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FOR RELEASE ON DELIVERY
EXPECTED AT 9:30 A.M., E.D.T.




Statement by

Lyle E. Gramiey

Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System

before the

Senate Forum

July 27, 1981

I want to begin by setting forth very briefly my views
on the present level of interest rates.

There is no doubt that

interest rates are extremely high in our country.

There is also

no doubt that the effects of high interest rates have been pain­
ful indeed for major sectors of the economy.
The Commerce Department now estimates that real GNP fell
slightly in the second quarter, and most private forecasters think
that this mild decline may be extended into the third quarter.
High interest rates appear to be the principal source of the slowdown.




Credit-sensitive sectors of the economy are suffering:

High mortgage rates have cut housing starts
by one fourth from their level in late 1980.
Many small homebuilders have gone out of
business;
others wonder how long they can
hang on.
Savings and loan associations, mutual savings
banks, and some small commercial banks are
experiencing severe difficulties.
Their deposit
flows have weakened markedly in recent months ;
more importantly, their costs of deposits have
gone up much faster than the return on their
assets.
A few institutions have already failed,
and the potential for future failures is mounting.
The auto industry has been hit very hard.
Combined
with large increases in car prices, the escalating
cost of loans has depressed auto sales.
Further­
more, the high cost of financing inventories has
been a crushing burden for auto dealers.
A large number of other small businesses, par­
ticularly those with large inventories to finance
and heavy burdens of short-term debt, have suffered
serious losses and cash flow problems.

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The effects of high interest rates in the
U.S. have been felt abroad--generating capital
outflows, sharply rising debt service costs,
and downward pressures on the currencies of
many countries.

Why are interest rates so high?

The proximate reason

is that demands for money and credit have been strong at a time
when the Federal Reserve has been trying to limit money growth in
the interests of bringing inflation down.

But the more fundamental

reason is that inflation accelerated so much from the early 1960's
until just recently, with periodic bursts into the double-digit
range.
dollars.
clearly,

Inflation permits borrowers to pay off loans with shrunken
Since both debtors and creditors now understand this
lenders require--and borrowers are forced to pay--an

"inflation premium" that compensates for the erosion of purchasing
power.

Furthermore,

since the rate of inflation has been not

only high but also volatile,

lenders appear to be requiring a

risk premium to protect against capital losses in the event of yet
another upward wrench to inflation and interest rates.
Still another reason why interest rates have had to rise
to such high levels to ration a limited supply of funds is that
some kinds of credit demands do not respond much to interest rates.
The demands of the Treasury to finance huge deficits is the clearest
case in point.

Some private demands may also be rather insensitive

to interest rates--for example,




those of defense contractors, or

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high technology industries, or firms investing to comply with
governmental regulations.

The burden of adjustment,

therefore,

is shifted to others.
Pumping up the money supply is not the way to bring
interest rates down.

The experience of the past 15 years

indicates that faster money creation can bring only a temporary
respite to interest rates.

Time and again, when menetary policy

eased in the face of gathering financial strains or economic slack,
the additional money created, and the temporarily lower interest
rates, ultimately served to fuel inflation.
policies added to the problem.

Expansive fiscal

Expectations therefore deepened

that governmental action would never be adequate, or sustained
long enough,

to get the job done.

One by-product of such attitudes

is that financial market participants have become so sensitive
that faster money growth may not lower interest rates even in
the short run.

For example, on Friday a week ago,

the weekly

release of monetary data indicated a $7 billion rise in the money
supply;

interest rates immediately rose substantially, on the

expectation that inflation-driven demands for money and credit
would collide with Federal Reserve efforts to contain them.
In the long run, the only way to reduce interest rates
is to reduce inflation.

That is what the Federal Reserve is

trying to do, by reducing the growth of money.




- h -

The process of reducing inflation--and bringing interest
rates down--can be speeded up if the task is not left solely to
monetary policy.

We badly need to reduce government spending and

Federal deficits.

We also need to be much more attentive to the

inflationary effects of other governmental policies--environmental
and safety regulations,

import restrictions, price supports, wage

supports, and the like.

These have been major contributors to

worsening inflation.
The potential for a substantial improvement in the in­
flation rate is now at hand.

The Consumer Price Index during the

first half of this year rose at around an 8-1/2 percent annual rate,
compared to over 12 percent in all of 1980.
have taken a beneficial turn in recent months;

Food and energy costs
appreciation of

the dollar in exchange markets has also helped, and idle capacity
and weak markets are damping price increases in housing and other
areas.

Unfortunately, however, habits of wage and price setting

behavior change slowly.

In particular, wage increases are

still far in excess of productivity gains, and have as yet shown
little evidence of moderating.

The hard core inflation rate--

that determined by rising unit costs of production--still seems to
be in the 9 to 10 percent range.

A fundamental breakthrough on

the inflation front will not be achieved until wage increases
moderate or productivity improves.




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Given the fact that the economy has slowed, and in­
flation has shown some improvement, there is some basis for hope
that interest rates may have already passed their peaks.

But I

cannot predict with any confidence that interest rates will ease
substantially in the near term because it is by no means certain
that a substantial further decline in inflation is just around the
corner.

I firmly believe, however,

that staying with policies of

monetary and fiscal restraint is essential to reducing inflation
and, thus, to bringing an end to high interest rates.




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INFLATION AND INTEREST RATES IN SELECTED COUNTRIES

Rate of In f l at io n
Country

in 1980

In t e re st Rates
in 1980-Q4 -1

Switzerland

4.1

5.0

Germany

5.3

8.8

Netherlands

6.7

9.3

Belgium

7.4

12.5

Japan

7.7

9.9

Canada

11.1

14.2

United St a te s

12.6

15.8

France

13.6

11.5

Sweden

14.7

12.9

United Kingdom

15.3

13.8

Italy

21.5

16.9

Mexi co

28 .9

2 6 .1

Peru

59 .8

35.0

Brazil

86.8

64. 4

Argentina

88.7

95.3

Sources:

B u lle t in s o f the res pec ti ve central banks and government
s t a t i s t i c a l r el e as e s.

1 / 1980 i n f l a t i o n is measured by the percent change in the CPI from
i t s average 4th. quarter level in 1979 to that for 4th. quarter
1980.
2/ Inte rest rates are averages of the annualized rates on 3-month
treasury c e r t i f i c a t e s except for Germany (r a t e on 3-month deposits
over DM 1 mi 11 ion), Japan (the Gensaki r a t e ) , France (3-month i n t e r ­
bank rate) Peri1, (administered rato on 3-month t r ea s ui y c e r t i f i c a t e s ) ,
and Argentina (rate on 90-day conaiiercial a s s e t s ) .