
France, despised by the nobility of France, who sang the
Marseillaise in the streets of Paris, and who deposed Louis
and Marie Antoinette and established in France a Government
that recognized the great principles o f the French Revolu
tion— liberty, equality, fraternity; and the same spirit is in
Mexico now. These people are willing to lay down their lives
for liberty, and they are sacrificing their lives wholesale, and
they must not be despised,
I know that there have been those who. observing the mili
tary despotism that has been parading in Mexico as a Re
public, Insist that the people of that country are ignorant
and unpatriotic, but I have no fears for the people of Mexico.
But, Mr. President, I remind you and I remind the Senate
that this commercialized military oligarchy made every effort
to establish an alliance with Japan at a time when we were
having difficulty with Japan over the California case. Such
an alliance would bring in its train the most serious conse
quences for the United States. To permit on our borders such
an irresponsible Government as that o f Huerta, controlled
merely by corrupt avarice and ambition, cairies with it danger
to the welfare of the people of the United States far greater
than the danger involved in now throwing Huerta out of power
in Mexico. Have we forgotten his invitation to the officers
of the Japanese vessel Idzuma, his week of feasting and osten
tatious demonstration of excessive affection for the Japanese,
at a time when he was stirring the passion and prejudice of
the populace of Mexico against the American people?
When the people of Mexico really govern Mexico, under con
stitutional safeguards, just as our people in the 48 States
govern their affairs, there will be no danger whatever from the
Mexican Government. They will be our friends, knowing that
we are in truth the friends of the Mexican i>eople. Moreover,
in intervening in Mexico for the establishment o f peace, for the
pacification o f that unhappy country, for the restoration of
order, for the reestablishment of liberty and for that purpose
41915—13:187

u
alone; when we declare to the people o f the whole world that
we have no de.sire to acquire any part o f the territory of
Mexico, that we do not wish to govern them, but only wish that
they shall have the right in peace, in honor, in dignity, to
govern themselves, by choosing their own officials in safe
guarded, honest elections, we will do more than make a lasting
friend o f the people of Mexico; we will give the most satisfy
ing assurances to all of the South American Republics of the
uprightness of our purposes. We will thus assure every coun
try on the Western Hemisphere that we are moved alone by
purposes of unselfish humanity; we will set the standard before
the whole world o f a high purpose to maintain the right of
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and to promote the
great principle o f the brotherhood of man.
Our great Republic is founded on the ideal of human liberty,
on the idea of freedom.
Over the magnificent entrance of Union Station in our Capi
tal, where tens o f thousands pass, is inscribed in granite this
noble sentiment:
Sweetener of hut and of hall,
Brlnger of life out of naught,
Freedom, oh ! fairest of all
The daughters of time and of thought.
On our gold and silver coins, from 1795 to this day, we have
stamped the word “ liberty,” and the Goddess of Liberty and
the liberty cap and the crowned head of liberty. Our Consti
tution bristles with it, and every State and every county and
every city and every town and every village and church and
every school and home teaches it as the foundation of human
safety and happiness and progress. It is the ideal of the
Western Hemisphere. On all the coins of the Argentine Repub
lic, of Chile, of Colombia, of Ecuador, o f Peru, of Uruguay, of
Venezuela, of Bolivia, of Honduras and Guatemala, and Mexico
“ liberty,” in some form, is stamped upon the coins and carried
in the pockets of the common people and is cherished in their
hearts as the highest ideal o f the great Western Hemisphere.
Brazil freed her slaves without bloodshed before 1860 be
cause of the love of her people for liberty.
The people of the Argentine Republic and of Chile erected
a statue of Christ, the Prince o f Peace, on their joint border
line as a lasting memorial of the peace and brotherhood o f the
people of the two Republics. This statue, unveiled March 13.
1904, was cast out of bronze from old cannon belonging to the
two countries.
The great liberty bell that sounded the cry of liberty on July
4. 1776, recast in 1753 in Philadelphia, bears the prophetic
w ords:
PROCLAIM LIBERTY THROUGH OCT ALL T H E LAND TO ALL THE IN H A BITA NTS
THEREOF.

A hundred years later, in 1886, the people o f France who love
liberty and who established liberty in France by the French
Revolution, presented to the i>eople of the United States the
magnificent statue of “ Liberty enlightening the world,” which
our people erected on a giant granite pedestal, where it holds
out at the entrance of New York Harbor a blazing torch over
300 feet high, where all the world shall see and do honor to
“ liberty.”
44915— 13387

Mr. President, the ideals o f all the western hemisphere have
been torn down by Huerta and the corrupt commercial forces
behind him which created him and of which he is a mere in
strumentality. He symbolizes corrupt commercialism, monop
oly, concessions unearned, using the property and powers of
the common people not for their betterment but to their ruin
and the death of liberty.
The conditions in Mexico are absolutely unendurable. Our
national principles and our national safety are endangered.
The welfare of all the North and South American countries
would be jeopardized unless liberty and freedom shall be re
stored to the people of Mexico under constitutional safeguards.
The long triumph of bribery and corruption and military
force over the judicial, the legislative, and the executive powers
of the unhappy people of Mexico has finally led directly to
open treason and the overthrow of even the forms of constitutinal government and iias led to the establishment of an irre
sponsible military oligarchy and despotism. Men of great
intelligence have been led by avarice and greed and ambition
through corrupt processes to monopolize and commercialize the
political powers of the people of Mexico through a group of un
wise and short-sighted Mexican leaders who have been willing
to see the governing powers of the people of Mexico fraudu
lently controlled and the great values of the lands of Mexico
diverted to private hands through monopoly.
Military despotism is now in control of Mexico, with all con
stitutional guaranties overthrown.
If military revolution is permitted by treason and murder to
usurp the governing powers of the people o f Mexico, if freedom
is thus destroyed by monopoly in Mexico, if liberty is thus slain
before our very eyes that avarice and greed may rule the land
through a military despotism, overthrowing the civil law. then,
Mr. President, the whole of America is in peril.
Powers similar to and to some extent the same that have cor
rupted Mexico and destroyed constitutional government are
busy in Colombia, in Venezuela, and in some of the other Re
publics of North and South America, and the establishment of a
military, commercial despotism in Mexico, if successful, would
constitute a precedent, the danger of which should not be
ignored.
I congratulate the world that neither the United States, nor
Argentina, nor Brazil, nor Chile recognize the military despot
who, by treason, seized the governing power o f the people of
Mexico and by fraud has retained it.
It is well known that the Government of Porfirio Diaz was a
military despotism under the color o f a Republic, yet, in the
main, was conducted apparently with a view to developing the
resources of Mexico and of protecting life, at least where sub
mission was rendered to his Government.
Finally, the conditions developed by Porfirio Diaz in estab
lishing innumerable monopolies throughout Mexico by conces
sion of various kinds led to a state o f unrest and a dangerous
revolutionary sentiment that made it necessary for him to leave
Mexico and live in Europe. His conduct was practical flight
from imminent danger o f revolutionary assassination.
He left his successor ad interim— De la Barra—and Madero
was elected as an avowed progressive candidate, professing, at
44915— 13387

r
t

10
least, the patriotic purpose of reform. He was elected through
the defective electoral machinery of Mexico, but his weak Gov
ernment was soon overthrown by the old commercial oligarchy
and its secret allies and sympathizers by mutiny and con
spiracy.
On February 9, 1913, at I o'clock in the morning, Felix Diaz,
who had procured a mutiny among the troops of Madero,
escaited, by collusion, from the penitentiary and immediately
organized an assault on Madero’s Government, with the coop
eration of several thousand o f Madero’s troops. Gen. Huerta
was in charge of Madero’s troops at the palace, and Gen.
Blanquet, at present the right-hand man of Gen. Huerta, was
next in importance of Madero s generals. The loyalty of both
Huerta and Blanquet was already questioned.
De la Barra and Huerta were, on February 10, already in
consultation for the purpose of effecting some arrangement, and
Diaz was quoted on February 10 as hoping for a good issue
from the negotiations being carried on with Gen. Huerta.
Blanquet's troops deserted to Diaz. Huerta carried on warfare
with Diaz by day and was having secret conferences with his
representatives by night.
Finally, on February 17, Huerta stated that the plans were
fully matured to remove Madero. Blanquet’ s guns were turned
toward Chapultepec. Blanquet’s troops were put in charge of
the National Palace, and the troops friendly to Madero were
put outside of the palace by Huerta, Madero’ s commanding
general.
On February 18, at 2 p. m., Huerta, the sworn commander of
Madero’s troops, had Blanquet arrest his chief, the elected
President o f the Republic, Madero. and the Vice President,
Suarez, and the entire Cabinet. At the same time Gustavo
Madero, the brother o f the President, was arrested and imme
diately afterwards killed.
On February 15, Pedro Lascurain, secretary of foreign rela
tions, appeared iu the ball of the committees o f the Chamber
of Deputies of the Congress o f Mexico and falsely represented
that the American ambassador had expressed Us positive
opinion that 3,000 United States marines would immediately
come to the City of Mexico to protect the lives and interests of
Americans as well as other foreigners residing there.
This was doue iu order to force Madero’s resignation, but
Madero refused to resign. The following action was taken in
the Mexican Senate:
(Appendix No. 1.)
S p e c i a l S e s s i o n H e l d F e b r u a r y 15, 1913, i n t h e H a l l
o f t h e C h a m b e r o f D e p u t ie s .
S enator J uan C. F
s id in g .

Com

m it t e e s

ern an dez,

P re

* * * Upon the reading of the inserted dispatch being finished,
Mr Pedro I.ascurain. secretary of foreign relations, appeared and was
granted the floor for the purpose of reporting. Mr. I^ascurain stated
that the international situation of Mexico was extremely critical with
respect to the United States of America, for telegrams hare been re
ceded from Washington conveying the decision of that Government,
already being carried out, to send war ships to Mexico territorial waters
of the Gulf and of the Pacific, and transports with landing troops.
The secretary of foreign relations added that, at 1 o'clock a. m. to
day, the United States ambassador had convened in the quarters of
the embassy some members of the diplomatic corps to whom he made
known the impending arrival of the ships, and his firm and positive
opinion that 3,000 marines would come to the city of Mexico In order
44915— 13387

17
(o protect the lives and interests of Americans as well as of other
foreigners residing therein.
Juan C. F e r n a n d e z , P resid in g S en a tor.
R i c a r d o R. G u z m a n , S en a to r and S ec reta ry.
Jose
M

e x ic o

C a s t e l l o t , S en a to r and

S ec reta ry.

F eb ru a ry 15. 191S.

When Huerta arrested the President of Mexico, Madero, he
immediately gave out a notice to the Mexican people that he had
assumed the executive power, and that he was holding under
arrest “ Mr. Francisco I. Madero and his Cabinet,” as follows:
N O TICE.

In view of the most difficult circumstances through which the nation
Is passing, and particularly in recent days, the capital of the Republic,
which, through the work of the defective government of Mr. Madero,
may well be characterized as being in an almost anarchical situation,
I have assumed the executive power and, pending the immediate con
vening of the Chambers of the Union, In order to pass upon this present
political situation, I am holding under arrest in the National Palace Mr.
Francisco I. Madero and his Cabinet, in order that as soon as this
point is decided and in an effort to reconcile people's minds during the
present historical moments we may all work in behalf of peace, which
Is a matter of life or death to the entire nation.
Given in the palace of the Executive, on February 18. 1913.
V.

uerta

M ilita r y Com m a ndin g G eneral
in cha rge o f th e E x e c u t iv e P o w er .

