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At the Fortieth Annual Conference on Bank Structure and Competition, Sponsored by
the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois
May 6, 2004

Panel discussion: The Competitive Edge of Community Banks
Thank you for inviting me to participate in today's panel entitled: "How Do Banks Compete?
Strategy, Regulation, and Technology." This is comprised of participants who have a wide
range of perspectives. My comments will focus primarily on the continually evolving
competitive environment of community banks. I will begin with an update on the financial
performance of community banks through 2003, then I will review the many changes that
have occurred in the competitive environment of community banks, and lastly mention a
few keys to future success.
Financial Performance in 2003
Community banks--banks with total assets of $1 billion or less--had a record-setting year in
2003, earning profits of nearly $13 billion and a return on equity at 11.55 percent. This
outcome is remarkable because of the significant negative factors at work through much or
all of the year--a soft equity market, weak demand for commercial loans, and elevated asset
quality problems. The origination and holding of mortgage-related assets once again
supported industry profits, although the refinance boom ended in the third quarter of the
year. Asset quality improved significantly for the industry, providing a boost to earnings
through lower provisions. Community banks experienced less of an improvement than the
industry did as a whole, but frankly had not seen the increase in problem loans that their
larger counterparts did.
All sectors of the industry had a strong year because, very simply, banks large and small built
upon their fundamental strengths while adapting to the economic and financial situation.
They understood the environment and adjusted their business focus and expectations
accordingly. The ability of banks to deliver this level of performance despite the presence of
negative factors reflects the effects of changes that have occurred in the regulatory limit that
banks face as well as the diminution of some regulatory protections they historically have
enjoyed. In addition, banks have performed extraordinarily well, facing numerous
fundamental changes in the banking industry's competitive environment.
Evolution of Regulatory and Competitive Environment
Through much of the twentieth century, banking was a very protected market. The
McFadden Act of the late 1920s, the Federal Deposit Insurance Act, and the Glass-Steagall
Act of 1933, were designed to protect the financial safety net and to support community or
neighborhood banks. Strict limits were introduced on all forms of competition, including
limits on branching imposed by many states and exclusive access to interest-free deposits
and arguably to short-term commercial loans. Banks in turn accepted considerable
restriction on their permissible activities. This tradeoff was, on balance, a favorable
exchange from the industry's perspective, but also it was perhaps the source of some

frustration to those in the industry because of the limits it placed on banking products and
their features.
Market forces gradually changed this arrangement, spurred in particular by high interest
rates in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Growth in the commercial paper market eroded the
industry's signature product--the short-term commercial loan. The introduction of alternative
savings and transaction vehicles--including money market mutual funds--reduced banks'
share of household assets.
It is important to note that the erosion of most of these product and market protections did
not occur through changes in laws or regulations but through marketplace innovation. The
Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, passed in 1999, is often credited with removing competitive
barriers between the banking, securities, and insurance industries. Although that description
is true to some extent, many of the barriers had been eliminated through market innovation.
In many instances the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act made federal banking statute more
consistent with what had already occurred in the marketplace.
Through all of the changes in the marketplace and in bank regulation, there have nonetheless
been a handful of critical competitive factors that provide an "edge" to commercial banks
and to community banks in particular.
The first and most obvious competitive factor in the banking industry is deposit insurance.
Even with the proliferation of deposit-like products that present relatively low credit risk,
there is still something different about a liquid and readily accessible asset of which credit is
backed explicitly by the U.S. government. Only insured depositories can offer this product
feature. The specific features of deposit insurance have been refined since 1933, including
depositor preference and least-cost resolution methods. An active and informed debate is
under way about the details of coverage and the management of the insurance fund. We will
not delve into that today.
A second factor that may be nearly as important as deposit insurance is reputation.
Occasional scandals have occurred, but banks have successfully retained their reputation for
integrity when others have not. Even when structured transactions have tarred them, banks
have remained well-regarded. Bank supervisors are well aware of the importance of
reputation, and expect bank staff to manage the bank's risk of reputation just as they manage
other risk exposures such as credit risk and interest rate risk.
Third, banks possess a remarkable advantage in their branching and product delivery
capabilities. Let me take a few moments to emphasize that point. Branch offices and
networks continue to be critical factors to customers as they choose their financial services
providers.
Community banks continue to thrive by providing retail banking customers with convenient
locations, high-quality service, and the attractive prices that customers desire. Surveys
conducted by the Federal Reserve Board indicate that the single most-important factor
influencing a customer's choice of banks is the location of the institution's branches. In the
2001 Survey of Consumer Finances, approximately 43 percent of households reported that
the primary reason for choosing the institution where they had their main checking account
was the location of the institution's offices. Likewise, data collected in the 1998 Survey of
Small Business Finances indicated that, for approximately 30 percent of small businesses in
the United States, the most important reason for selecting the primary financial institution
was "location of offices" or "convenience." Consistent with these findings, responses to

