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Far' release on delivery
7:30 P.M. EDT
October 12, 1989

Saving:

The Challenges for Economic Policy

Address by

Manuel H. Johnson

Vice Chairman

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System

before the

American Council for Capital Formation

Center for Policy Research

Washington, D.C.

October .12, 1989

Saving:

The Challenges for Economic Policy

It is a pleasure to be here tonight and to address the issue
of saving and the many challenges it poses for economic policy.
This topic has always been important but it looms evermore
important for the U.S. economy which must increasingly compete in
a rapidly changing integrated world.
These proceedings certainly address many of the key
questions relating to saving in the U.S. economy.

Some of them

were discussed in the earlier sessions today and other important
issues will be examined tomorrow.
The determinants of saving are many and the issue of the
effects of government policy on saving is both controversial and
enormously complex.

Accordingly, I cannot hope to address all of

the relevant issues tonight.

Interestingly, there is substantial

agreement among many economists about certain principles relating
to saving.
Saving is important
Most economists agree both that saving is important and why
it is important.

Saving constitutes the supply of capital which

combined with labor form the primary inputs to production.
Capital growth works to increase productivity; the more capital
per worker, the higher the output per worker.

With more capital

per worker, returns to labor will be higher and workers' real
income will be higher.

The productivity-enhancing character of

capital growth works to improve both overall economic growth as
well as the living standards of workers.

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In short, economic growth cannot occur without capital
formation which, in turn, is dependent on saving.

Stated simply,

savings can determine which nations are rich or poor and whether
living standards are high or low.
Unencumbered markets would produce an optimal savings rate
Another principle upon which there is widespread agreement
among many economists relates to the operation of the market
system.

Specifically, economic theory argues that an

unencumbered world with competitive private capital markets
produces an optimal rate of saving.

In such circumstances, the

return to saving accurately reflects real investment
opportunities.

Savers determine the volume of savings according

to their desire for future consumption relative to current
consumption.

In more technical parlance, individuals save until

their subjective time discount rate matches the return to capital
or equilibrium real interest rate.

In short, a we11-functioning

price system works so as to efficiently allocate resources
intertemporally.

The optimal saving rate is a derivative of free

choice and accurately reflects the intertemporal savings desires
of the populace.
The current U.S. savings rate.is low
Today there is widespread agreement that the current U.S.
savings rate is relatively low and also below the above-mentioned
optimal rate.

Of course, there is a good deal of disagreement

concerning the correctly measured level of U.S. saving.

Some

argue that the savings rate is so low that a crisis exists.

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Proponents of this view normally refer to the personal savings
rate measured by the National Income and Product Accounts.
Others contend that while we do not have a crisis, we nonetheless
face an important problem and a difficult policy challenge.
Of course, many measurement and definitional issues are
important and lie at the root of these disagreements.

Several of

these issues were discussed in earlier sessions today.

Recently,

several important and thorough studies addressing these
measurement problems have been published.

The new (1989) NBER

volume entitled, The Measurement of Saving, Investment, and
Wealth by Lipsey and Tice serves as an excellent example.
Suffice it to say that all the relevant measurement and
definitional issues have not been fully resolved.

But, overall,

it is fair to say that the U.S. savings rate is low relative to
both its earlier history and to the savings rate of most
industrialized nations today.
Government policies can influence saving
Economists agree that while saving is determined by a host
of factors, government policies can have an important impact on
saving.

Most importantly, fiscal policies, both taxation and

spending, can significantly influence saving and therefore affect
prospects for long-term economic growth.

Of course, disagreement

exists as to both the proper policies to implement in order to
influence saving and the degree of influence that a particular
policy may have.

Nonetheless, fiscal policy is viewed as having

a potentially important impact on saving.

And economists

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generally agree that the current low savings rate is at least in
part the result of government policies.
There are many forms of distortions
There is also widespread agreement that there are numerous
types of government tax and spending policies that distort
behavior so as to adversely affect saving.

These policy induced

distortions lower saving by both increasing the cost of and
lowering the reward for saving.
Tax distortions are one important form of bias
In recent years we have made important progress in reforming
the tax code.

Tax rates are lower and some distortions that

plagued the tax system have been removed or lessened,
particularly with regard to the interaction between the tax
structure and inflation.

But we are very far from an ideal tax

system.
We recognize that the U.S. tax system is still quite biased
against saving in a number of ways.

The current income tax, for

example encourages consumption over saving.
is taxed twice:

Income that is saved

once when it is earned and once again when it

generates additional income.