At 9.30, February 18, Huerta and Felix Diaz met at the Amer
ican Embassy, where the American ambassador cooperated in
having them reach an understanding to work together, upon the
basis that Huerta should he the provisional President of the
Republic, and that Diaz should name the Cabinet, and that
thereafter Diaz should have the support of Huerta in being
elected as the permanent President. Their agreement was re
duced to writing, as follow s:
In the city of Mexico, at 9.30 p. m.. of February 18, 1913, Gens.
Felix Diaz and Victoriano Huerta met together, the former being
assisted by Attorneys Fidencio Hernandez and Rodolfo Reyes and the
latter by Lieut. Col. Joaquin Maas and Engineer Enrique Zepeda ; and
Gen. Huerta stated that, inasmuch as the situation of Mr. Madero’s
government was unsustainable, and in order to avoid further bloodshed
and out of feelings of national fraternity, he had made prisoners of
said gentleman, his cabinet, and other persons, and that he wished to
express his good wishes to Gen. Diaz to the effect that the elements
represented by him might fraternize and. all united, save the present
distressful situation. Gen. Diaz stated that his movements had had
no other object than to serve the national welfare, and that accordingly
he was ready to make any sacrifice which might redound to the ben
efit of the country.
After discussions bad taken place on the subject among all those
present, as mentioned above, the following was agreed upon :
First. From this time on the executive power which held sway is
deemed not to exist and is not recognized, the elements represented by
Gens. Diaz and Huerta pledging themselves to prevent by all means
any attempt to restore said power.
Second. Endeavor will be made as soon as possible to adjust the
existing situation under the best possible legal conditions, and Gens.
Diaz and Huerta will make every effort to the end that the latter may
within 72 hours assume the provisional presidency of the Republic, with
the following cabinet:
Foreign relations : Lie. Francisco L. de la Barra.
Treasury: Toriblo Esquival Obregon.
War : Gen. Manuel Mondragon.
Fomento: Eng. Alberto Garcia Granados.
Justice: Lie. Rodolfo Reyes.
Public instruction : Lie. J. Vera Estaiiol.
Communications: Eng. David de la Fuente.
There shall be created a new ministry, to be charged specially with
solving the agrarian problem and matters connected therewith, being
called the ministry of agriculture, and the portfolio thereof being in
trusted to Lie. Manuel Garza Adalpe. Any modifications which may
44915—13387------3

18
for any reason be decided upon in this cabinet slate shall take place In
the same manner in which the slate itself was made up.
Third. While the legal situation is being determined and settled
Gens. Huerta and Diaz are placed in charge of all elements and author
ities of every kind, the exercise whereof may be necessary in order to
afford guaranties.
Fourth. Gen. Felix Diaz declines the offer to form part of the pro
visional cabinet in case Gen. Huerta assumes the Provisional Presi
dency, in order that he may remain at liberty to undertake his work
along the lines of his compromises with his party at the coming elec
tion. which purpose he wishes to express clearly and which is fully
understood by the signers.
Fifth. Official notice shall immediately be given to the foreign rep
resentatives, it being confined to stating to them that the executive
power has ceased ; that provision is being made for a legal substitute
therefor; that meantime the full authority thereof is vested in Gens.
Diaz and Huerta; and that all proper guaranties will be afforded to
their respective countrymen.
Sixth. All revolutionists shall at once be invited to cease their
hostile movements, endeavor being made to reach the necessary set
tlements.
Gen. V i c t o r i a x o H u e r t a .
Gen. F e l i x D i a z .
As soon as this agreement was reached, Huerto and Diaz
issued the following joint proclamation:
[From Mexican Herald.]
J O IN T

PR O C L A M A T IO N .

To th e M ex ica n p eo p le.
The unendurable and distressing situation through which the capi
tal of the Republic has passed obliged the army, represented by the
undersigned, to unite in a sentiment of fraternity to achieve the
salvation of the country. In consequence the nation may be at rest;
all liberties compatible with order are assured under the responsi
bility of the undersigned chiefs, who at once assumed command and
administration in so far as is necessary to afford full guarantees to
nationals and foreigners, promising that within 72 hours the legal
situation will have been duly organized. The army invites the
people, on whom it relies, to continue in the noble attitude of respect
and moderation which it lias hitherto observed; it also invites all
revolutionary factions to unite for the consolidation of national peace.
Mexico, February 18, 1913.
V. H lerta.
F e l ix D ia z .

The legislature of the sovereign State of Coahuila, on Feb
ruary 19, the very next day, denounced Huerta’s usurpation
and directed Gov. Carranza to use the armed forces o f the
State in supporting Madero as the constitutional president.
On March 24 the Legislature of Sonora denounced the
usurpation o f Huerta, and thereafter in succession 10 of the
elected governors of the States of Mexico joined the revolution.
It is interesting to observe what became of the various gover
nors of the various States o f Mexico under Huerta’s usurpation.
The following 10 governors were replaced by military governors
and all joined the revolution:
Gov. Felipe Riveros, of Sinaloa; Gov. Venus Tiano Carranza,
o f Coahuila; Gov. Jose M. Maytorena. o f Sonora; Gov. Alberto
Fuentes, of the State of Aguascalientes; Gov. Miguel Silva, of
Michoacan; Gov. Ramon Rosales, of the State o f Hidalgo; Gov.
Inocecio Lugo, of the State o f Guerrero; Gov. J. Castillo Brito,
o f the State of Campeche; Gov. A. Camara Vales, of the State
o f Yucatan; Gov. Matias Guera, of the State of Tamaulipas;
Abraham Gonzalez, governor of Chihuahua, was murdered by
Rabago, a major general under Huerta, by tying the governor on
the railroad track and slowly backing a yard engine over him
to give him a proper realization of the horror of death; Gov.
De la Barra went abroad to Paris, France; and Gov. Rafael
44915—13387

19
Zapeda, o f the State of San Luis Potosi, and Gov. Trinidad
Alamillo, of the State of Colima, and Gov. Patricio Leyva, of the
State of Morelos, were thrown in prison. Gov. Bibiano Villareal, of Neuva Leon, fled the country and went to New York.
Gov. Carlos Potani, o f the State of Durango, fled the country
and went to San Antonio, Tex. Six of the other governors went
to Mexico City, and the governor of Puebla and Tlilaxcala and
Queretaro were the only ones who remained at home out o f
28 governors elected by the people.
On February 19, 1913, under the duress of the fear o f death
and on the promise of the safeguard o f their lives, the Presi
dent and Vice President of Mexico signed the following resig
nation :
In view of the events which have occurred since yesterday in the
nation and for its greater tranquility, we formally resign our positions
of President and Vice President, respectively, to which we were elected.
We protest whatever may be necessary.
F r a n c i s c o I. M a d e r o .
J
M

e x ic o

it y

ose

M. P

in o

S u arez.

F eb ru a ry 19, 1913.

I am informed that this resignation was obtained from Presi
dent Madero and Vice President Suarez under the fear of
instant death, but was signed by them upon the agreed condition
that it should be held by the minister from Chile, a friend of
Madero, in escro, until President Madero and Vice President
Suarez could And safe asylum on a foreign warship. The agree
ment was broken, the resignation used as a basis of having
Lascurain, minister of foreign relations under Madero, pro
claimed provisional President. He took the oath of office and
did not appoint a secretary of foreign relations, but he did
appoint Victoriano Huerta secretary o f gobernacion. Huerta
took the oath as secretary o f gobernacion. and Lascurain imme
diately resigned as provisional President, thus devolving the
presidency upon Huerta as next in line, and he took the oath of
office before Congress as President o f the Republic. These
simultaneous acts, of course—the resignations of the President
and Vice President, procured by military force and duress, the
resignation o f Lascurain under the same force— can not be re
garded as a legitimate conduct of public affairs, the entire pro
cedure being void, as treason against the people of Mexico,
punishable with death under the constitution and laws of
Mexico.
On Saturday, February 22—Washington’s birthday— Huerta,
as President, had the deposed President Madero and Vice Presi
dent Suarez transferred from the National Palace, not to a war
ship. where they might escape with their lives, but to the peni
tentiary in Mexico City. At 10 o’clock Huerta is alleged to
have changed the commandante of the penitentiary, and at 11
o’clock Madero and Suarez were killed.
On February 24, 1913, the new minister o f foreign relations,
de la Barra, made a report to the members of the diplomatic
corps, giving an account of the death of President Madero and
Vice President Suarez, and promising the fullest judicial inves
tigation, and that minutes of all proceedings should be furnished
the diplomatic representatives of the foreign powers, it being
commonly believed that Huerta had had these men assassinated,
as was afterwards openly charged against Huerta on September
23, 1913, in the Mexican Senate by Senator Dominguez, of
Chiapas.

41915— 1:5387

20
The minutes o f the judicial investigation have never been
furnished, and the United States has no adequate official in
formation except the statement of Huerta made to De la Barra
and Senor Garcia 11.30 Saturday night that as Madero and
Suarez were being conveyed in an automobile to the peniten
tiary they were killed in an exchange of shots between the
escort in whose custody they were held and a group of indi
viduals unknown who had attempted to rescue them.
Huerta had assured Madero and Suarez their safety before
using their resignations. He was responsible for their safe
guard. Huerta also fully advised, because Madero’s mother
and Suarez’s wife had gone to Ambassador Wilson and prayed
him to intercede with Huerta to spare the life of Madero and
Suarez and to allow them to go to Europe, stating “ that this
was the expressed condition attached to their resignation," and
Ambassador Wilson made the appeal to Huerta.
I am informed that De la Barra advised Huerta that unless
he were satisfied the murder of Madero was not at the conniv
ance of the Government he would immediately resign with two
of his colleagues.
It is interesting to see what became of this cabinet, ar
ranged in the pact between Huerta and Diaz and whose mem
bers had been named by Diaz.
Of this cabinet named by Felix Diaz under the pact, the Sec
retary of Foreign Affairs, De la Barra, is in France, the Sec
retary of Finance, Obregon, is a general in the Constitutional
Army making war on Huerta, and recently refused to consider
cooperating with the Federal troops against the United States;
Rudolph Reyes, of the Department of Justice, has been killed;
the Secretary o f Public Instruction, Estannol, has fled to the
United States; the Secretary of Communications. De la Fuente,
has gone abroad; the Minister of Agriculture. Alvarpe, has re
signed; and the Secretary of Fomento, Alberto Gill; the Sec
retary o f Interior, Alberto Gienodes; are out of the cabinet and
gone.
Felix Diaz, who made the pact with Huerta, fled from Mexico
for fear of assassination by Huerta’s orders.
The American ambassador. Wilson, made a strenuous effort
to have Huerta recognized. As dean of the diplomatic corps, he
made a speech o f congratulation to Huerta upon his accession
to the presidency. He urged our State Department to recognize
Huerta. Pie instructed all American consuls to do everything
possible to bring about a general acceptance of Huerta, and
advised them that Huerta would be immediately recognized by
all foreign Governments. On February 24 Ambassador Wilson
advised the Government that the Madero incident had pro
duced no effect upon the public mind and that Consul Holland
had telegraphed that Huerta’s government refused to accept
the adhesion o f Gov. Carranza, of Coahuila; was sending
troops against him. and that Carranza had evacuated his capital.
When the secretary o f the British legation expressed the
opinion that his Government would not recognize Huerta on
account of the murder of Madero, Ambassador Wilson ex
pressed the opinion that it would be a great error, endangering
Huerta’s government, upon the safety o f which all foreigners
depended. Our ambassador expressed the opinion that Huerta’s
government was not privy to the murder o f Madero and Suarez,
and that either the occurrence was as stated, or that the death
44915—13387

