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FOR RELEASE ON DELIVERY
TUESDAY, OCTOBER 27, 1981
10:00 A.M. E.S.T.

Statement by
Lyle E. Gramley

Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System

before the

Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy

Committee on Banking, Finance aiid Urban Affairs




House of Representatives

October 27, 1981

I am pleased to appear before you today, on behalf
of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System,

to

discuss the important questions that you have raised regarding
the impact of federal deficits on the supply, distribution and
price of credit, on inflation, and on the conduct of monetary
policy.

I would like to begin with the question of the relation­
ship of budget deficits to monetary policy.

There is a common and

serious misconception that federal deficits must be financed by
creating money.

In fact, in the large and sophisticated capital

markets of the United States today,

sizable federal deficits can

be financed without intervention or assistance by the Federal
Reserve.

The Treasury sells securities in the open market at

the interest rate necessary to attract a sufficient volume of bids.
Whether the Federal Reserve System absorbs into its portfolio any
of the resultant increase in Treasury debt depends entirely on the
amount of reserves that is needed to support the growth rates of
money that the Federal Reserve has targeted.

Monetary policy has not always been so independent from
debt management policy.

In the period of large deficits during

World War II, the Federal R.eserve bought the amount of Treasury
securities necessary to peg interest rates at low levels.




The result was a lack of control over growth of money and credit,
and an excessive build-up of liquidity,

that contributed to Lhe

inflation of the immediate postwar years.

In 1951, the "Accord"

between the Treasury and the Federal Reserve freed the System to
conduct an independent monetary policy.

For a while thereafter,

the Federal Reserve did avoid actions that might substantially
alter market conditions in the midst of a Treasury financing
operation--the policy known as "even-keeling."

But even this

practice was ended some years ago when the Treasury adopted the
more flexible technique of selling securities by auction.

Thus,

there is no necessary or mechanical link between federal deficits
and the conduct of monetary policy.

This certainly does not mean, however,
federal deficits do not affect financial markets,
are

insignificant

that sizable
or that they

in the struggle to reduce inflation.

On

the contrary, when the Federal Reserve is restraining the growth
of money and credit to slow inflation, as we are now doing,
the credit demands of the federal government have enormous
significance for interest rates and the ability of private
borrowers to obtain funds.

The federal government,

in effect,

takes its place at the head of the credit line, and since aggregate
credit supplies are being constrained, private borrowers are
squeezed out.




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Whether private credit use is cut back by rising
interest rates or by nonprice rationing of credit depends
on the institutional environment.

In the past, financial

markets were characterized by a good many barriers to flows of
funds, most importantly low ceilings on rates payable on time
and savings deposits, and legal barriers on the interest rates
that lenders could charge or that borrowers could pay.
circumstances,

In those

a rise in market interest rates led to disinter­

mediation at depository institutions and a decline in the
availability of credit
businesses, and others.

to potential homebuyers,

farmers,

small

Usury ceilings also served to reduce

mortgage credit availability, and laws and constitutions of many
states periodically prohibited states and their political
subdivisions from paying going rates of interest in the money
and capital markets.

Today, with most of those barriers gone, the nonprice
rationing mechanism has been largely dismantled.

Borrowers

generally are able to obtain credit if they are able and willing
to pay the going rate.

This means, however,

that interest rates

must rise to higher levels than they used to in order to
reconcile overall credit demands with available credit supplies.




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Those interest levels will be very high if inflationary
pressures are strong and expectations are widespread that in­
flation will continue.

Lenders will then demand an inflation

premium, and borrowers will be more willing to pay it.

In view

of the rapid rates of inflation that we have experienced in the
recent past, the inflation premium in interest rates is large.
A lasting reduction in interest rates will only occur as we
bring inflation down.

That is why monetary policy must remain

steadfastly on an anti-inflationary course.

The burden of high interest rates is very uneven on
the various sectors of our economy.
been devastated;

The housing industry has

many auto dealers have closed their doors

because of declining sales and extremely high costs of financing
inventories;

small businesses in other lines are also

going out of business.
squeeze on earnings;

The thrift industry is experiencing a severe
high interest rates will also impede the

rise in business capital formation that we need for improvement
in productivity performance,

thus offsetting some of the

beneficial effects of the business tax cuts included in the
Economic Recovery Act of 1981.

Meanwhile,

some industries--such

as defense, energy production, and high technology--appear to be
thriving despite extraordinarly high interest rates.




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Heavy federal demands in credit markets,

to be sure,

do not always imply high interest rates or appreciable crowding
out of private borrowers.

For example,

if the deficit to be

financed were solely the consequence of a decline in revenues
that occurred because of a recession,

the weakening of private

credit demands would more than offset the rise of Federal
borrowing.

The important problem we face today, however,

is

a persistent long-run growth in the proportion of funds raised
in the money and capital markets by the federal sector.

The table attached to my testimony shows that the federal
share of overall borrowing has been on an uptrend over the past
25 years.

The first column shows the sharp rise in the proportion

of total credit flows that is pre-empted by direct Treasury
borrowing.

A pause in the upward trend occurred in the latter

part of the 1960's when the economy experienced a prolonged cyclical
expansion.

The strength of incomes and the belated Vietnam tax

surcharge elevated tax receipts and reduced the federal deficit.
Subsequently, however,

the share rose again, and in the latter

half of the 1970's was running at close to 20 percent.

If borrowing by government sponsored agencies--such as
the Federal Home Loan Banks and the Federal National Mortgage
Association--is included in the totals, the share of total credit
flows absorbed by the Federal sector is somewhat higher.