questions included in the Michigan Surveys of Consumers in June, July, and August 1999
indicated that the most important reason that households change banks is because of
household relocation.
Other important factors underlying household choice of banks include low fees or minimumbalance requirements and the ability to obtain many services at one bank facility. For small
businesses, the existence of a previous business or personal relationship with the institution
or someone affiliated with the institution is a frequently cited reason for choosing a
particular provider.
Once a household has chosen a particular depository institution as the location for its main
checking account, there is a strong tendency to stick with that institution. According to the
Michigan Survey, the median tenure at a depository institution is ten years. The most
frequently reported reasons for remaining with a bank are customer service and location.
Among those households that changed banks for reasons other than household relocation,
the most frequently cited factors are better customer service and more attractive prices.
These patterns of behavior among households and small businesses bode well for the future
of community banking. They do not suggest that community banks face any inherent
disadvantage relative to larger institutions when it comes to attracting and retaining retail
customers.
Bankers understand the importance of their locations. Despite the negative comments made
for many years about the disadvantages of "bricks and mortar," the FDIC's Summary of
Deposits has reported an increase in the number of banking offices each year since 1994.
The asset-size profile of the industry has changed greatly over this period, so it is interesting
to look at the average number of offices per bank in different size ranges. Banks having less
than $100 million in assets average one to three offices, banks having $100 million to $500
million in assets generally operate five to ten offices, and so on. The larger the bank, the
more offices it operates. As the industry has consolidated and created a greater proportion of
larger institutions, the average number of offices per institution has increased. The data show
that the increase in offices has come at the largest banks, that is, those with total assets in
excess of $10 billion. Although the average number of offices has increased because of
consolidation, there is evidence of a search for efficiency, as the number of offices per bank
has declined noticeably across all size classes since 1994. The sole exception to this decline
is in the largest size group. These large institutions operate on average, more than 400
branches, compared with about 240 branches in 1994. The Summary of Deposits data are
published annually for June of each year. The latest available information is as of June 2003.
A fourth competitive factor favoring banks has been the use of technology. Banks were
among the first businesses to migrate toward mass storage and processing of data, in part
because this information was needed to meet regulatory and other requirements, for
example, the loans to one borrower rule. Analysis and collection of this data has supported
many important management and risk-management initiatives at banks, including the
development and refinement of internal credit rating systems. Further investment in
information technology capabilities may tap into other uses of this information to enhance
the function and performance of commercial banks, including community banks, especially
in the context of the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act. Though community banks cannot invest as
heavily in technology as large banks, the ever increasing efficiency of technology also works
to the benefit of community banks. Newly chartered start-up banks are able to provide
real-time online banking services to customers and operate general ledger systems that