21
of Madero and Suarez was due to a subordinate military con
spiracy, and be was of the opinion also that the murder of
Madero and Suarez, as two Mexicans relegated to private life
by their resignations, should arouse no greater expressions of
popular disapproval in the United States than the murder,
unrequited by justice, of some 75 or 80 Americans in Mexico
during the preceding two years.
Our ambassador ceased to be an acceptable medium of com
munication between President Wilson and the authorities of
Mexico, and for this reason his resignation was accepted.
Huerta’s usurpation of the governing powers of the people
of Mexico, his military revolution, overthrowing the Presi
dent and Vice President o f Mexico and bringing about the im
mediate death of these officers elected by the Mexican people,
was not approved by a large part of the people of Mexico, who,
however, were, for the most part, intimidated by the military
power of Huerta and by the bloodthirsty disposition shown by
him and by his military clique. Huerta is the product of his
environment. He had, since his boyhood, been the witness of
the killing by military order of citizens who proved obnoxious
to the government of Porfirio Diaz. I have no doubt that
Huerta regards such conduct as entirely justifiable. There are
those in the United States in sympathy with Huerta and his
military commercial despotism controlling Mexico, who say
that no other kind o f government is possible in Mexico except
a military despotism.
Against this cruel, unwise, unjust conception, I enter my
solemn protest, and I declare it to be my profound belief that
the people o f Mexico are, in the main, an industrious, worthy,
honest, good-hearted people, who would like to be at peace with
the world, and who would rejoice in a stable government under
constitutional guaranties, and that they have abundant intelli
gence to carry it out if they can be freed from the despotism now
in control of their government.
No man. who has observed the sacrifices which are being
made by the people of Mexico in trying to restore constitutional
government, should deny their attachment to liberty and the
constitutional law.
No man, who looks at the record of the elected governors of
the states of Mexico, who might have bought their peace by
subserviency of Huerta, who witnessed the brave and upright
conduct o f the Mexican congressmen imprisoned by Huerta, the
brave conduct of Senator Dominguez in speaking the truth at
the cost of life and the enormous sacrifices now being made by
the Mexicans on the field of battle, should doubt the attitude of
the i>eople of Mexico. The people of Mexico have in them the
Divine spark, they have been taught the Christian virtues and
they have the same natural affections and passions as other
people o f like blood. They have had no fair chance.
Mr. President, the governors of Mexico were not the only
ones to express their hostility, to the active usurpation by
Huerta. Various members of Congress in Mexico expressed
their disapproval of Huerta’s conduct, and representing, as they
did, the people o f Mexico, and even more particularly those
who were the beneficiaries of the monopolistic system of Mexico,
nevertheless showed were not willing to have the constitutional
guaranties overthrown. The cruelty and unlawful violence of
the government of Huerta was shown by the methods pursued
44915— 13387

against them. A few instances of which I think should be
enumerated.
For instance, a member of Congress, Serapia Arendon, hav
ing expressed his lack of sympathy with the Huerta regime,
was warned in several ways that his life was in great jeop
ardy, and on the night of the 22d of August, 1913, he was sud
denly seized, rushed in an automobile to the Thanepantla Bar
racks, where some shots were heard, and he has never been
seen since.
The condition being intolerable, a member of the Senate of
Mexico, Senator Belisariyo Domingues, representing the State
of Chiapas, finally made up his mind to do his duty by de
nouncing this usurpation and treason, knowing that it would
cost him his life. It is reported that lie made his will, bade his
family farewell, and on the 23d of September delivered in
writing a speech in the Senate of Mexico. The president of
the Senate refused to allow his speech to be delivered, but could
not prevent its being made a part o f the record.
I shall read that speech:
S ep t. 23, 1913. A d d ress o f B eiisa rio D o m in q u ez, S en a to r fro m th e S o v
er eig n S ta te o f C hiapas to th e S en a te o f th e R ep u b lic o f M ex ico .

Mr. President of the Senate: The matter being of urgent interest
for the welfare of the country, I am compelled to set aside the usual
formulas and to ask you please to begin this session by taking cog
nizance of this sheet and making it known at once to the honorable
members of the Senate.
Gentlemen: You nil have read with deep interest the message preented by Don Victoriano Huerta to the Congress of the Union on the
16th instant.
There is no doubt, gentlemen, that you as well as myself felt indig
nant in the face of the accumulation of falsities contained in that
document. Whom does that message aim to deceive, gentlemen? The
Congress of the Union? No, gentlemen; all its members are cultured
persons who take an interest in politics, who are in touch with
events in this country, and who can not be deceived on the subject.
Is it the Mexican Nation that is to be deceived? Is it this noble
country which, trusting in your honesty, has placed in your hands
her most sacred interests? What must the National Assembly do in
this case? It must respond promptly to the trust and confidence of
the nation which has honored this body with her representation, and
it must let her know the truth and so prevent her falling into the
abyss which is opening at her feet.
The truth is this: During the reign of Don Victoriano Huerta not
only has nothing been done in favor of the pacification of the country,
but the present condition of the Mexican Republic is infinitely worse
than ever before. The revolution is spreading everywhere. Many na
tions, formerly good friends of Mexico, now refuse to recognize this Gov
ernment, since it is an illegal one. Our coin is depreciated, our credit
in the throes of agony. The whole press of the Republic, either
muzzled or shamelessly sold to the Government, systematically conceals
the truth. Our fields are abandoned. Many towns have been destroyed,
and, lastly, famine and misery in all its forms threaten to spread
throughout our unhappy country. What is the cause of such a‘wretched
situation ?
First, and above anything else, this condition is due to the fact that
the Mexican people can not submit and yield to and accept as President
of the Republic the soldier who snatched the power by means of a
treason and whose first act on rising to the Presidency was to assassi
nate in the most cowardly manner the President and Vice President
legally consecrated by the popular vote, and the first of these two men.
he who promoted and gave position to Don Victoriano Huerta and
covered him with honors, was the man to whom Victoriano Huerta pub
licly swore loyalty and faithfulness.
In the second place, this situation is the result of the means adopted
by Don Victoriano Huerta and which he has been employing in order
to obtain the pacification of the country. You know what these means
are; nothing but extermination, death for all the men. all the families,
all the towns which do not sympathize with his Government.
Peace will be made at any cost whatever, said Don Victoriano Huerta.
Have you studied, gentlemen, the terrible meaning of these words of
44915—13387

23
the egotistical, ferocious man. Don V ictoriano H uerta?
They mean
that he is ready to shed all the Mexican blood, to cover with corpses
the whole surface o f the national territory, to convert our country into
one immense ruin, so that he may not leave the presidential chair, nor
shed a single drop o f his own blood.
In his insane anxiety to keep the post o f President—

I ask the Senate to listen to this—
In his insane anxiety to keep the post o f President, V ictoriano
Huerta is com m itting a new infam y.
He is provoking an inter
national conflict with the United States o f America.

Where was that said? On the floor of the Mexican senate,
by a Mexican senator who had made his will, had made his
peace with God, had bid farewell to his family, knowing that
he would go to his immediate death.
The Senate o f the United States wants to observe these
words and hear where they come from—from the senator from
Chiapas, Belisario Dominguez, who was immediately killed,
who knew that he would be killed, and who was willing to die
to have the right to speak the truth in the cause o f humanity,
and of justice, and of Mexico.
In his insane anxiety to keep the post o f President Victoriano
Huerta is com m itting a new infam y. lie is provoking an international
conflict with the United States o f America, a conflict, in which, if it
is to be solved by fighting, all surviving M exicans would participate,
giving stoically the last drop o f their blood, giving their lives— all
save Don V ictoriano Huerta and Don Aureliano B lan qu et; because
these disgraced ones are stained with the blot o f treason, and the
nation and the army will repudiate them when the time comes.
It seems as if our ruin were unavoidable, for Don V ictoriano Huerta
has taken hold o f power in such a way. in order to insure the triumph
o f his candidacy to the Presidency o f the Republic in the elections to
be held October 2G. that he has not hesitated to violate the sovereignty
o f the greater part o f the States, deposing the legally elected constitu
tional governors and supplanting them with m ilitary governors who will
take good care to cheat the people by means o f ridiculous and criminal
farces.

And so they did cheat the people by elections that were crimi
nal under the order of Huerta, an order which I shall presently
read into the R ecord.
However, gentlemen, a supreme effort might save everything.
Let
the national assembly fulfill its duty and the nation is saved, and she
will rise up and become greater, stronger, more beautiful than ever.
The national assembly has the duty o f deposing Don Victoriano
Huerta from the Presidency
He Is the one against whom our brothers,
up in arms in the North, protest, and. consequently, he is the one least
able to carry out the pacification which is the supreme desire o f all
Mexicans.
You will tel' me, gentlemen, that the attem pt is d an gerou s; for Don
V ictcriano Huerta is a bloodthirsty and ferocious soldier who assassi
nates anyone whc is an obstacle to his w ish es; but this should not
matter, gentlemen. The country exacts from you the fulfillment o f a
duty, though there is the risk, the certainty, that you will lose your lives.

Is this man without patriotism? Is this man without love
of country? Is this man without love of justice and righteous
ness in government, when he makes his appeal to the Mexi
can Senate? Shall we despise a people capable of such a sacri
fice as this great senator who died in the performance o f duty
deliberately?
He sa id :
If, in your anxiety to see peace reigning again in the Republic, you
com m itted a mistake and put faith in the false words o f the man who
promised to pacify the Republic, to-day, when you see clearly that
this man is an imposter, a wicked inept who is fast pushing the nation
toward ruin, will you, fo r fear o f death, permit such a man to continue
to wield pow er? Reflect, gentlemen, meditate, and reply to this query.
W hat would be said o f those on a vessel who, during a violent storm
on a treacherous sea, would appoint as pilot a butcher who had no
44915— 13387

24
nautical knowledge, who was on his first sea trip, and who had no
other recommendation to the post than the fa ct o f his having betrayed
and assassinated the captain o f the vessel?
Your duty is unalterable, ineludible, gentlemen, and the nation ex
pects o f you its fulfillment.
This first duty discharged, it will be easy for the National Assembly
to fulfill others derived from it, asking all revolutionary chiefs to stop
all active hostilities and to appoint their delegates in order that by
general accord the President be elected who is to call for presi
dential elections, and who is to use care that these be carried out in
all legality.
The world is looking on us, gentlemen, members of the National
Assembly, and the nation hopes that you will honor her before the
world, saving her from the shame o f having as first magistrate a
traitor and an assassin.
(Signed)
D r . B. D o m i n g u e z ,
S en a to r

f o r C h ia p a s .

Immediately afterwards, Senator Belisaryo Dominguez sud
denly and mysteriously disappeared and was reported to have
been killed.
On October 9th, the Chamber of Deputies of the Congress of
Mexico passed the following resolution:
(1 ) T hat a commission form ed o f three deputies be appointed for
the purpose o f making all necessary investigations to find out where
Senator Belisaryo Dominguez is and that it be empowered with all
the facilities which it deems necessary for the m atter in hand.
(2 )
That the senate be invited to appoint a commission for the same
object.
(3 ) The commission o f the Camara will propose what may
be necessary in view o f the result o f the investigation.
(4 ) That this
m otion be comm unicated to the executive so that he may impart
whatever aid may be necessary to the commission or commissions, as
the case may be, making known to him that the national representation
places the lives o f the deputies and senators under the protection of
said executive who has at his disposition the necessary elements tc
enforce the im munity which the constitution authorizes to those
functionaries.
(5 ) That said executive be inform ed that in case the
disappearance o f another deputy or senator occurs and the national
representation will be obliged to celebrate its session where it may
find guarantees.

