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A REVIEW
OF
MONETARY POLICY
By
M. S. SZYMCZAK,
Member, Board of Governors
of the
Federal Reserve System,
Washington, D. C.

Before the

NATIONAL CREDIT CONFERENCE
of the
AMERICAN BANKERS ASSOCIATION

^ 0 n d a y>
January ll*, 1957.

Conrad Hilton Hotel,
Chicago, Illinois.

(For release after 2:00 p.m. Central Standard Time.)

A REVIEW
OF
MONETARY POLICY

I can think of no better time for a review of monetary
policy than now, and I can think of no one more interested than you.
Over many years monetary policy has received more or less public
attention.

Its instruments, techniques and their use and application

have changed and have been modified by changing attitudes and by time,
experience ana conditions.
In the past few years not only here, but throughout the world,
v

'e have witnessed the use. of a variety of techniques for influencing the

flow of credit.

If there is one thing about monetary policy that is ever-

lastingly true it is that to put it to use requires constant vigilance,
constant study, and delicate adaptation to the peculiar circumstances of
each change in the economic situation.

Vie should, therefore, welcome all

°Pportunities to survey and reappraise our experience with the use of the
various means of influencing the supply of credit.

I want to emphasize,

however, over and over again, that monetary policy alone cannot achieve
economic stability at high employment levels.

It is only one essential

Part of a much broader program -- involving both government and business -a

H aspects of which must be wisely pursued if we are to realize our goal.
Looking back to the establishment of the Federal Reserve System

and the developments in the objectives of monetary policy over the
intervening years, an interesting shift in emphasis as to these objectives
m

ay be observed.

The Federal Reserve Act, in addition to establishing

basic Federal Reserve functions of holding bank reserves, offering
discount privileges to member banks, and providing an elastic
currency, speaks of preventing injurious credit expansion and contraction,

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a

2

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nd it goes without saying that Federal Reserve policy has at all times

been based upon an awareness of the high economic cost of violent and
excessive credit expansion and contraction.

Long after the Federal Reserve

System had begun to be directly cognizant of its functions in the prevention
injurious credit developments, the Employment Act of 19^6 gave the System,
along with agencies of the Federal Government in general, a new charge, that
pursuing policies and programs which would contribute to high and stable
employmenta

Needless to say, this is not inconsistent with the earlier

admonition, although it does broaden the objectives of monetary policy.
More recently, as the economic problems of the postwar period
have received study and attention, the emphasis of monetary policy has
shifted slightly again.

In recent years we have become more and more

Conscious of the fact that Federal Reserve policy, like all aspects of
government policy, must seek two objectives which, although intertwined and
closely related to each other, from time to time need separate consideration;
namely, the objective of economic stability and the objective of economic
growth.
m

Specifically, these twin objectives mean that policies which

ight foster economic growth for a time but which would create an increasing

tendency toward instability are clearly self-defeating; conversely,
Policies or programs which might tend to insure stability at the expense
stifling growth would be equally unacceptable.
The question then is, what does the program of economic growth
w

ith stability mean in practical terms so far as Federal Reserve policy

is concerned?

I am sure that I do not have to stress before this group

the basic fact that the Federal Reserve System is in a position to exercise
a

degree of influence upon the volume of credit supplied through the banking

-

system.

3

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In periods of tendency toward recession or depression the System

seeks, by making bank reserves generously available, to create conditions
favorable to an expansion of bank credit.

The basic criterion for the

a

Ppropriateness of a policy of all-out encouragement toward expansion

(this has often been called a policy of "active ease") is the development
ih the economy of unemployed resources.
be

Under such circumstances it may

reasonably presumed that greater availability of credit at incentive

r

ates would assist the economy in increasing output without having an

inflationary impact upon prices.

This situation is aptly illustrated by

4.1

ne

year

during which unemployment rose in the United States and

during which the Federal Reserve System followed a policy which facilitated
an

expansion of credit and an increase in the money supply.
The corollary of an effective policy during recession is that

^ring periods of high employment, when inflationary pressures are
ev

ident, the System seeks to impose restraints upon credit expansion.

As

are well aware, there are two related reasons why such action is
ne

cessary.

of

em

First, when resources are already fully employed, the creation

more purchasing power through expansion of credit cannot mean higher

Ployment or output, but is likely to take the form of increased prices.