Thus, there .is a higher rate of tax

on income that is saved and invested than on income that is
consumed immediately.
But the income tax is not the only important form of tax
distortion that adversely affects saving.

Other forms of

federal,state and local taxes also exact funds from income
produced by saving and capital formation.

By reducing the future

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income that can be obtained by foregoing current consumption,
these tax systems add to the cost of saving.
For individuals who save by purchasing shares in a taxable
corporation, the income produced by the corporation is first
subject to the corporate income tax.

If the corporation

distributes its earnings as dividends, the shareholders must pay
tax on the dividends they receive, effectively resulting in a
double taxation of dividends.

(The U.S., incidentally, is the

only country in the G-7 that double-taxes dividends.)

If the

corporation does not distribute dividends but retains earnings
and share prices advance, shareholders must pay capital gains
taxes when they sell the stock, even if share values only keep up
with inflation.
In cases such as these, the interaction of corporate income
taxes, personal taxes on dividends, and capital gains taxes work
to substantially increase the cost of saving.

Similarly,

inadequate depreciation allowances on capital investment work to
overstate corporate profits, thereby raising the effective
corporate tax rate.

Property taxes, estate, gift, inheritance as

well as other wealth taxes imposed at the federal, state, or
local level also amount to taxes on saving.
Government spendin g also serves to distort saving
But tax policy is not the only way in which fiscal policy
adversely affects saving.

Various government spending programs

-- especially those spending programs oriented toward consumption
-- can also have important distorting effects.

The growth of

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government consumption spending in excess of revenue growth works
to adversely impact saving.

This occurs because the government

borrowing used to finance such spending absorbs private saving
that would otherwise be used to finance more productive private
investment activity.

Since such government consumption spending

in effect works to divert private saving to less productive
public sector activity, it lowers the ovei-all return to saving
thereby discouraging saving.
Furthermore, various government welfare programs supposedly
designed to provide security or insurance to workers and citizens
also may adversely affect motives
way.

for

saving in a more direct

Social security, medical disability, health, and

unemployment insurance, for example, all provide workers with a
substitute for what historically would have been a strong motive
for saving.

Since these programs supposedly provide income for

the retired worker, medical expenses, and unemployment benefits,
workers may not save as much as they otherwise would have.
Ironically, some of these programs have imposed tax burdens that
have reduced both the ability and incentive for people to save
while at the same time promising benefi ts that may have further
reduced the motivation to save.
Other forms of distortions also exist
Similarly, other forms of governmental intervention may
adversely affect saving in less obvious ways.

Well-intended

governmental regulations imposed on business often adversely
affect returns of capital and therefore saving regardless of

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whether they achieve their stated objectives.

Credit allocation

schemes (direct loans, loan guarantees, and credit market rules
and regulations) in effect constitute implicit forms of taxation
of private capital which also work to lower returns to saving.
Finally, government policies may unintentionally influence
many demographic factors known to be important determinants of
saving.

While little research has addressed these issues,

governmental policies working to change retirement ages, divorce
rates, college attendance, fertility rates, and family formation
may also have important effects on or implications for saving.
To summarize what I have said so far:

there appears to be a

consensus among economists and others on many issues pertaining
to saving.

They generally agree:

(1)

that saving is important

(2)

that an unencumbered market would allow savings to seek
its optimal rate

(3)

that the current U.S. saving rate is below its
optimal rate

(4)

that fiscal policies can influence saving and

(5)

that at least part of the reason for the low U.S.
saving rate is a whole host of government-policyinduced distortions that overall have an adverse impact
on saving.

CONDITIONS TO SET THE STAGE FOR A .SOLUTION
Before discussing specific policy proposals to improve our
saving performance, some very important policy objectives should

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be emphasized.

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An understanding of these objectives is essential

to set cue stage for any lasting, successful strategy to solve
our saving problem.
Open trading arrangements are important
First, even if no specific action is undertaken to improve
our saving performance, it is important to support policies that
continue to maintain or foster both a healthy investment climate
and open trading arrangements.
should be minimized.

Restrictions to capital flows

While U.S. saving is below optimum, saving

in the rest of the world may not be.

If the U.S. maintains an

environment fostering relatively healthy returns to investment,
it may supplement its domestic saving with foreign saving to
finance productive investment without necessarily endangering its
future.

If the U.S. economy offers higher relative returns to

productive investment and attracts foreign saving, we are likely
better off than if foreign saving had not migrated here.