Immediately afterwards, on October 10, in the afternoon.
Huerta’s minister of gobernacion appeared in the chamber and
demanded a reconsideration of these resolutions. The presi
dent of the Chamber of Deputies arose and adjourned the
chamber, whereupon 110 deputies present were arrested by
Huerta's soldiers and sent to the penitentiary. Huerta had all
the exits barred and appeared in person before the Congress to
enforce his demand, and his demand, in spite of his bloody
character and crnel power, was not acceded to by the Mexican
Congress. Huerta immediately published a decree declaring the
Congress dissolved and without further power and immediately
declared the judicial and legislative power vested in himself
and that the constitutional guaranties against arrest o f mem
bers of Congress were suspended.
These decrees were signed by him as of October 11, but were
put into effect October 10, as follow s:
Victorlano Huerta, constitutional President ad interim o f the M exi
can United States, to its inhabitants makes known that the Chamber
o f Deputies and Senators o f the Tw enty-sixth Legislature having been
dissolved and inhabilitated from exercising their functions and until
the people elect new m agistrates who shall take over the legislative
powers, and in the belief that the Government should count on all the
necessary faculties to face the situation and to reestablish the con
stitutional order o f things in the shortest possible time as is its pur
pose since October 26 has been set as a date fo r elections for deputies
and senators, has seen fit to decree that articles o f decree.
A rticle O ne. The judicial power o f the federation shall continue in
Its functions within the lim its set by the constitution o f the Republic
44915— 13387

25
and the decree o f the executive o f October 10 o f this month and such
others as shall be issued by him.
A rticle T w o . The executive power o f the union conserves the pow
ers conferred upon him by the constitution and assumes furtherm ore
the departments o f gobernacion, hacienda, and war only for the time
absolutely necessary for the reestablishment o f the legislative power,
in the meantime the executive takes upon him self the powers granted
the legislative power by the constitution in the aforem entioned de
partm ents and w ill make use o f them by issuing decrees which shall be
observed generally and which he may deem expedient for the public
welfare.
A rticle T h ree . The executive o f the union will render an account
to the legislative power o f the use which he makes o f the powers
which he assumes by means o f this decree as soon as this is in fu n c
tion. W herefore, I order that this be printed, published, and given due
fulfillment. Given at the National Palace o f Mexico, October 11, 1913.
(Signed)
V. H uerta .
V ictoriano Huerta, constitutional president ad interim o f the M exi
can United States, to its inhabitants makes known that in view o f the
fa ct that the Chamber o f Deputies and Senators of the Congress o f
the union have been dissolved and inhabilitated to perform their fu n c
tions, and in view o f the powers which I hold in the Department of
Gobernacion according to the decree o f October 11 o f this year, I
have seen fit to decree that article 1 , the constitutional exemption from
arrest and ju dicial action which the citizens which form ed the Twentysixth Congress o f the union enjoyed in view o f their functions, is
hereby repealed and consequently they are subject to the jurisdiction
o f the tribunals corresponding to the case in the event that they are
guilty o f any crime or offense. W herefore 1 order that this be printed,
published, and duly fulfilled. Given at the National Palace in Mexico
October 11, 1913.
(Signed)
V. H uerta .

On October 11 the entire diplomatic corps was received by the
minister of foreign affairs, who advised them that while the act
of Huerta’s Government was unconstitutional, still that the
Government had become impossible with the Chamber as at pres
ent constituted. The Spanish minister, at an hour after mid
night, October 10, called on Nelson O'Shaughnessy, the Ameri
can charge d ’affaires, and they went together and demanded
guaranties of the minister of foreign affairs for the lives of thearrested Congressmen. What a spectacle before the civilized
world is this midnight visit to prevent wholesale assassination!
The promise was given, but only a list of 84 was presented as
those in prison. What became of the 24 others arrested I do
not know, but I should like to know.
On October 13 Huerta charged the members of Congress with
sedition and treason, and stated that they should be tried.
Huerta’s secretary informed O’Shaughnessy that most of the
deputies arrested had been set at liberty, but in point of fact
they acknowledged having 84 of the 110 arrested in the peniten
tiary at midnight, October 10, and on November 13, 1913, the
members of Congress whose names 1 have already given were
recorded still in the penitentiary, and many o f them were still
in the penitentiary when we took Vera Cruz.
The President of the United States had refused to recognize
Huerta for the reasons well known, and had been urging a new
election so that the people of Mexico, even under the defective
election law, might choose a successor to Huerta.
On October 10, 1913, when Huerta had put the Mexican Con
gress in the penitentiary, he issued a decree for the election, on
October 26, of a new Congress and of a President.
On October 14, 1913, he issued the following decree, modifying
the election laws to make the corrupt control of the election
absolutely certain, putting the power in the hands o f his iu4 491 5— 13387

■■■■h

m h h b b

strum ents. I ask perm ission to pu t the d ecree in to the R ecord
w ith ou t reading.

Mr. SHAFROTH. I wish the Senator from Oklahoma would
read the order which he says Huerta issued setting aside the
election laws.
Mr. OWEN. The first order issued was this:
Victoriano Huerta, constitutional President ad interim o f the Mexi
can United States, to its inhabitants makes known that the Chamber
o f Deputies and Senators o f the 26th legislature having been dissolved
and inhabilitated from exercising their functions, and until the people
elect new m agistrates who shall take over the legislative powers, and
in the belief that the Government should count on all the necessary
faculties to face the situation and to reestablish the constitutional
order o f things in the shortest possible time, as is its purpose, since
October 26 has been set as a date for elections for deputies and sena
tors, has seen fit to decree that articles o f decree.
A r t ic l e o n e . The ju dicial power o f the federation shall continue in
its functions within the limits set by the constitution o f the Republic
and the decree o f the Executive o f October 10 o f this month and such
others as shall be issued by him.
A rticle tw o . The executive power o f the Union conserves the pow
ers conferred upon him by the constitution and assumes, furtherm ore,
the departments o f gobernacion, hacienda, and war only for the time
absolutely necessary fo r the reestablishment o f the legislative power.
In the meantime the Executive takes upon him self the powers granted
the legislative power by the constitution in the aforem entioned de
partments and will make use o f them by issuing decrees, which shall
be observed generally and which he may deem expedient fo r the public
welfare.
A r t ic l e t h r e e . The E xecutive o f the Union will render an account
to the legislative power o f the use which he makes o f the powers which
he assumes by means o f this decree as soon as this is in function.
W herefore I order that this be printed, published, and given due fu l
fillment.

At the same time he issued a decree declaring that the right
of safety and immunity from arrest o f members of congress
was set aside and abrogated and, as I have stated, put the
whole congress in the penitentiary. He ja y s:
I have seen fit to decree that article 1 , the constitutional exemption
from arrest and judicial action which the citizens w hich form ed the
twenty-sixth congress o f the union enjoyed in view o f their functions, is
hereby repealed.

Mr. SHAFROTH. And yet some people want such a man
recognized as the president of Mexico?
Mr. OWEN. Oh, yes; some people want him recognized. I
do not know why. I suppose they do not know about him,
but I thought it well enough to let the people of this country
know something about Huerta. For that reason I have thought
proper to present these various documents, showing his con
duct as the alleged head of the Mexican Government Here
is the decree which he issued as to the election laws, putting the
power in the hands of his military governors and jefe politicos
that they might be able to make false returns of the elections:
V ictoriano Huerta, C onstitutional President ad interim o f the United
Mexican States, to the inhabitants th e r e o f: Know ye. that to the end
that the extraordinary elections o f senators and deputies to the Con
gress o f the Union, convoked by decree under date o f the 10th instant,
be carried out with all regularity, I have seen fit to decree the fol
lowing :
“ A rticle 1. In accordance with article 5 o f the decree o f the 10th
instant, the extraordinary elections o f deputies and senators will be
subject to the conditions o f the electoral law o f December 19, 1911,
with the additions and m odifications which follow .
“ A rt . 2. The elections shall be bv direct v o t e ; they shall be held
at the same time as those for president and vice president o f the Re
public ; the same electoral divisions shall serve for them as were
form ed under the law to that effect o f the 31st o f May last, and the
same designation o f polling officials and scrutinizers which was made
44915— 13387

under the provisions o f the same law shall subsist. Candidates must
register.
“A rt. 3. The registration o f the candidates provided for in article
6S o f the electoral law o f December 19, 1911, shall be carried out before
the 2 0 th o f this month, and the handing over o f credentials which is
ordered in the same article, as well as the designation of representa
tives o f parties or candidates, shall he complied with at the same time
these latter are inscribed.
A rticle 4. The voting shall be subject to the terms o f the electoral
law o f December 19, 1911, and in accord with the follow in g ru les:
New polling regulations. “ 1. The polling official shall hand to each
voter, in addition to the lists which correspond to the election o f Presi
dent and Vice President o f the Republic, the various lists for the cast
ing o f votes for deputies and senators and shall proceed to collect the
votes in urns or boxes which shall be separate and distinctly marked,
one for the election o f President and Vice President, another for the
election o f deputies, and a third for the election o f senators.
Second. When the polls are closed definitely, the total count o f the
votes cast fo r President and Vice President shall be made in accordance
with the law o f the 31st o f last May, and afterwards the count shall be
made o f the votes for deputies and senators, respectively, the result of
the latter being made known in separate documents, which shall be re
mitted, together with the designation o f the electoral district and the
voting slips to the highest authority residing in the place designated as
capital (cabecera) o f the electoral district (that is, to his m ilitary gov
ern ors), and if there be no cabecera they shall be turned over to the
highest m unicipal authority. Juntas to count ballots.
Third. The count o f the votes cast in each electoral district shall be
made by a junta form ed by the highest political authority to which the
foregoing fraction refers, or in default o f him by the first m unicipal
authority and by two councilm en (con cajalesi named by the ayuntam iento o f the cabecera o f the electoral district. The default o f any of
the members o f this junta shall be made good by the regideres o f the
ayuntamiento, according to the order o f their enumeration, and in de
fault o f these, by those who will have held such position the preceding
year, according to their enumeration. The designation of the tw o coun
cilmen who are to form part o f the junta shall be made by the ayuntamientos in public session and by secret ballot on Thursday the 23d of
the present month. Jefe P olitico to preside.
Fourth. The junta shall assemble in junta shall be made by the
ayuntamiente on Sunday, the 26th o f the present month, at 6 o'clock in
the evening, being presided over by the jefe politico, and in his
absence by the highest municipal authority. It shall designate secre
tary from among its members and shall commission another o f its
members to examine the returns as they be received, and the ju nta shall
reassemble on the 2d day o f November next to make the count, after
the rendering o f the report which the commission shall present.
Fifth. The junta shall abstain from making any remarks respecting
the defects which affect the votes cast or those which may be alleged
by the parties or candidates registered, and shall lim it itself to mak
ing them known in its minutes, so that they may be passed upon defi
nitely by the Chamber o f Deputies or by the corresponding legislature,
according to whether it is a matter o f election o f deputies or senators.
Credentials in quadruplicate.
Sixth. A fter the count has been made o f votes cast, the deputies
proprietory and substitute shall be declared elected and the number of
votes cast for each one o f the candidates for senator proprietory and
substitute shall be declared and the corresponding reports shall be made.
The report in regard to deputies shall be made in four c o p ie s ; one
shall be sent to the Chamber o f Deputies, together with all the elec
tion documents and vote certifica tes; another copy shall be sent to
the M inistry o f Gobernacion : and the other two shall be remitted to the
citizens elected deputy proprietory and substitute, respectively, so that
they may serve as credentials. The report o f the election o f senators
shall be made in three copies, one o f which shall be sent to the Senate,
one to the M inistry o f Gobernacion. and the third to the Legislature
o f the State, that that body may make its declaration relative to the
election o f senators proprietory and substitute. To report before Novem
ber 1 0 .
Seventh. The junta shall make its report as soon as it shall have re
ceived those o f all the m unicipalities o f the electoral district or a
report to the effect that the elections were not held, but in any case
it must present its report by the 10th o f next November. The result
o f the count made by the junta shall be published immediately after
its session shall have adjourned on the doors o f the m unicipal palace
and as soon as possible thereafter in the official organ o f the correspond
ing federative entity.