Secondly, if the experience of the past teaches us one thing, it is that
e

*cessive credit expansion and price rises not only create inequities in

a:L

l sectors of our economy but also breed later trouble in the form of credit
price collapses and reduction in levels of economic activity

as

the economy deflates.

Hence, to avoid paralyzing recession and depression,

it •
is clearly necessary to avoid the excesses that have characterized most
Prolonged booms in the past.

Further, the experience of those countries that

have endeavored to bolster their economies by continued monetary creation,

-

h

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whether by issuance of currency or by bank credit expansion, shows that
this course leads to deterioration of living standards, the penalizing of
saving, and cruel inequities in the distribution of income and wealth.
Superimposed on the responsibility which the Federal Reserve
System has for helping to prevent or mitigate cyclical "ups" ana "downs"
ln

economic activity is the objective of maintaining a flexible money

supply that will permit and encourage the growth over time of both investment
a

nd. consumption to match our population growth and to provide for ever-

lr

icreasing efficiency in our productive processes.

This means over time

^hat the money supply cannot be static^ it must grow with general economic
growth.

It does not mean, however, that growth in the supply or availability

money must be at some constant or unchanging rate; allowance must be
ftade for variations in the rate of use of existing money by the public.
These variations can be and are very wide as economic conditions change.
Now let us examine more particularly the character of the problems
monetary policy which were faced in 19^6.
a

The year 195£ had witnessed

surprisingly rapid recovery from the 19Sh recession.

em

The 6lack in

Ployment and unused physical resources was quickly taken up during 1 9 %

ar

id the Federal Reserve System accordingly modified its monetary policy

ea

rly in that year from one of active ease to a policy of neutrality and

st

ill later during the year to a policy of mild restraint, growing more

Positive as the year wore on and inflationary developments became more manifest.
The pressure of demand upon economic resources continued to be
great during 195>6.

The high level of economic activity, together with

favorable expectations regarding the future, resulted in heavy demands for
c

redit.

Real estate mortgage and consumer credit demands continued to grow

during the year, although at a slower rate, reflecting in part a smaller

-

5

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number of new housing starts and a substantial reduction in the sale of
automobiles.

The business sector of the economy greatly increased its demands

for credit, and was supplied more credit, as evidenced by a rise of around
55 billi on in commercial bank loans to business borrowers and a flotation
°f over $10 billion in securities issues .for new capital during the year,
This demand arose in part from a higher rate of production and sales of
most goods, necessitating higher inventory and higher working capital
generally.

One of the most significant developments of the year was a sharp

increase in business expenditures (actual and planned) for new plant and
e

quipment.

Total expenditures for these purposes in 1956 reached approximately

$35 billion compared with something under $29 billion for 1955 and in the last
quarter of 1956 was at an annual rate of close to $38 billion with further
growth anticipated.
As you know so well, in an economy of high employment levels
a

—

nd employment reached new peaks in 1956 while unemployment declined to the

lowest level in 3 years (probab3.y at a minimum) —

the only way in which

further credit demands can be met without inflationary risks is out of
savings.

Some increased savings were made available in 1956 by a rise in

both personal and corporate savings.

Also, the cash position of the Federal

Government moved during 1956 from a deficit to a surplus position; the cash
Surplus for the calendar year was about $6 billion.

In spite of these

developments making more funds available to borrowers, the demand for
borrowings on balance greatly exceeded the supply of savings.

The substantial

increase in interest rates (and drop in prices of outstanding debt-securities)
that took place during the year was a clear manifestation of this imbalance
in the credit markets.
In the face of credit demands outrunning the funds available
^ o m savings and of an increase in the rate of "turnover" of money, the

Federal Reserve System followed a general policy of restraint on further
credit expansion.

This does not mean in the literal sense that the Federal

Reserve decided to "make" credit scarce.

Fundamentally, the scarcity of

credit was a product of the market forces of supply and demand.

What

the Federal Reserve System did do was to refrain from making new Federal
Reserve credit available in amounts that would have been necessary to meet
all demands at current rates, since to do so would obviously have resulted
in more price inflation as holders of the new credit bid against one another
f

or the limited economic resources available.
Our statistics show that industrial production is now at a new

Record level of ll;3 per cent of the 19U7-U9 average.