The

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precise significance of this calculation, however,
judge.

is hard to

Some of the borrowing of sponsored agencies merely makes

available to borrowers credit that they would have obtained
through private channels anyway;

in those cases, the total demands

on credit markets are not increased.

Another important aspect of federal intervention in credit
markets is private borrowing under federal loan guarantees.

In

the 1940's and 1950's, federal loan guarantees were significant in
the mortgage market

as a result of the strong demand for housing

and the high risks that lenders attached to nonguaranteed mortgages
following the disastrous experience of the great depression.
As these factors became less important, federal mortgage guarantee
activities shrank relative to the size of the mortgage and total
credit markets but, by the 1970's, new types of guarantee programs
began to swell the total once again.

The significance of federal loan guarantees for assessing
the strains on credit markets emanating from the federal sector
is also unclear.

All we can say with certainty is that the amount

of direct Treasury borrowing understates to an unknown degree the
total demands of the federal sector on credit markets.

We also

know that a sizable proportion of total credit flows are being
influenced one way or another by the activities of federal credit




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programs.

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Indeed, by the latter half of the 1970's, fully a

quarter of the funds raised by the financial and nonfinancial sectors
of the economy represented either direct Treasury borrowing or
federal intervention and redirection of credit flows through the
activities of sponsored agencies and guarantee programs.

In

fiscal 1981, the figure was well above 30 percent.

It is essential that federal deficits be controlled if
strains in financial markets are to be reduced and if the private
sectors of the economy are to increase their share of real resources
without the often inefficient intervention of special federal
credit assistance.
deficit?

What are the prospects for the federal

Estimates for the deficit in fiscal year 1982 vary

widely, but it really is the outlook for subsequent years
that is most troubling.

For example,

the estimates of the

Congressional Budget Office suggest that, even if all of the
spending reductions anticipated by the First Concurrent Budget
Resolution were implemented, the Federal deficit would be
$50 billion or larger in each of the years through 1984.

This

projection, moreover, assumes $50 billion in additional spending
reductions by fiscal 1984 that have not yet been enacted, and a
fairly optimistic outcome for real economic growth.

In the

absence of the additional $50 billion in expenditure reductions
assumed,

the deficit in fiscal 1984 could be $100 billion or

even larger.




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Continuation of deficits of this magnitude would imply
persistent pressures on interest rates.

Uncertainties regarding

the ability of the Administration and the Congress to take the
actions necessary to change these prospects are evident in the
bond markets, where long-term interest rates have remained near
peak levels even while short-term rates have receded markedly
over the past couple of months.

In this setting,

the alternatives are clear.

One is

to move ahead with further reductions in federal spending.

To

achieve a balanced budget by 1984, we will probably need
reductions in outlays
billion.

fiscal 1984 of somewhere around $100

If cuts of that magnitude are not feasible, or are

deemed by the Congress to be unwise,

the only alternative is to

restore some of the cuts in revenues contained in the Economic
Recovery Act of 1981.

Let me conclude my remarks by noting that we are seeing
signs of progress in the fight against inflation.

Both consumer

and producer prices have risen less rapidly this year than last;
indeed, we have seen more progress in reducing inflation in 1981
than almost anyone had expected.

The first signs of progress

are also beginning to appear on the wage front as well.

Contract

re-openings and wage concessions have occurred in a number of
industries and the environment for the new round of union contract
negotiations that will begin next year should favor much less




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inflationary settlements than have characterized the recent past.
Significant progress in conservation of energy has narrowed the
latitude of OPEC to impose major increases in oil prices.

And,

in 1982, the upward pressure on wages and costs from increases in
the minimum wage and social security taxes will be less than in
the current year.

We have reached a critical stage in our fight against
inflation.

We can consolidate our gains and move forward to

price stability.

If we do not, we will almost surely see a

return to double-digit inflation.

The Federal Reserve is determined to stay with a course
of monetary policy that will reduce inflation.

Eventually,

course of monetary policy on which we are embarked will,

the

in fact,

reduce inflation and bring down interest rates in the process.
Our country will achieve the goals of reasonably stable prices,
lower interest rates, and a more vigorous and prosperous economy
much sooner, however,

if the Congress and the Administration work

together to eliminate the prospects for very large federal deficits
in the years ahead.




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MEASURES OF FEDERAL PARTICIPATION IN
CREDIT MARKETS, FY1956-FY1980
(5-year averages, percent)

Fiscal Years

Treasury Borrowing as Percent
of Funds Raised by
Nonfinancial Sectors
(1)

Treasury plus Sponsored Agency
Borrowing as a Percent of
Total Funds Raised 1/
(2)

Treasury plus Sponsored Agency
Borrowing plus Borrowing for
Loan Guarantees as a Percent
of Total Funds Raised 1/
(3)

1956-1960

3.9

6.1

16.4

1961-1965

8.4

9.1

16.9

1966-1970

5.3

8.7

14.9

1971-1975

13.3

15.8

22.7

1976-1980

18.8

20.0

25.3

1/ Total funds raised includes borrowing by financial and nonfinancial sectors.
Sources: Data on Treasury borrowing, Sponsored Agency borrowing, funds raised in credit markets by nonfinancial sectors
and total funds raised in credit markets are derived from Flow of Funds Accounts, Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System.
Data on borrowing for primary guaranteed loans are derived from Budget of the United
States Government, Special Analyses on Federal Credit Programs.