44915— 13387

•28
A r t . 5. The juntas fo r exam ining the votes shall make their counts
strictly in accordance with the reports from the various booths and
abstain from making any comment on the votes emitted, under pain of
a $200 fine for each member o f the ju nta who violates this rule. The
respective chamber or legislature, as the case may be, w ill hand over to
the respective judges o f the district any violators of this law, so that
the fine aforesaid may be duly enforced. Therefore, I order that be
printed, published, and duly carried out.
Given in the National Palace o f Mexico, October 12, 1913.

(Signed)

V. P. H derta .

On October 22 there were sent out private instructions to the
governors of various States instructing them in effect to make
false returns in Huerta’s interest, and to make sure that the
election of President would be void by returning an insufficient
number of precincts, as follow s:
P R IV A T E
IN S T R U C T IO N S
FR O M
TH E
FED ER A L.
G O V ERN M EN T
TO
G EN .
J O A Q U IN M A A S, M I L I T A R Y G O VERNO R O F T H E S T A T E O F P U E B L A , TO T H E
E N D T H A T H E M A Y T R A N S M I T T H E S A M E T O T H E J E F E S P O L IT IC O S O F
T H E STA TE .

First. I f any municipal president has entered into agreements with
any o f the m ilitant political parties his removal from office shall be
discreetly sought, and in the case it should not be possible, cautious
efforts shall be made to secure complete solidarity between said
presidents and the jefes politicos.
Second. It is especially recommended that the persons in charge
o f the polls should be com pletely and absolutely reliable, so that
they may follow the instructions given to them.
Third. I f there should be sufficient time for it, strict orders should
be given that polls for rural estates should not be established in
the seat o f the m unicipality or town, but in the estates themselves
o f the electoral division, this for the purpose o f avoiding the attend
ance o f those who are to take charge o f the polls, the principal object
being to prevent the elections in two-thirds, plus one. o f the polls
constituting the district. Therefore the greatest number o f polls
shall be -----------. T o meet the provisions of the law and conceal the
above-mentioned commission, a complete list should be published, g iv
ing the names o f the persons who are to have charge o f the polls in
accordance with article 13 o f the electoral law o f May 31, 1913, it
being understood that only the appointments corresponding to the
third part or less shall be sent to the sections, among which are to
be included the polls in the urban wards.
Fourth. In all the polls which may operate blank tickets shall be
made use o f in order that the absolute m ajority o f the votes may be
cast in fa vor o f Gen. Huerta for President and Gen. Blanquet for Vice
President.
F ifth. In spite o f the fa ct that article 31 provides that the returns
should be at once and directly sent to the chamber o f deputies, the
chairman o f the polls shall be instructed that the returns be sent to
the political prefecture, which returns shall be quickly examined by the
jefe politico, and if the same are found to lie in accordance with the
instructions given therein, he shall return them to the chairman, in
form ing them that they must send them directly to the chamber of
deputies. I f upon making the exam ination it should appear that the
third part o f the polls have not acted right, they shall fail to send
the number o f returns that may be necessary to the end that the
chamber o f deputies may receive only one-third or less o f the total.
Sixth. Political parties and citizens shall tie given full freedom in
the polls which may operate, allow ing them to make all kinds o f pro
tests, provided they refer to votes in fa vor o f any o f the candidates
appearing before the p eople; but care shall be taken that such protests
do not refer to the votes mentioned in paragraph 4 o f these instructions.
Seventh. If upon exam ining the returns the jefes p oliticos should
find that the votes do not agree with the instructions, before sending
them they should fix them up to the end that the note o f transm is
sion, the minutes o f the election, etc., should attree with the in
structions.
,
. _
Eighth. Persons shall be chosen who may inspire absolute confidence
and may be well versed in the electoral law to make a quiet and re
served inspection o f the polls which may be in operation and to pre
sent before them all sorts o f protests, in accordance with article 30
o f the electoral law. it being understood that all protests should refer
to the fandidates who may lie In the field, but -never in regard to votes
mentioned in paragraph 4.

44915— 13387

29
Ninth. After elections they shall make a quick concentration o f the
polls which were in operation and shall communicate this inform ation
to the Government if possible on the same day and in cipher and by
special courier.
Tenth. Under their most strict responsibility the governor o f a State
who may receive these instructions shall comply with them under the
penalty o f discharge o f office and other punishment which the Federal
Government may see fit to apply.
M exico , O c to b er 22, 191S.

By October 15 it bad become obvious’ and the representatives
of nearly all of the powers except Great Britain had reached
the point where they considered armed intervention by the
United States as practically inevitable. It was already obvious
that Huerta would not permit Diaz to stand as a candidate for
the Presidency, notwithstanding his agreement with him of Feb
ruary 18, 1913.
Diaz had named the cabinet, it is true, but the cabinet was
set aside one by one, and Diaz was instructed to go to Japan
and then to Europe and finally dared not to return to Mexico,
but receiving a command from Huerta to return to Mexico to
resume his post in the army, Diaz came to Vera Cruz, was put
under instant surveillance by Huerta’s forces, but, by a skill
ful maneuver, fled by night to a warship and saved his life; he
profoundly believed that he was on the point of being assas
sinated and did flee by night just before the election, and is
now in the United States.
On October 23 Huerta advised the diplomatic corps of
Mexico City that he had dissolved the Congress of Mexico,
because it was disloyal and revolutionary, 50 deputies having
joined the revolutionists. He stated that he was not a candi
date for the presidential office; that votes for him would be
null and void, even if a majority of votes were cast for him:
that he would not accept the Presidency, not only because the
constitution prohibited him, but because lie had given public
promise to the contrary, and he requested the diplomats to give
these solemn assurances to their respective countries.
Immediately before the election of October 26 the country
was flooded with circulars urging the people to vote for Huerta
for President. The circulars were as big as the door o f the
Senate Chamber, urging people to vote for this man who said
he was not running for the Presidency. Immediately after the
election, on October 27, Huerta’s minister of gobernacion pub
licly announced that the election returns from Puebla, San Luis
Potosi, showed a “ landslide” for Huerta and Blanquette.
Mr. THOMAS. It was a case o f the office seeking the man?
Mr. OWEN. Yes. the office sought the man; he could not
escape it. Huerta then issued an intimidating decree to raise
the army to 150,000 men, a decree which he could not carry out.
On November 20, 1913, the newly elected Mexican Congress
convened. Huerta addressed them and they replied with assur
ances o f patriotism, etc., and on December 10, the grand com
mittee of Congress solemnly reported to Huerta that of 14,425
voting precincts, only 7,157 reported, and hence that there had
been no election o f a president, under article 42, clause 3, of
the constitution of Mexico. This result (a result which Huerta
had carefully planned, as I have explained, by modifying
the election laws, and then giving secret instructions to his
military governors) they elaborately explained to Huerta, could
be accounted for first, because a part of the territory was in
44915—13387

revolution, and second, because a part of the territory was
near tbe revolutionary country, and third, that where the terri
tory was under Huerta’s control the people had not voted for
“ reasons o f a general nature.”
They recommended that Huerta continue as President until
a lawful election at some future time when Congress should
issue the necessary declaration.
I sumbit Exhibit 4, a memorial o f a committee of the people
of Pueblo and Tlaxcala and addressed to John Lind, showing a
very interesting Mexican point of view. I omit names for
obvious reasons.
Mr. President, I have thought proper to put into the Record
the documents showing the conduct of this man, because I do
not think the people o f the United States sufficiently under
stand the facts relating to our occupation of Vera Cruz. We
are there primarily because of what might be called the straw
that broke the camel’s back, the open and flagrant insult before
the nations o f the world of our flag and of our uniform by the
arrest of our unarmed men and parading them through the
streets o f Tampico in derision, and then refusing to make
the amends required by international law. I believe that
Senator Dominguez stated the truth when at the cost of his
life he charged Huerta with the purpose of bringing about a
conflict with the United States. And what was the purpose
o f bringing about a conflict with the United States? It was to
save his precious neck, because Zapata, with thousands of
armed men on the south, had sworn to kill Huerta for treason
and murder, and Villa, with more thousands o f armed men on
the north, had sworn to take Huerta’s life for treason to
Mexico. So there is only one safe place for Huerta, and that is
under our flag, that would perhaps have mercy on this miser
able wretch, who deserves to be overthrown by his own people
and punished by his own people for his crimes against them.
Mr. WEEKS. Mr. President, before the Senator takes his
seat, I should like to ask him if he thinks that the statement
he has just made will be an aid to the mediators in their labors?
Mr. OWEN. I will say, Mr. President, that I do not think
the mediators will be able to accomplish anything with a man
like Huerta. I will say further, however, that the history
which I have put in the Record here this afternoon in regard
to this man whom we have not recognized, and ought not to
recognize, will in no wise affect the question of mediation. The
mediators will deal with the questions that are laid before them,
but the people of the United States ought to know what manner
of man this is that our Government has refused to recognize, and
I feel justified in giving the reasons for that refusal.
E x h ib i t 1.
Co n stitu tion op th e R epublic of M e xic o , 1853, A bstract R odri
quez ' s E d it io n .
T itle I, S ection 1.— R i g h t s o f m a n .
A rticle 2. In a Republic all are born free.
A rt . 3. Instruction is free.
A rt . 4. Every man is free to engage in any profession, pursuit, or
occupation, and avail him self o f its products.
A rt . 5. (Am ended by law o f Sept. 25, 1873.) No one shall be com
pelled to do personal work w ithout com pensation and w ithout his
full consent.
A rt . 7. (Am ended by law o f M ay 15, 1883.) Freedom o f publication
lim ited only by the respect due to private life, m orals, and public
peace.
44915— 13387

31
A rt . 8. Right to petition guaranteed.
A r t . 10. Right to carry arms guaranteed, but the law shall designate
what arms are prohibited.
A rt . 13. No one shall be tried according to special laws or by special
tribunals. No persons or corporations shall have privileges or enjoy
emoluments not in compensation for public service according to law.
M ilitary trial o f crim inal cases allowed only fo r m ilitary discipline.
A rt . 14. No retroactive laws shall be enacted.
A rt . 1G. N o person shall be molested in his person, fam ily, domicile,
papers, or possessions except under an order In writing.
A r t . 17. No arrest fo r debts.
A dm inistration o f justice shall be
gratuitous, ju dicial costs being abolished.
A rt. 18. Imprisonment only fo r crimes deserving corporal punish
ment ; otherwise, liberty on bail.
A rt . 19. No detention to exceed three days, unless justified by a
warrant under the law.
M altreatm ent during confinement to be
severely punished.
A rt. 20. Guaranties in every crim inal trial—
(1 ) Grounds o f proceeding and name o f accuser made known.
(2 ) Prelim inary exam ination within 48 hours.
(3 ) Confronted with witnesses against crim inal.
(4 ) Given all inform ation on record which he mav need for his
defense.
(5 ) He shall be heard in his defense.
A rt. 21. Im position o f penalties by ju dicial authority. P olitical and
executive authorities to impose fines and im prisonm ent as disciplinary
measures and impose fines o f not over $500 and imprisonment not
more than one month as disciplinarian measures as the law shall
expressly determine.
A r t . 22. M utilation, torture, excessive fines, confiscation o f property,
corruption o f blood prohibited.
Art, 23. Penalty o f death abolished for political offenses and not
Imposed except in cases o f treason during foreign war, highway rob
bery, arson, parricide, murder in the first degree, grave offenses o f
military character, piracy.
A rt. 24. No crim inal case shall have more than three instances.
A rt. 26. The quartering o f soldiers prohibited in time o f peace.
A rt . 27. Private property condemned fo r public use and upon com
pensation.
A rt. 28. There shall be no m onopolies o f any kind, whether govern
mental or private, inventions excepted.
A rt. 29. In cases o f invasion or disturbance o f the public peace, or
other emergency, residents with the advice o f the council of ministers
and the approval o f Congress or during recess o f the permanent com
mittee, may suspend constitution guaranties except those relating to
life.
T it l e I, S e c t io n 2— M e x i c a n s , n a t i o n a l i t y a n d d u t ie s .
T itle I, Section 3— F o r e i g n e r s .
T itle I, S e c t io n 4— M e x i c a n c i t i z e n s h i p , r i g h t t o h o l d o ffic e , e t c .
T itle II, Section 1— N a t i o n a l s o v e r e i g n t y a n d f o r m o f g o v e r n m e n t .
A rt . 39. Sovereignty is in the people. All public power emanates
from the people. The people have at all times the inalienable right to
change the form o f their government.
A r t . 40. The States are free and sovereign in all that concerns their
Internal government, but united in a federation under the constitution.
A rt . 41. The people exercise their sovereignty through the federal
powers and the State powers.
T itle II, Section 2— N a t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y a n d l i m i t s o f t h e S t a t e s .
T i t l e . III.— D i v i s i o n o f p o w e r s .
T itle III, S ection 1.— L e g i s l a t i v e p o w e r .
A r t . 51 (amended by law o f Nov. 13, 1874). Legislative power vested
in the General Congress, consisting o f a Chamber o f Deputies and the
Senate.
A rt . 52 (amended by law o f Nov. 13, 18 74). Members o f Chamber o f
Deputies elected every tw o years.
A rt . 55. E lections shall be by indirect and secret ballot under the
electoral law.
A rt . 57 (amended by law o f Nov. 13, 1874). The office o f Deputy and
Senator may not be held by the same person.
A rt. 58 (amended by law o f Nov. 13, 1874). They may not hold
another federal office w ithout consent o f their respective chamber. The
Senate consists o f two senators from each State and two for the f e d
eral D istrict. E lection o f senators shall be indirect, the legislature of
each State declaring who has obtained the m ajority o f votes cast.
T h e S e n a t e s h a ll b e r e n e w e d b y h a l f e v e r y t w o y e a r s .