The rise from the

year-ago high has been about 3 per cent, and most of the increase has
occurred since summer.
ha

Production of a number of key industrial materials

d reached capacity levels by late 1955, and capacity expansion over the

Past 12 months has resulted in only moderate further output increases.
Thus, production of a combination of 8 major industrial materials —
aluminum, steel, cement^ paper, and petroleum products —

including

increased 3 per

cent from November 1955 to November 1956, or at just about the rate their
combined capacity was expanded.
h

Meanwhile, the Mid-Eastern development

as directed new demands in this materials area, notably for petroleum and

steel.
Thus in 1956 a restrictive monetary policy meant in essence
that the net amount of reserves supplied to and withdrawn from the banks
by the Federal Reserve System was essentially unchanged.

As would be

expected, the System bought and sold Treasury bills, in the open market to
cushion seasonal and other temporary influences on credit markets

but

contrary to the belief of many, it did not take money out of the market
balance during the year.

Federal Reserve holdings of U. S. Government

securities were slightly larger toward the end of 1956 (as this is being
written), than a year earlier, but member bank borrowings were somewhat
lower,

a moderate increase in gold stock and a generally higher level of

Reserve Bank float supplied most of the additional reserves to cover increased
needs of the public for hand-to-hand money (currency in circulation -- withdrawn from banks) as well as reserves required against the small growth
in deposits.
In spite of the decisions of the Federal Reserve System to refrain
from creating net new reserves, commercial banks were able, as I have
mentioned, to increase loans by very substantial amounts during the year.
As you are well aware, this was accomplished largely by sale of Government
securities, total bank holdings of these securities falling by around $3|
billion during the year,

Nonbank lenders, such as life insurance companies,

also disposed of Government securities to a limited extent as a means of
increasing loans to private borrowers.

The decreases in these holdings

of Government securities were absorbed in part by a reduction in the public
debt and in part by increased holdings of other savers, including public
and private pension funds and individuals.
money supply —

Meanwhile, however, the total

that is, demand deposits and currency held by the public

is estimated (at this writing) to have increased about one billion or
one

per cent during the year.

—

cbout

The "turnover of deposits" or rate of use

of money, however, increased by around 8 per cent.

These increases in

the supply and turnover of money provided the monetary basis for increase
in various forms of financial activity, as well as for a growth of about
5 per cent in the gross national product, of which more than half reflected
price rises.
Use of the traditional instruments of credit influence by the
Federal Reserve System in 1956 reflects again the adaptation of these

-

instruments to current problems.

8

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As I have indicated, open market operations,

primarily in the purchase and sale of Treasury bills, were used to provide
for seasonal and other short-term variations in the reserve needs of member
banks, but since purchases and sales were practically in balance over the
•year, there was little net impact from such operations.

On the other hand,

in line with rising market rates of interest, rediscount rates were increased
in 1956, after having been raised four times in 1955.
Here again I may point out, that while changes in rediscount
rates are one of the instruments of credit influence, as generally used
in our economy they do not by themselves "make" the market or fix the level
°f interest rates.

Although rediscount rate changes may have some real and

Psychological impact upon the market, they are to a degree only recognition
money market conditions created, by the demand and supply forces in the
market itself.

The rediscount rate .is one of the ways in which the Federal

Reserve System can influence to some extent member bank borrowing;
continuation of the rediscount rate well below market rates for an extended
Period would in most circumstances be an encouragement to borrowing by
member banks at the Federal Reserve Banks,

Rediscount rate changes also

serve to indicate the direction of monetary policy.
Margin requirements —

credit extended to purchase or hold

stock -- were increased from 50 to 60 per cent in January 1955 and
from 60 to 70 per cent in April of that year,

In other words, throughout

1956 30 per cent of the price of the stock could be borrowed.
The year 1956, as it unfolded, was clearly a year in which continued
restraint on overall credit expansion was called for.

High employment, low

unemployment, growing demands for both investment and consumption, and rising
prices (the consumer price index went up 2,8 per cent from January through
November and the wholesale price index went up 3.6 per cent from January
through November), confirmed such a diagnosis.

