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FOR RELEASE ON DELIVERY
THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 1984
12:00 NOON E.S.T.

Remarks by

LYLE E. GRAMLEY

Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System




before

The Mid-America Committee

April 12, 1984
Chicago, Illinois

The current economic recovery is now well into
its second year.
happy life.

All of u s , I am sure, wish it a long and

That hope is more likely to be realized if we

avoid events that often happen during the course of an
economic expansion--namely, accelerating inflation, decisions
of consumers, businesses, and workers becoming more heavily
influenced by expectations of rising prices, and imbalances
and distortions developing that undermine the strength of
the economy.

As yet, we have not seen developments of that kind on
a wide scale.

But warning signs are beginning to emerge that

suggest the need for concern and caution.

Let me try to develop

briefly the reasoning behind this conclusion, and then discuss
with you its implications for monetary policy.

I must emphasize at the outset that what I say about
both the condition of the economy and the course of monetary
policy reflects my own personal views, and nothing more.

Looking back, the recovery that began early last
year has been much stronger than had generally been expected.
To be sure, growth of real GNP in the first four quarters of
recovery--at 6-1/A percent--was somewhat below the average
for the comparable period of earlier postwar recoveries.




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But the growth of domestic aggregate demand--that is, real
GNP less net exports--amounted to 7-3/4 percent,

and was

about equal to the average for the first year of recovery.
We simply resorted more extensively to foreign sources of
supply to meet aggregate demand during this recovery, in
large measure because of the strength of the dollar in
exchange markets.

For a time late last year and in early January,
it looked as though the pace of economic expansion might be
slowing.

That is no longer so clear.

rising strongly;

Employment has been

activity in housing is moving up again, new

orders for capital goods continue to strengthen, and consumer
spending remains robust.

As you know, the very preliminary

estimate of first quarter real GNP indicates a rise of 7-1/4
percent, annual rate, up from the five percent figure of the
fourth quarter.

Of course, these early estimates are based

on fragmentary data, and are often revised.

The next estimate

might be somewhat lower, or somewhat higher--there is no way
now to make a good judgment.




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What accounts for the unusual sti'ength of the
recovery relative to expectations, particularly when real
interest rates are so high by historical standards?

Perhaps

by asking this question, we might gain some insight into the
future.

There are, I believe, several factors that deserve

mention.

First, the decline in inflation over the past several
years has acted as a powerful stimulant to economic growth in
a variety of ways.

It played an important role in facilitating

the decline in interest rates that began in mid-1982, and in
the associated boom in stock prices.

Reduced inflation also

made possible increases in the real value of wages during 1982
and 1983--for the first time since 1977--increases that occurred
even through the nominal rise in wage rates was moderating.
Perhaps most important of all, the decline in inflation con­
tributed to a strong economic performance through bolstering
the confidence of consumers and businesses--confidence in
their own and the nation's economic future.

That shows up

clearly in indexes of consumer and business confidence,
but even more so in the strength of consumer spending for a
wide range of goods and services, and in the surge of business
investment in new equipment during the last half of 1983.




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A second factor contributing strength to the
recovery was an improvement in consumer balance sheets.

The ratio of consumer debt to income declined substantially
from early 1980 through mid-1982, and stocks of durable
goods aged considerably during that period.

Moreover,

the

total net worth of consumers has increased substantially,
mainly because of the dramatic rise in stock prices from
mid-1982 through early this year.

Third, advancing technology appears to be an important
driving force behind the exceptionally strong rise in business
investment in durable equipment.

High-technology capital--such

as computers, scientific instruments, communications equipment,
and office machinery--is being installed at a dramatic pace
around the country, and accounts for almost half of total
investment in producers durable equipment in 1983.

Fourth, and by no means least, is the effect of the
most expansive fiscal policy our country has ever experienced
in peacetime history.

Estimates of current and prospective

Federal budget deficits have been so widely discussed that I
need not repeat them.




Let me note, however,

that when Federal

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tax rates were reduced dramatically a few years ago, it was
hoped that the incentive effects would increase both the
rate of personal saving and the willingness to work.

Con­

sequently, aggregate supply would increase along with the
rise in aggregate demand.
but it did not happen.
not risen;

That was a theoretical possibility,
The personal saving rate has declined,

and the increase in the civilian labor force

last year was the smallest in two decades.

Thus, the result

of large and rising structural deficits in the Federal budget
has been large and rising fiscal stimulus to demand, with
little or no corresponding effect on supply.

None of these four factors will provide as much
thrust to economic expansion this year as they did in
1Q83.

But their influence on consumer decisions to

spend, and on business decisions to invest, is still being
felt.