44915— 13387

A r t . 60 (amended by law o f Nov. 13, 1874). Each chamber shall be
the judge o f the election o f its members.
A r t . 62 (amended by law o f Nov. 13, 1874). Congress shall hold two
sessions each year.
A r t . 64 (amended by law o f Nov. 13. 1874). Action o f Congress shall
be in the form o f laws or resolutions which shall be communicated to
the Executive after having been signed by the presidents o f both
chambers, etc.
A r t . 65 (amended by law o f Nov. 13, 1874). The right to originate
legislation belongs to the President and to the deputies and senators
or to the State legislature.
A rt . 69 (amended by law o f Nov. 13, 1874). The Executive shall
transm it to the Chamber o f Deputies on the last day of the session
accounts fo r the year and the budget fo r the next year.
A r t . 71 (amended by law o f Nov. 13. 1874). B ills and resolutions
assed by both chambers and approved by the Executive shall be immeiately published. B ills or resolutions rejected by the Executive may
be passed by a m ajority in each House.
Special sessions o f Congress.
A rt . 72. (Amended by law o f Nov. 13, 1874, Dec. 14, 1883, June 2,
1882, Apr. 24, 1896.) Congress shall have power to admit new
states, to form new states upon certain conditions, to establish con
ditions o f loans on the credit o f the nation and to approve said
loans, to recognize and order the payment o f the national debt, to fix
duties on foreign commerce, to create or abolish federal offices and to
fix their salaries, to declare war, to regulate issuance o f letters o f
marque, taking o f prizes on sea or land, the maritime law o f peace
or war. to grant or refuse permission o f foreign troops to enter the
republic, to establish mints, regulate the value and kinds o f national
coin, to make rules for the occupation and sale o f public lands, to
grant pardons, to appoint at a join t session o f both chambers a presi
dent o f the republic w ho shall act in case o f absolute or temporary
vacancy o f the presidency, either as a substitute or as a president
ad interim.
The chamber o f deputies has power to exercise its power regarding
the appointments o f a constitutional president o f the republic, justices
o f the supreme court and senators o f the federal d is tr ic t ; to pass
upon the resignations o f the president o f the republic, justices o f the
supreme court, and to grant leaves o f absence requested by the presi
dent ; to supervise the com ptroller o f the trea su ry ; to form ulate ar
ticles o f im peachm ent; to approve the annual budget and originate
taxation.
The senate has power to approve the tre a tie s; to confirm certain
nom inations made by the P resid en t; to authorize sending troops out
side o f the R ep u blic; to consent to the presence o f fleets o f another
nation fo r more than one month in the waters o f the R ep u blic; to
declare when the constitutional powers o f any State have disappeared
and the moment has arrived to give said State a provisional governor,
who shall order elections to be held according to the constitutional law
o f the S ta te ; such governor shall be appointed by the Executive, with
the approval o f the senate or, in time o f recess, by the permanent com
mittee ; to decide auy political questions which may arise between the
powers o f a State or when constitutional order has been interrupted by
an armed conflict in consequence o f such political qu estion s; to sit as a
court o f impeachment.
A r t . 73. During the recess o f Congress there shall be a permanent
comm ittee consisting o f 29 members, 15 deputies, and 14 senators ap
pointed by their respective chambers.
A r t . 74 (amended by the law o f Nov. 13, 1874). The permanent com
mittee shall have power to consent to the use o f the national guard
as mentioned in article 7 2 ; to call by its own motion or that o f the
E xecutive an extra session o f either or both ch am bers; to approve ap
pointm ents under article 85.
T i t l e III, S e c t io n 2 .— E x e c u t i v e p o i c e r .
A rt . 76. Election o f President shall be by indirect, secret ballot under

A r t . 78. The president shall enter upon his duties December 1 and
serve for four years.
A rt . 79. (Amended by the law o f Oct. 3, 1882, and Apr. 24, 1896.)
In case o f absolute vacancy except upon resignation and in the case o f
temporary vacancy except upon leave o f absence, the executive power
shall vest in the secretary o f foreign relations, etc.
Congress shall assemble on the day next follow in g to elect by a
m inority a substitute President, etc.
In case o f resignation o f the President Congress shall assemble as
indicated fo r the purpose o f appointing a substitute (a ctin g ) P resident
44915— 13387

In case o f tem porary vacancy Congress shall appoint a President ad
interim.
A request fo r leave o f absence shall he addressed to the Chamber o f
Deputies, to be voted on in the Congress in join t session.
I f on the day appointed the President elected by the people should
not enter upon his duties, Congress shall at once appoint a President
ad interim i f the vacancy prove tem p orary ; but if the vacancy prove
absolute, Congress, after appointing the President ad interim, shall
order a special election. The elected President shall serve out the
unexpired constitutional term.
The vacancy o f substitute President and President ad Interim shall be
filled in the same manner.
A rt . 83. (Amended by the law o f Apr. 24, 1896.) Form o f oath to
be adm inistered to the President.
A rt . 85. The President has power to promulgate and execute the
laws, appoint and remove certain officers, to appoint with the approval
o f Congress certain officers, to dispose o f the permanent land and sea
forces and national guard fo r the defense o f the Republic, to declare
war after the passage o f the necessary law by Congress, to conduct
diplom atic negotiations and make treaties, to ca'll with the approval o f
the permanent comm ittee an extra session o f Congress, to grant pardons
according to law.
T itle III, S ection 3 . — J u d i c i a l p o w e r .
A rt . 90. The judicial powers vested in a Supreme Court and in the
D istrict and Circuit Courts.
A rt . 91. The Supreme Court shall consist o f 11 justices, etc.
A rt . 92. The Supreme Court justices shall serve for six years and
their election shall be indirect in accordance with the electoral law.
A r t . 95. No resignation o f a ju stice allowed, except for grave cause,
approved by the Congress or the permanent committee.
A r t s . 97, 98, 99, and 100. Jurisdiction o f federal tribunals.
A rt . 101. Federal tribunals shall decide all questions arising out o f
laws or acts violating individual guaranties and encroaching upon or
restricting the sovereignty o f States invading the sphere o f federal
authority.
T it l e IV .— R e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f p u b l i c f u n c t i o n a r i e s .
A r t . 103 (amended by the law o f Nov. 13. 1874). Members o f Con
gress, o f the Supreme Court, and o f the Cabinet shall be responsible
for the common offenses comm itted by them during their term o f office
and for their crimes, misdemeanors, or om issions in the exercise o f
their functions. The governors o f the States shall be responsible for
the violation o f the Federal Constitution and laws. The President
shall be likewise responsible, but during his term he can be charged
only with treason, violation o f the C onstitution, o f the electoral law,
and grave common offenses
\ r t . 104 (amended by the law o f Nov. 13, 1874). In case o f
common offense, the Chamber o f Deputies shall sit as a grand ju ry and
declare by m ajority whether proceedings should be instituted. I f the
vote is affirmative,' the accused shall be placed at the disposal o f the
ordinary courts.
„„
t
A r t . 105 (amended b y the law o f Nov. 13, 18 74). In cases o f im
peachment. the Chamber o f Deputies shall act as grand jury and the
Senate as a tribunal. I f the grand ju ry declares by a m ajority vote,
the accused shall be impeached.
A rt . 106. No pardon can be granted in cases o f impeachment.
A r t . 107. Responsibility fo r official crimes and misdemeanors en
forceable only while in office or one year thereafter.
A rt . 108. In civil cases, no privilege or Immunity in favor o f any
public functionary shall be recognized.
T it l e V . — S t a t e s o f t h e F e d e r a t i o n .
A rt . 109 (amended by the laws o f May 5, 1878, and Oct. 21, 1887).
The State shall adopt a republican, representative, and popular form
o f Government.
^ ,
..
.
.
A r t . 110. States may fix between themselves their respective bounda r A rt . I l l (amended by law o f May 1. 18 96). States can not enter
into alliances, treaties, or coalitions with another State or foreign
n a tio n ; coin money, issue paper money, stamps or stamped p a p e r ; tax
interstate traffic and commerce.
A rt . 112 States can not w ithout consent o f Congress impose port
d u tie s; have troops or vessels o f war, except in case o f invasion or
im minent peril.
. . ..
. ..
A rt . 113 States are bound to return fugitives from justice.
A r t . 114. States are bound to enforce the Federal laws.
44915— 13387

A kt . 116. The Federal Government is bound to protect the States
from invasion. In case o f insurrection or internal disturbance it shall
give them the same protection, provided request is made for same.
T itle V I.— G e n e r a l p r o v i s i o n s .
A rt . 117. Powers not expressly granted to Federal authorities are
reserved to the States.
A r t . 122. In time o f peace no m ilitary authorities shall exercise
other functions than those connected with m ilitary discipline, etc.
A r t . 124 (amended by act o f May 1, 18 96). The Federal Govern
ment has exclusive power to levy duties on imports, exports, and tran
sient goods, and regulate or forbid circulation o f all kinds o f goods
regardless o f their origin, for sake o f public safety or for police rea
sons.
A r t . 126. The constitution, the laws o f Congress, and the treaties
shall be the supreme law o f the Union.
T itle V II.— A m e n d m e n t s to t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n .
A rt . 127. Amendments must be agreed to by tw o-thirds vote o f the
Members present in the Congress and approved by a m ajority o f legisla
tures o f the States. The Congress shall count the votes o f the legisla
tures and declare whether the amendments have been adopted.
T it le V III.— I n v i o l a b i l i t y o f t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n .
A rt . 128. The constitution shall not lose its force and vigor even
if interrupted by a rebellion. I f by reason o f public disturbance a
government contrary to its principles is established, the constitution
shall be restored as soon as the people regain their liberty, and the
people figuring in the rebellion shall be tried under the constitution
and the provisions o f laws under the constitution.
E x h ib it 2.
[T ranslation .]
R esolution S tate of Co a h u ila .
Venustiano Carranza, C onstitutional Governor of the Free and Sov
ereign State o f Coahuila de Zaragoza, to the inhabitants thereof, know
y e : That the Congress o f said State has decreed as fo llo w s :
The twenty-second C onstitutional Congress o f the Free and Sover
eign State o f Coahuila decrees :
A r t . 1. Gen. V ictoriano Huerta is not recognized in his capacity
as C hief Executive o f the Republic, which office he says was conferred
upon him by the Senate, and any acts and measures which he may per
form or take in such capacity are likewise not recognized.
A rt . 2. Extraordinary powers are conferred upon the Executive of
the State in all the branches o f the public adm inistration, so that be
may abolish those which he may deem suitable, and so that he may
proceed to arm forces to cooperate in m aintaining the constitutional
order o f things in the Republic.
“ E c o n o m i c :” The Governments o f the remaining States, and the
commanders o f the federal, rural, and auxiliary forces o f the Fed
eration, should be urged to second the attitude o f the Government o f
this State.
Given in the H all o f Sessions o f the Honorable Congress o f the
State, at Saltillo, February 19, 1913.
A. B arrera , D e p u t y , P r e s i d i n g .
J. S anchez H errera , D e p u t y , S e c r e t a r y .
G abriel C alzada , D e p u t y , S e c r e t a r y .
Let this be printed, comm unicated, and observed.
S a l t il l a , F e b r u a r y lb . 1913.
V enustiano C arranza .
E. G arza P erez , S e c r e t a r y G e n e r a l.
E x h ib i t 3.
[T ranslation .]
R e s o l u t io n S t a t e
S p e c i a l c o m m i t t e e .—

So n o r a .