In

particular, our workers will likely be more productive, earn
higher wages, and enjoy higher living standards than if such
foreign saving were prevented from entering.

Of course, it is

important to acknowledge that there are exchange rate
consequences of such an approach.

Despite an overall

macroeconomic benefit, export and import competing industries
will likely suffer as a result.
Nonetheless, just as it is important to improve our domestic
saving performance, it is also important to maintain an
environment conducive to both domestic and foreign investment and

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to maintain and promote open trading arrangements.

Offering

attractive opportunities for foreign investment and saving is not
only good policy, but it is a sign of strength rather than
weakness.

We can achieve gains from free and open trade and

commerce just as we can achieve gains from removing distortions
to domestic saving.

Restrictions on foreign capital flows or the

erection of trade barriers are not solutions to our saving
problem.

The best approach, of course, is to adopt policies

improving our domestic saving performance while at the same time
continuing to promote a healthy environment for investment and
dismantling barriers to trade and capital flows.
An appropriate framework for fisca1 poliey is necessary
Second, it is important for policymakers to adopt an
appropriate framework for analyzing the long-term effects of
fiscal policy.

The evidence about our saving behavior indicates

that in recent decades a whole variety of fiscal policy
initiatives on both the tax and spending side have (perhaps
inadvertently) introduced distortions adversely impacting our
saving performance.

These well-intentioned initiatives were

likely introduced without recognizing the adverse effects they
might have on saving.
A common thread connecting fiscal policy initiatives of
recent decades is that they were devised and promoted within the
context of a framework which implicitly emphasized the short-term
rather than the long-term effects of policy.

An underlying

reason for this is that the framework used for fiscal policy was

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based on a theory whereby taxation and spending were intended to
stabilize the business cycle, manage aggregate demand, or
redistribute income but not foster long-run growth.

The

framework underlying this theory uses data which do not measure
wealth and government budget accounting which does not
acknowledge capital investment.
This theory is based on an income-expendíture framework
emanating from the 1930's when the stimulation of spending was
critical and saving was actually discouraged.

Indeed, it is

useful to remember that Keynesians promulgated the so-called
"paradox of thrift"; the idea that saving is bad and consumption
good for the macroeconomy.

This view may have been appropriate

for the peculiar circumstances of the 1930's when aggregate
demand collapsed and excess supply and capacity prevailed, but it
is not an appropriate framework for long-term growth.
I believe that ideas do have consequences.

If we are to

change fiscal policies to improve our saving performance, we need
to extricate ourselves from a theory premised on the notion that
saving is bad for the economy and adopt a longer-term growth
oriented perspective.

A framework in which the beneficial

effects of saving, investment, and long-term growth receive
prominent attention and in which incentives to save and invest
are recognized is important.

In short, a pro-growth paradigm is

needed within which to frame fiscal policies intended to improve
our saving performance.

Until this is done it may be difficult

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to properly analyze or assess our persistently poor saving
performance.
A policy goal should be to remove distortions
Third, a saving-promoting public policy should have the
overall objective of removing the many distortions to saving
mentioned above so that saving can increase and approach its
optimal level.

In short, governmental policy should have the

goal of fostering a system whereby the unencumbered saving
preferences of the populace work to determine the actual overall
saving rate.

Such effects likely occur in an environment when

the signals of the market system are allowed to function so as to
bring about this desired result.

A proper policy approach should

seek to minimize the many government spending-tax related
distortions and impediments which work to adversely affect saving
behavior.
POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
There is a long list of distortions working to adversely
affect saving in the U.S.

Correcting.any one or a number of

these distortions will likely work to improve our saving
performance.

Overall, emphasis should be placed on minimizing

the taxation of saving and reducing the cost of capital.

The

recently outlined recommendations by Treasury Secretary Brady are
consistent with such an approach and overall appear quite good.
These proposals certainly move us in the right direction.
Policy should move toward a consumed income tax

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My policy preference is generally consistent with recent
Treasury proposals in that they involve some movement toward
consumption-based taxation, or for institutional reasons, toward
a consumed income tax.

This, of course, is not novel.

It has

been recommended by a long-list of distinguished public finance
experts and is the essence of the well-known Treasury proposal in
1977 entitled Blueprints for Basic Tax Reform authored by David
Bradford.
The reasons for advocating consumption-based taxation are
also well-known.

An income tax raises the cost of saving

relative to consumption, discouraging saving, investment and
capital formation while a consumption tax does not.