The possibility exists, therefore,

that the rebound

of economic growth in the first quarter reflects continued
underlying strength in aggregate demand.




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This possibility is a bit worrisome in light of the
very slow growth that has been occurring in labor and capital
resources.

For example, because growth in the labor force has

been exceptionally slow, the unemployment rate has dropped
almost three percentage points from its peak in late 1982.
That is a much larger decline than in the comparable period
of any economic recovery during the past three decades.

In the manufacturing sector, idle capacity has also
declined sharply, because capacity to produce has risen at only
about two percent a year--while output has been increasing at
an annual rate of around 15 percent.

Since its trough in November

1982, the rate of capacity use in manufacturing has risen nearly
18 percent, and is already near the average leve], prevailing
over the past 25 years.

Indeed, pressures on available productive capacity are
already being felt in some areas.

The paper industry apparently

is operating at close to 100 percent of theoretical capacity.
Some electronic components are in short supply.

Domestic auto

producers are having trouble keeping up with the demand for the
more popular cars, hampered to some degree by shortages of parts.
And the percent of all business firms reporting slower
deliveries has risen to the highest level since early 1979.




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As the degree of slack in markets for goods has
diminished, prices have begun to firm--not just for sensitive
industrial materials, but for a broader range of producer and
consumer goods.

For example,

the rise of consumer prices

excluding food and energy reached its trough in late 1982 and
early 1983, when the annual rate of increase was down to about
two percent.

Recently,

the figure has been running a little

over five percent, or about in line with the long-term trend of
unit costs of production.

Such a pickup in the rise of consumer prices is not
unusual during the early stages of recovery.

What is at issue

is whether we can hold the line at this point, or whether
inflation will worsen as recovery proceeds.

In this respect, 1984 and 1985 will be critical years
in our national effort to end inflation.

In each business

expansion from 1960 through 1980, inflation rose to a higher
level than had prevailed at the peak of the previous business
cycle.

We are all only too familiar with the end result of

that process.

If events of the next year or two were to

convince the public that the U.S. economy was back on that
treadmill again, much of the gain against inflation since late
1979 might be lost--a gain that was achieved at enormous
cos t .




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The chief concern of economic policy now, therefore,
should be to avoid a resurgence of fresh inflationary forces
as the recovery proceeds.

That is a task to which both of

our major instruments of policy--fiscal and monetary--need
to be directed.

There is, 1 believe, reason to hope that concrete
steps on the fiscal front will soon be taken.

A downpayment

on deficit reduction would, of course, be only a first step
in dealing with the massive structural deficits that lie ahead.
And, unfortunately, one cannot realistically expect that deficit
reduction measures enacted this year will have significant
restraining effects on the economy much before the middle of
1985.

Thus, over the next year or so, the course of monetary

policy is particularly crucial to the fight against inflation.

The course being followed by the Federal Reserve does
not, and in my view should not, start from the presumption
that the economy will grow too strongly over the remainder of
1984,

or that inflation will inevitably accelerate as the

recovery proceeds.

Yet, those are clearly possibilities that

must be guarded against.




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The 1984 targets for the monetary and credit
aggregates announced by the Federal Reserve in February
are designed to do just that.

They provide for moderate

increases in the principal monetary aggregates

and also

in the credit extended to domestic nonfinancial borrowers-increases that will permit continuation of a sustainable
recovery.

They also provide latitude for restraining the

economy if costs and prices threaten to advance more rapidly.

To date, growth in the monetary aggregates has
remained within the announced ranges--at the lower end of
the range for M2, and at the upper end for Ml and M3.

But

the amount of borrowing by the domestic nonfinancial sectors,
judging by early estimates, was extremely large in the first
quarter.

Indeed, relative to GNP, the volume of such credit

appears to have returned to the record pace of 1978--even
after allowance for merger-related financings.

External

credit needs of businesses have begun to hit the markets on
a substantial scale.

As a consequence,

the competition for

funds between public and private borrowers has sharpened,
and market interest rates have moved up correspondingly.




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I am extremely sensitive to the fact that rising
interest rates have damaging effects on farmers, on small
businesses, on thrift institutions, and on developing
countries struggling to find ways to service large external
debts.

But there is little that monetary policy alone can

do to ameliorate those effects.

Indeed, if the Federal

Reserve were to try to limit rising interest rates by
increasing supplies of money and credit at an excessive pace,
the rise in inflation and interest rates that would occur
later on would take an even larger toll.

The challenge facing monetary policy over the next
year or two is a large one.

It is to preserve the gains

already made against inflation, and to move on to regain
price stability.

The Federal Reserve must not shrink from

that challenge.




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