The executive o f the State is pleased to submit
to the settlem ent o f the local legislature the present conflict o f the
State in relation to the supreme executive power o f the Republic, the
statement w hereof appears in the official note referred to the opinion
o f the undersigned committee. The comm ittee has before it a case
which is extraordinary and w ithout precedent in the history o f this
legislature, and therefore there are no precedents to be consulted in
order to enlighten its opinion in the matter, so that in order to express
the present opinion we have been obliged to measure its transcendent
im portance and to consult the laws and opinions which may add Ught
and force to our deficiency in the m atter in question, so that we may
44915— 13387

35
offer, and submit to the deliberation o f this assembly, a proposition
which shall emanate from our consciences honestly, patriotically, and
calmly.
The axis about which the question propounded turns is the legality
or illegality o f the appointm ent o f Gen. V ictoriano Huerta as pro
visional President o f the Republic. We believe, like the Executive, that
the high representative capacity conferred upon the aforesaid Gen.
Huerta can not be recognized a s ’ constitutional.
As a m atter o f fa ct, the apprehension o f Messrs. Francisco I. M adero
and Jose M aria Pino Suarez, President and Vice President of the
Republic, and their cabinet, took place in contravention o f article 103
o f the constitution o f the Republic and the supreme law o f May 0, 1904.
In these texts it is prescribed that the President and Vice President of
the Republic may be impeached only fo r high treason, express violation
o f the constitution, attack upon the electoral freedom, and grave
offenses in the realm o f common law. This provision was violated, for
Messrs. Madero and Pino Suarez were apprehended w ithout any im
peachment having been made before Congress, w hich grand jury ought
to have decided whether proceedings were to be taken or not against
the said officials. From the second o f the documents sent as exhibits
by the governor o f the State it is seen that subsequently it was desired
to clothe with a pretended legality the designation o f Gen. Huerta by
saying that Messrs. M adero and Pino Suarez had resigned their p o s ts ;
that the presidency had passed to Mr. Lascurain, minister of foreign
re la tio n s; that the latter had resig n ed ; and that Gen. Huerta had
thereupon been designated President
Now that, in our opinion, the
culm inating point o f the question has been defined, it becomes appro
priate to connect It with the government o f the State o f Sonora. The
aforem entioned article 103 o f the federal constitution says that the
governors o f the States are responsible for infraction o f the federal
constitution and laws. W ould not the recognition of Gen. Huerta as
President o f the Republic, now that it has been established that said
presidency was occupied in express violation o f the constitution, imply
responsibility on the part o f the governor o f the State o f Sonora? The
constitution has been violated, and to approve this violation is to
become an accom plice in the crim e itself. Now, the undersigned com
mittee believes that it behooves the Executive to make the declaration
urgently demanded by the secretary o f the interior o f the Huerta
cabinet according to the last o f the exhibits sent to said Executive.
But inasmuch as this assembly is in turn confronted with a question of
the greatest concern to the destinies o f the nation, and as it has a
high p atriotic duty to perform in these solemn moments o f our histoiw,
the undersigned committee, on the strength o f Section X II I o f article 67
o f the political constitution o f the State, and in view o f the statement
made by the Executive in the official note serving as a basis for this
report, has the honor to propose a bill (d ra ft o f a law ) o f the tenor
given below.
Honorable chamber, we believe that we have honestly
and p atriotically fulfilled our duty to pass upon the momentous matter
submitted to our opinion. W e are firmly convinced that the proposition
which we have framed is that which is warranted by the dignity o f
our State ; and if owing to the deficiency o f our knowledge there should
be any error in the opinion submitted to the most illustrious of you,
we at least have the satisfaction o f having fulfilled the duties imposed
upon us by our conscience. The bill which we submit to the delibera
tion o f the honorable chamber is as fo llo w s :
PAW

A U T H O R IZ IN G T H E EX E C U TIV E TO R EF U SE REC OG N ITIO N
V IC T O R IA N O H U E R T A AS P R E SID E N T OF M E X IC O .

GEN.

A rtice 1. The legislature o f the free and sovereign State o f Sonora
does not recognize Gen. V ictoriano Huerta as provisional president o f
the M exican Republic.
A rt . 2. The executive Is urged to utilize the powers conferred upon
him by the political constitution o f the State.
decree

no.

A rticle 1. The branches o f the Federal adm inistration are pro
visionally (placed) in charge o f the State and (m ade) subject to the
laws and provisions o f the latter.
A rt . 2. The making o f any payment, fo r the purposes referred to in
the foregoing article, to any office not subject to the executive power
o f Sonora and existing therein is prohibited.
A rt . 3. The said executive power shall provide for the organization
and operation o f the services belonging to the executive o f the Union,
attending to everything concerning the branches referred to.

44915— 13387

DECREE

NO.

A r t ic l e 1. The frontier custom houses o f Agua Prieta and Nogales

are hereby qualified and opened up to international im port and export
A rt . 2. In all m atters contrary to the special laws and provisions of
the State there shall be observed the general customs orders o f June 12,
1891, and the schedules concerned, together with their additions and
revisions in force.
A r t . 3. The im port duties are reduced 20 per cent and the 5 per cent
additional which has been being paid is hereby abolished.
A rt . 4. The exportation o f cattle and horses shall be assessed as
fo llo w s :
(а ) Cattle, $2.50 a head.
(б ) Horses, broken in, $10 per head.
(c ) Horses, wild, $5 per head.
I therefore order this printed, published, and circulated for due en
forcem ent.
Given at the palace o f the executive o f the State, at Herm osillo,
March 24, 1913.
I g n a c io L . P e s q u e ir a .
L o r e n zo R o za do , S e c r e t a r y

G e n e r a l.

N o te .— This docum ent above is taken from the Diario de los Debates
(Journal o f D ebates), o f the City o f Mexico, which in turn took it
from the Official Gazette, o f Sonora, and It was at the permanent
session o f the legislature o f Sonora, held on March 5, that the com
mittee gave the opinion referred to, and it was approved.

E x h ib it 4.
M e m o r ia l

from
a C o m m it t e e R e p r e s e n t in g t h e
S t a t e s o f P u e b la an d T l a x c a l a to M r .

P eople of t h e
L in d .
S ir : In our name and in that o f the people o f the States o f Puebla

and Tlaxcala. whose general and almost unanimous sentiments we
voice, we address you with the request that you bring to the atten
tion o f His E xcellency W oodrow W ilson the fact that, as a matter
o f equity and justice, and considering that he has heard the side of
public functionaries and sym pathizers o f the Huerta Government and
o f some o f the rebels in the frontier o f our country, as well as the
opinions o f Americans residing am ong us, we, as the genuine repre
sentatives o f the true people, be given a chance to give our views on
the political situation o f the country, as it would not be in keeping
with the well-known sense o f justice o f His E xcellency W oodrow
W ilson to listen only to one side and to ignore the opinion o f the
Mexican people, expressed in divers ways, and w hich we know is
regarded by you as the principal means to guide your opinion concern
ing the international issue o f the day.
We trust that you as well as His E xcellency President W ilson will
regard this memorial as a mark o f courtesy, shown in this way to
you. the President o f the American Union and the people o f the United
States, whose Chief Executive we regard as a sincere and great friend
o f ours.
We abstain on account o f official persecution from sending vou our
credentials as the representatives we claim to be.
A lthough we feel certain that the Department of State in W ashington
must be in possession o f ample inform ation concerning the present
political situation o f Mexico, we nevertheless do not consider it officious
to refer to the events which took place between the 9th and the 18th
o f February last, in order that you may hear the opinion o f the people
on the follow in g points, to w i t : 1st. The illegality o f the Government
o f Gen. Huerta ; second, the legality o f the revolution o f the C onstitu
tional P a r t y ; and, third, the serious consequences which would natu
rally follow the recognition o f the Huerta Government by that o f the
United States, and w hich would tend to definitely establish the same.
the

il l e g a l it y o f t h e

pre se n t govern m ent.

First. The revolution o f 1910 was an act by which the Mexican
people invoked the right it had under article 39 o f the Constitution o f
the Republic, which reads as fo llo w s :
“ A r t ic l e 39. The sovereignty o f the nation Is essentially and origi
nally vested in the people
All public power emanates directly from
the people and Is Instituted for its benefit. The people have' at all
times the right to alter or m odify the form o f its governm ent.”
I f the revolution headed Dy Gen. Felix Diaz on February 9 had been
popular, it would have been legitim ate and justified, because then It
would have been initiated by the only body o f men who, under the con
stitution had the right to start it— that is, the people— and therefore
44915— 13387