provide a full range of financial reporting and product support systems either through
in-house technology or through outside vendors.
How has the Community Bank Adapted?
The number of banks has decreased, but the value of the community bank remains.
Consolidation continued in the industry in 2003. There were about 7,300 community banks
at year-end 2003, some 140 fewer (1.9 percent) than a year earlier and about 500 (or 11
percent) fewer than existed five years ago. The substantial majority of these institutions have
been state-chartered.
We continue to see significant consolidation of organizations and of charters. This can be
seen in the bank data already mentioned but perhaps more clearly in data on bank holding
companies. Bank holding companies own nearly all of the insured commercial banks by
assets, about 97 percent. The number of bank holding companies has fallen slightly--about 4
percent--over the past decade, but has increased a bit in each of the past three years. The
number of multibank bank holding companies has decreased 30 percent over the past
decade, reflecting the tendency of banks to consolidate subsidiary charters in this era of
nationwide banking.
The consolidation in the industry, and the search for efficiency and scope, should not be
misunderstood. It does not signal a threat to the community banking franchise; far from it.
The market for community bank charters makes this point clear. One hundred and twelve
new commercial bank charters were issued in 2003, and 560 have been issued since the
beginning of 2000. Over that same period, for every five banks that disappeared through
consolidation, another two new charters were granted. In total, that represents more than
$4.5 billion in new equity capital invested in community bank charters.
Community banks have also been active in positioning themselves to diversify their business
base. At year-end 2003, there were 4,800 bank holding companies with consolidated assets
of less than $1 billion. Let's exclude the small number of foreign-owned institutions in that
total, because their U.S. assets don't depict their true size. About 10 percent of these
community bank holding companies (or 464) were also financial holding companies, and
one-third of them had assets less than $150 million. Thus the financial holding company is as
logical a successor to the bank holding company for smaller institutions as for larger
institutions.
Community banks face some important and different realities, reflecting to some extent the
change from protected markets to a more open and competitive environment. Their margins
are more narrow, they have taken on a relatively larger share of commercial real estate
credit exposure, and they have less chance of natural diversification in their lending
opportunities. Concentrations of credit, especially in the local market, are a significant
risk-management issue for community banks.
A Few Keys to Future Success
The competitive environment for banks, especially community banks, will continue to
intensify. Last year, 99 percent of the urban markets and 54 percent of the rural markets had
an office of a banking organization with deposits of $25 billion or more. The presence of
large banking organizations at the local level has increased at the same time that community
banks continue to face competition from thrift institutions, credit unions, securities firms,
and loan production offices from out-of-market lenders, not to mention the Internet.
Community banks can meet these competitive challenges.

One critical aspect of this success is for banks to minimize self-inflicted damage caused by
conflicts of interest and lax internal controls. Compliance remains an important area of
attention for many community banks, including compliance with regulations relating to
money laundering and the Bank Secrecy Act.
On the topic of compliance, regulatory burden remains an issue for all of us to carefully
consider. The federal banking agencies are fully engaged in continuing efforts to review their
regulations and to identify those that can be eliminated. We at the Federal Reserve endeavor
every five years to review all of our existing regulations to revise or rescind those that are
out-of-date or otherwise unnecessary. Other banking regulators have adopted a similar
practice. Many of you may have participated in meetings across the country between
regulators and the community under the aegis of the Economic Growth Recovery and
Paperwork Reduction Act, or EGRPRA. Some of the things we can do as agencies--some
suggestions for revision--will require congressional action to change the law. But both
regulatory and congressional efforts to eliminate unnecessary rules to protect the taxpayer
are worthwhile.
Conclusion
The past year was a good year for the industry, one in which banks were able to adapt to a
changing environment and still generate record profits. Community banks once again
demonstrated their value to the marketplace and the prominent and vibrant position they
rightly occupy in the industry. The anchors of their competitive position-- deposit insurance,
reputation, branching and delivery system, and technology--remain in place. I am confident
that community banks will effectively respond to changes in the competitive and regulatory
environment. The fundamental management challenge is to balance the opportunities of the
present with the prospects for the future.
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2004 Speeches

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