A

consumption tax is neutral with respect to intertemporal
consumption decisions.

Consumption taxes like all other taxes

do, however, continue to distort the labor-leisure choice.
However, on balance, a consumption tax is more efficient than an
income tax since they both produce a labor-leisure distortion.
While many good arguments do favor a value added tax or
perhaps national sales tax, I do not believe they are practical
or appropriate.
disguised.

Taxes should be clearly discernable and not

Moreover, institutionally we have an entrenched

income tax structure.

While one can argue that such a structure

is not optimal, like it or not, it does exist.

Let's face it,

the income tax is the mainstay of the Federal tax system and it
is unlikely to change in the near future.

Given this fact, the

last thing we need to do is to create an additional revenue

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structure or bureaucracy by imposing additional layers of
taxation.

Unlike old soldiers, we know that bureaucracies --

whether old or new -- neither die nor fade away; instead they
seem to grow forever.
Accordingly, an appropriate alternative is to move in the
direction of a consumed income tax.

If an income tax is to be

adjusted so as to be neutral with respect to the
saving-consumption choice, it must either allow deductions for
current saving while taxing all the returns to saving or it must
fully exempt all income from saving while taxing current saving.
Accordingly, movement to a consumed income tax would require
either exempting saving or returns to saving.

Thus, a practical

revenue neutral approach is to expand the deductibility of saving
or the returns to saving while expanding the tax base on
consumption.

In fact, we have already made some progress in

lowering tax rates and broadening the tax base.

To improve our

saving performance and minimize the anti-saving bias of the tax
code, however, the tax base should be broadened on consumed
income rather than on saved income.
Of course, such an approach argues for IRA exemptions as
well as reforming certain types of taxation such as capital gains
and corporate income taxation.
Government dissaving should be reduced
Another distortion adversely affecting our overall saving
performance is government dissaving.

As indicated earlier, the

growth of government spending -- especially government

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consumption spending -- in excess of revenue growth works to
adversely affect our saving performance since the government
borrowing used to finance such spending absorbs private saving
that would otherwise be used to finance more productive private
investment activity.

Such government consumption spending in

effect works to divert private saving to less productive public
sector activity thereby both lowering the overall return to
saving and discouraging additional saving.
Increasing government saving is best achieved by reducing
the growth of government consumption spending.

This not only

reduces the likelihood that government borrowing will absorb
private saving, but reduces the likelihood of saving-distorting
taxation.
Attempting to reduce government dissaving by increasing
taxes is potentially counterproductive.

Tax increases can lead

to additional government consumption spending and also adversely
affect private saving behavior.
Price stabilization should be the goa1 of monetary policy
I would be remiss if I did not say a few words about the
role of monetary policy in affecting saving behavior. In
particular, a credible goal of price stability would not only be
associated with lower long-term interest rates because of the
minimization of both inflation and risk premiums, but it would
work to reduce the volatility of interest rates as well.

In

short, the achievement of price stability would enable the price
system to work better and, accordingly, for the saving

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preferences of the populace to be accurately registered in the
markets and thereby impact actual saving.
One manifestation of such a smoothly functioning price
system is that saving is neither destroyed by inflation nor
diverted into unproductive inflation hedges.

A smoothly

operating price system contributes to a smoothly operating
intermediation process; the uninterrupted channeling of saving
into productive investment.
Thus, monetary policy is the policy tool for price
stabilization and as a consequence, economic stabilization.

A

stable, predictable monetary policy will promote a more stable
environment and in so doing should allow fiscal policy to focus
more attention on capital formation and long-term growth.
CONCLUSION
Economists agree on a number of important issues relating to
our suboptimal saving performance.

They generally agree that

fiscal policy can distort behavior so as to adversely affect the
economy's saving rate.

Adopting an appropriate longer-run growth

framework for fiscal policy, promoting open trading arrangements,
and removing distortions to saving are all important components
of an overall pro-saving macroeconomic policy.
Many politicians and pundits continue to rail about our low
saving rate, budget deficits, and their implications for trade
deficits and long-term capital formation.

Yet these same

individuals normally do not address the continued distortions
adversely affecting saving and they often promote policies

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exacerbating these very distortions.

Both tax increases and the

continued promotion of the growth of government consumption
spending within an income-expenditure framework characterize the
policy prescriptions of many of these persons.

If adopted, these

policies will likely worsen rather than improve our saving
performance.

So long as such inappropriate policy proposals

continue to be made, we should welcome rather than discourage the
inflow of foreign capital.