37
any Government emanating from a revolution o f this kind will be recog
nized as a legitim ate and justifiable Government.
As a matter o f fact, the ostensible and apparent authors o f the abovementioned revolution were Gens. Bernardo Reyes, Felix Diaz, Manuel
M ondragon, and Gregorio Ruiz, together with other officers o f the
army, who caused the men in the School o f Aspirantes, o f one regiment
o f light artillery, two regiments o f mounted artillery, three regiments
o f cavalry, and the Twentieth Infantry to mutiny.
The people remained in an attitude o f expectancy, due to its sur
prise and lack o f organization, but its sym pathy was with President
M adero, and if it did not go to his rescue it was because the President
did not call on the people. It was also because he still had faith in
the discipline and loyalty o f the rest o f the army.
But wnile it is true that the people did not take up the defense o f
the Government, it did not join the rebels, for which reason the revo
lution was strictly m ilitary, and fo r this reason it lacked the sanc
tion o f article 39 o f the constitution o f M exico. The rebels did ask
the people to jo in them, but they were not. in sym pathy with it, and
therefore the Governm ent which resulted from the movement in ques
tion is lacking in constitutional foundation.
Second. Due to the fa ct that on February 15 o f this year, His E x
cellency Henry Lane W ilson, convened several members o f the diplo
m atic corps in the building o f the embassy and inform ed them o f the
com ing arrival in Mexican waters o f several American vessels and
transports with troops fo r landing, and that it was his firm and de
cided opinion that 3,000 marines would land on M exican soil and march
to the capital, the Mexican Senate, during an extra session held on the
above-mentioned day, decided to ask the resignations o f the President
and Vice President o f the Republic. This act was nevertheless un
successful.
We inclose herewith copy o f the minutes o f the session referred to,
as inclosure No. 1.
In view o f the above failure nine senators went, on the 18th o f
February last, to the office o f the m ilitary commander o f the City of
Mexico, Gen. V ictoriano Huerta, in order to induce him or convince
him with all kinds o f glow ing promises to force the above fu nction
aries to resign. Huerta finally acceded, and with his protection and
com plicity the above-mentioned senators called on President Madero
in order to force him to resign. H aving failed in their efforts, they
called on Gen. Garcia Pena, m inister o f war, and told him that the
army o f the nation should depose the President o f the Republic, but
the honorable general refused to take the hint.
The decision o f the Senate to which we have referred, as well as
the acts o f the nine senators which follow ed it, are unconstitutional,
inasmuch as article 72, nor any other provision o f the constitution,
empowers the Senate or any o f its members to request or force the
President o f the Republic to resign. Any senator or authority w ho
does not act within the law and com m its acts o f violence or o f a
crim inal character is crim inally responsible for them, even though
he may comm it them in his capacity as a senator or authority o f any
character
Third. The senators and Gen. Huerta having taken note o f the firm
attitude o f the m inister o f war in favor o f the President, Huerta and
the senators, considered from that moment as rebellious to the execu
tive power, directed Gen. Aurelio Blanquet to arrest the President
and V ice President at the National Palace and to do this in the name
o f the army.
„
When this was done Huerta assumed power and sent all over the
country the notice appearing as inclosure 2 .
The above acts o f violence are also unconstitutional Inasmuch as
they violate the provisions o f the constitution o f Mexico.
Therefore, the government which emanated from the second revo
lution is like the Felix Diaz uprising, contrary to the principles sanc
tioned by the constitution.
Fourth. The transitory government o f Gen. Huerta was sanctioned
by a pact signed by Huerta and Diaz, the form er aided by Lient. Col.
Joaquin Maas and Engineer Enrique Cepeda and the latter by Attorneys
Fidencio Hernandez and R odolfo Reyes.
Both rebel generals agreed through this pact to prevent by all means
the reestablishment o f the legitim ate government represented exclu
sively by President Madero and V ice President Pino S u a rez; and it
was also agreed that Gen. Huerta would assume power at the earliest
possible convenience.
(H uerta had already assumed it on his own
au th ority.)
.
_ ,
„
. ..
.
W e inclose herewith a fu ll copy, under Inclosure 3, o f the above
agreement, called the pact o f Ciudadela.

44915— 13387

38
It is evident that in order to establish the government o f Gen.
Huerta the constitution was completely ignored and supplanted by the
Ciudadela agreement, which confined itself to sanction the m ilitary
uprising, the acts o f violence o f Gens. Huerta and Blanquet, to de
pose the President and Vice President o f the Republic, to divest them o f
their investiture, and to permit Huerta to usurp the executive power
o f the nation.
Things have developed since February 18 in such a way that there
is no room fo r doubting that the above pact has been the directing
force o f the present government.
In fa ct, the first clause o f the above-mentioned pact indicates with
out doubt that the murders o f Messrs. Madero and Pino Suarez, imme
diately after the decision o f the legislature o f the State o f Coahuila
became known in the capital, and by which decision, dated the 19th
o f February, Gen. Huerta was not recognized as President o f the Re
public, were perpetrated with no other purpose than to prevent the
reestablishment o f the legitimate government.
ALL

THAT

CONTRARY TO T H E P R IN C IP L E S SANCTIONED
C O N S T IT U T IO N OF T H E R E P U B L IC .

THE

Such is the origin o f the government o f Gen. Huerta, and it matters
not that 72 hours later thev may have attempted to give it a constitu
tional form , inasmuch as the old principle o f international law which
reads, “ That which is null in principle is void in its effects,” and more
so if it is borne in mind that the whole thing was done to put into
effect the pact o f the Ciudadela, which is not, so to say, the Federal
pact, which is the fundam ental and supreme law o f the land.
Now, then, all events from February 18 ahead and which gave rise
to the government o f Gen. Huerta, and in spite o f the claim they make
that it is a matter o f “ consummated fa cts,” are crim inal, illegal, and
void and they are so considered in article 128 o f the Mexican consti
tution, a provision which to this date seems to have been ignored, not
withstanding its im portance as a fundam ental law.
The article in question reads as follow s :
“ A r t . 128. The constitution shall not lose its force and vigor, even
though because o f a rebellion its enforcem ent may be suspended. In
case that by means o f a public disturbance a government contrary to
the constitution may be established, as soon as the people regains its
freedom, the observance o f it shall be enforced, and in accordance with
it and with the provisions which may have been dictated pursuant
to it, all those who may have figured in the government established
bv the revolution, and "those who may have been their accom plices
shall be tried.”
This shows your excellency the fu ll force o f article 128 o f the
constitution against the governm ent o f Gen. Huerta, and this also
shows the m otives o f basis o f the constitutional rebellion which is
grow ing in the heart o f the people, and which shall not permit the
continuation in power of Gen. Huerta, nor any other government
em anating from a m ilitary rebellion.
Therefore, to make an effort to legitim ize or to recognize the inter
national character o f a government which has emanated from a
m ilitary rebellion, sim ply because o f “ consummated fa cts,” means to
set aside the constitution o f M exico, and to legitimize and recognize
a crim e which, though it may have been perpetrated, does not fail to
be punishable, nor does it cause article 128 o f the constitution to be
inoperative.
An act o f this kind would be the equivalent o f recognizing the
right o f a th ief to the thing stolen.
Therefore, the above pretension, being founded on so frail a fou nda
tion, is repudiated by morals, civilization, and common la w ; and for
this reason the W ashington Governm ent would be responsible o f com
m itting a most lamentable moral and legal error should it recognizp the
government o f Gen. Huerta as a legitim ate government, and would
recognize it as an international entity.
T H E LEGITIM ACY OF T H E REVOLUTION OF T H E C O NSTITUTIONA LISTA S.

First. I f the people were lacking in organization at the beginning of
the uprising in order to defend the rights they were divested from by
the army which overthrew the E xecutive elected according to the laws,
so soon as it has been able to organize itself into a body it has risen
in arms against the usurper, invoking the principle sanctioned by article
39 o f the constitution.
The above rights are at the base o f the revolution and are deeply
rooted in the heart o f the Mexican people whose attitude tends to prove
that neither public opinion nor the mass o f the people have ever sanc44915— 13387

tioned the present Government. There are a few newspapers in the City
o f M exico speaking for the Government, but they do not represent the
sentiments o f the people or o f the popular mind ; they are voicing purely
and sim ply the personal views o f their publishers, all o f whom are under
the orders o f the m inister o f gobernacion (U rru tia).
Second. The constitutional government o f the free and sovereign
State o f Coahuila, acting in observance o f a decree o f its legislature,
dated February 19, this year, by which the governor o f the State was
authorized to disregard the Government o f Gen. V ictoriano Huerta
and not to recognize any o f the acts emanating from this Government.
A rticle second o f the same decree o f the legislature o f Coahuila author
ized the governor to arm troops in order to m aintain the constitutional
order.
Third. The Legislature o f the State o f Sonora, legally constituted
and acting in accordance with the law, approved a decree by which
the Government o f Gen. Iluerta was not recognized. A copy o f the
decree is herewith inclosed.
Fourth. A rticle 128 o f the federal constitution vests the people
with power and tacitly expects it to defend and maintain the integrity
o f the laws, when it reads “ as soon as the people may recover its
liberty.”
Tw o constitutional decrees emanating from two legally constituted
governments o f two States are a sufficient base for the present revo
lution o f the Constitutional Party. Those two decrees are its legal
foundation.
III.
SE R IO U S

CONSEQU EN CES
OF T H E
D E F IN IT E
E S T A B L IS H M E N T
G O VERN M EN T OF GEN. V. HU ERTA.

<\,'■
y !

THE

In the first place it would establish precedent for all the armies of
the world, that they could rise in arms and depose their respective
rulers and place themselves in their stead, if they would feel that
the recognition o f the world would be forthcom ing sim ply on the
plea o f “ consummated facts.”
W hat happened yesterday in M exico could happen in the future in
Germany, Russia, England, or the United States, where, w ith refer
ence to the latter country, the Republican Party, sympathizing with
Porfirista, or Huertista party o f M exico, places President W oodrow
W ilson on a parallel with Madero, and says that the spirit o f the
latter has reincarnated in the American President.'
W hat would happen with the laws o f a country if they were at
the mercy o f the arm y? W hat would happen to a country where the
army instead o f being the support would be the arbiter o f the govern
m ent?
W hat would it mean to relegate the will and laws o f the
people to the caprice o f the arm y?
In view o f the above we believe that the “ M exico case ” is o f
interest not only to our country, but it concerns all other nations.
As a matter o f precaution and future policy the Government o f Gen.
Huerta should not be recognized.
We are o f the opinion that coup d'etat should be suppressed for
ever, leaving the question o f changing or m odifying the form o f g ov
ernment to the people, as vox populi vox del.
A
„
The third Pan-American Conference, which took place at Rio de
Janeiro, took the initiative by recommending that government growing
out o f an act o f violence should not be recognized, and we hope that
A m erica may be the first to follow this principle in connection with the
“ Mexico case.”
Besides, the government o f Gen. Huerta is politically and finan
cially connected with manv European interests.
It is stated soto
voce,' fo r example, that M exico w ill not press the contention about
the Clipperton Islands and w ill allow France to win out in payment
o f its recognition o f the Huerta government.
It appears that it is on this acount that Huerta revoked the ap
pointment he had made o f Lio de la Barra, as envoy near the court
o f Italy
Spain is being given all kinds o f encouragem ent to acquire practi
cally full control o f the land interests o f the country.
All o f the above acts are an outrage against the M exican nation and
< ntrary to the M onroe doctrine.
W ith reference to England, it is well known how im portant a r61e
has been played by Lord Cowdra.v and to w hat extent he would rule
were the Huerta government to become definitely affirmed.
As a consequence o f the above Europe would increase its political,
financial, and even m ilitary influence in Mexico, much to our detri
ment and contrary to the M onroe doctrine.
44915— 13387

)* •

•v lij

10
We will therefore propose, as a part o f the opinions you may have
gathered while here, for the inform ation of His Excellency W oodrow
W ilson :
First. T hat the government o f Gen. Huerta be not recognized.
Second. That if W ashington recognizes the government o f Huerta,
it should simultaneously recognize the belligerence o f the rebels.
Third. That as a m atter o f humanity the decree which prevents
the exportation o f arms, ammunition, and war material to countries
south o f the United States be revoked temporarily.
We say that this be done ns a m atter o f humanity in order to
facilitate the means by which the States o f the Mexican Union in
hands o f the C onstitutional Party to pacify the country and avoid
further bloodshed.
I f otherwise, the W ashington Government, acting under a strange
moral rule or other m otive, would recognize the Huerta Government
and refuse to recognize the belligerency o f the rebels, such act would
serve only to prolong the state o f war in this country, as the patriotic
elements o f the country would never give in nor tolerate the gov
ernment o f General Huerta.
We will say before ending that foreign residents will have the
fullest protection from the constitutional rebels, and if the requests
o f the revolution are granted in full or in part this will serve to
bring M exico and the United States much closer in their diplom atic
relations.
Please accept the assurances o f our highest consideration.
In the name o f the com m ittee:
(Names om itted.)
T o the Honorable J o h n L i x d ,
C o n fid e n tia l E n v o y o f th e P r e s id e n t
o f th e U n ite d S ta te s o f A m e r ic a .

44915— 13387

Full text of Statements and Speeches of Robert L. Owen : Affairs in Mexico : Speech in the Senate of the United States

FRASER