Under these circumstances

it was inevitable that potential borrowers at some points should feel the
Pinch of unavailability of credit aid higher cost for credit.

The scarcity

credit thus merely reflected a scarcity of economic resources relative
to demand in a free market economy.
Monetary policy everywhere is necessarily influenced not only by
domestic but also by international considerations.

For obvious reasons,

international factors play a particularly important role in countries in which
international trade and investment represent a large part of total economic
activity.
Last summer, we witnessed two major instances of the influence
of international considerations on monetary policy.

In the United Kingdom,

the restrictive monetary and fiscal policies pursued by the authorities had
Pretty well succeeded in stabilizing the domestic economy.

However, mainly

because of the disturbances in the Kid-East even before the most recent
crisis, the United Kingdom gold and dollar reserves, and the exchange rate
°f the pound sterling, continued to be subject to severe pressure.

This

Pressure made it impossible for the United Kingdom authorities to relax
their restrictive policies in spite of the fact that the purely domestic
situation could have permitted some relaxation.
The second example:

last spring, the German monetary authorities

decided that the domestic situation of the German economy required restrictive
action, including a sizeable rise in the discount rate.

However, after the

discount rate had been, raised, it appeared that the new rate level was
attracting foreign funds to Germany in such volume as to pour more liquidity
into the German banking system than the restrictive policies were taking out.
Mainly for this reason, the German central bank had to undo ax least part
of the discount rate increase.

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While our economy is less dependent on international factors
than the economies of the United Kingdom and Germany, we cannot disregard
these factors in our monetary decisions.

At present, the international

situation is too complex to permit here and now a review of all relevant
circumstances.

On balance, however, developments abroad seem likely to exert

further short-term and long-term influences on our domestic economy, and in
considering the domestic aspects of our monetary and credit problems and
policies, you and we must keep these influences constantly in mind.
In the long run, the effectiveness of monetary policy depends
not only upon proper use of the interrelated instruments of that policy,
but also upon a degree of public understanding and acceptance oi the program.
It is human nature, especially in a dynamic competitive economy, to deplore
restraint, and the reaction of many people to credit restraint is no
exception.

Yet I believe we all recognize not only that there is need for

restraint from time to time, but also that of all instruments of restraint
the instruments of general monetary policy, being broad and impersonal,
bring the least interference and disruption in economic life.

The basic

aim of monetary policy during the months past has been to exercise such
restraint as would avoid further inflation while disrupting the processes
of the free economy as little as possible.
Various people have suggested from time to time that Congress give
the Federal Reserve System the pox^er to use selective instruments of
credit control such as consumer instalment credit and real estate credit
controls, in addition to its present power to change margin requirements.
Others have suggested direct credit controls —
qualitative.

both quantitative and

This, as is evident, would be a departure from the Federal

Reserve System's broad, impersonal and indirect general monetary instruments
described in this review.

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I have appreciated this opportunity to review with you what
a

re essentially our common problems —

the creation of a monetary and

hanking system that will operate smoothly bo facilitate growth in our
economy and that will at the same time avoid the heavy cost and dangers of
recurrent cycles of expansion and contraction, with theirresultant periods
unemployment and partial stagnation.
system is our common objective.

The creation of such a monetary

We at the Federal Reserve welcome the

understanding and assistance of all, and particularly the banking community,
x

n the achievement of our goal.
We do know that a sound monetary policy is not achieved by formulas,

by automatic mechanical devices or by taking certain prescribed steps at
Predetermined intervals.

While we have learned much about the various

instruments of monetary policy and their effective use we have much yet
to

learn.

We are keenly aware that timing is of the essence but timing

is not always clearly indicated in economic charts and graphs.
is certain:

One thing

too much or too little money and credit are hurtful to our economy.

Exactly how much credit can most effectively be used at any
Particular time requires constant study and review of all relevant data,
b

ut let me suggest two points for your consideration:

(1) Sound growth

over time will require facilitating growth in the money supply.

(2)

The

exact character and timing of that growth will have to be determined as
conditions develop.
Let me close by emphasizing that we all need continually to learn
ftore about the workings of our economic institutions in order to do our
jobs effectively.

Let us approach that task in a spirit of frankness

and sincerity and with a firm desire to cooperate with each other in
the solution of our common problems.