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RELEASE ON DELIVERY
esdav, April 22, 1981
p . m". E . S . T .

FINANCIAL INNOVATION AND PUBLIC POLICY

Remarks by

Lyle E. Gramley

Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System




at the

Financial Innovation Conference
Northwestern University

Evanston, Illinois
April 22, 1981

It is indeed a pleasure to be with so many old friends
to help kick off this conference on financial innovation.

I

thought it might be of some interest to offer a few comments on
the problems and opportunities that financial innovation creates
for public policy, and particularly for central banking.

I am never entirely sure where to draw the line of dis­
tinction between financial innovations,

the behavioral changes

that prompt them, and the results they lead to.
of innovation extending over a period of years,
tend to get blurred.

In a process
such distinctions

But let me list briefly some of the more

important changes in financial behavior over the past quarter
century associated with innovation, and then turn to the public
policy issues they present.

One of the more important areas is the growth of liability
management--first at banks and later at other depository in­
stitutions.

Twenty-five years ago, commercial banks hung out a

shingle that said, "We accept deposits," and thrift institutions
did likewise.

Since deposits were largely exogenous to the

individual depository institution, liquidity was principally pro­
vided by holdings of liquid debt instruments issued by someone
else--often the Treasury.




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Liability management has changed radically the source
of liquidity to individual depository institutions.

Now,

the

principal source is the ability of an institution to sell its
own debt instruments.

Liability management has also increased

enormously the capacity of individual institutions to extend
credit to potential borrowers.

The counterpart of the spread of liability management
has been the explosion in the types of instruments made available
for financial investors to hold, and the gradual lifting of
restraints on the ability of institutions to pay going rates
of interest.

New markets have been created and some old ones

expanded greatly.

The new instruments and markets are so

familiar that I need not name them.

Let me simply remind you

that some of the new assets are excellent substitutes for money;
others are not.

Some are issued by banks;

depository institutions;

otherr- by nonbank

others by nondepository financial

institutions, and still others by nonfinancial firms.
vestor has an enormous

The in­

menu of financial assets to choose frotr

and a wide array of chefs to prepare the financial repast.




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The third factor--the flip side of the second--is the
increase in the sophistication shown by individuals and businesses
in their appetites for financial assets.

The principal

motivating force is clear--the need to earn the highest possible
return to protect financial asset holdings against loss of real
purchasing power.

Management of cash flows has become as

important to the financial managers of business firms as their
traditional role of arranging credit for the enterprise.

A fourth development is the gradual blurring underway
in the distinctions among classes of financial institutions and
between financial and nonfinancial firms.
really only beginning.
commercial banks;

This development is

S&L's still are quite different from

bank holding companies engage in only a

relatively narrow range of nonbanking activities;
is still mainly a brokerage firm;
a retailer.

Merrill Lynch

and Sears Roebuck is largely

But Sears has a nationwide EFT system, a stock S&L

subsidiary in California, a credit card with over 20 million
customers, an on-line POS system, arrangements Cor clearing and
settling third-party payments, a full-line insurance subsidiary,
a nationwide network of over 1,000 offices, and ready access to
the commercial paper market.

If interstate branching were

permitted for S&L's, Sears would have an opportunity to increase
the financial counterpart of its operation enormously.




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Tbe fifth category on my list is the application in
financial markets of technological advances in the fields of
computation and communication.

Automated accounting systems,

computer-based cash management models, and wire transfers of
funds have, of course, provided the underpinnings for some of
the innovations already mentioned.

In this area,

too, actual

developments to date are only a small fraction of their potential.
We are, I believe, on the verge of a substantial surge in
electronic transfers of funds--stimulated in part by Federal
Reserve pricing of check collection services,

subsidization of ACH

transfers, and efforts by the Fed to promote electronic check
collection.

Sixth, and finally,

there is the internationalization

of banking and finance, a trend that has several strands.
banks are entering the U.S.
similar inroads abroad.

Foreign

in volume and U.S. banks are making

Capital has begun to flow much more

freely in international markets--to both public and private
borrowers.

And as the share of exports and imports has risen

in GNP, our banks have increasingly become engaged in the
financing of international trade.

The single most important

element in this innovational process is the increasing lack of
correspondence between the geographic location of real economic
activity and the financial transactions related to it.




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There are other innovations,

such as the creation of

futures markets for financial instruments, and the enormous
increase in Federal financial intermediation,
added to the list.

that could be

But the six that I have mentioned seem to

me to encompass the main areas of current interest and concern
for the central bank.

Let me turn now to the impact of these innovations on
monetary policy.

Monetary Policy

Twenty-five years ago, monetary restraint worked
importantly through reductions in the availability of credit to
potential borrowers.

When liquid assets were drawn down, banks

turned away nonlocal borrowers and nondepositors, halted credit
flows to particular industries, and in other ways tightened
nonprice credit terms.

Outside the banking system, usury ceilings

and legislated ceiling rates on VA and FHA loans gave rise to
significant reductions in mortgage credit availability.

Statutory

and constitutional limits of states on interest rates that could
be paid blocked the flows of credit to states and political
subdivisions.




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Innovations and regulatory changes have, by and large,
eliminated the periodic reductions in credit availability that
accompanied an increase in monetary restraint.

As a result,

monetary policy now transmits its effects to the real economy
largely through fluctuations in interest rates.

Monetary

restraint still works, but in different ways and perhaps more
gradually.

Any given degree of monetary restraint on spending,

moreover, now requires a higher level of real interest rates than
it did before.

I once thought that this shift in the channels of
transmission of monetary policy was an unmixed blessing.

It

seemed to free policymakers of concerns about potential sectoral
distortions resulting from monetary restraint.

Moreover,

it

improved the efficiency of money and capital markets, affording
savers and investors greater opportunities to lend and borrow
at or near market interest rates.

I no longer take so sanguine

a view.

To moderate aggregate demand,

interest rates,

it turns

out, have to rise to much higher levels than almost anyone would
have guessed a couple of years ago.

This can lead to critical

forecast errors by policymakers and others.

Failure to take

adequate account of this fact appears to have contributed
importantly to the premature forecasts of recession that were




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prevalent from mid-1977 to early 1980.
rise

to levels that bite, moreover,

When interest rates do

the housing market is hit

about as hard as it was in earlier periods of restraint.

Although

I can't prove it, I would hazard the guess that small businesses,
and particularly farmers, fare as badly, or worse, during periods
of monetary restraint now than they did 20 years ago.

The wider cyclical swings in interest rates we have
seen in the past year and a half, of course, reflect the Fed's
current operating strategy, as well as this change in the trans­
mission of monetary policy to the real economy.

Taken together,

the two developments have caused banks and other lenders to shy
away from interest rate risk exposure, a function they once
accepted readily.

In the process,

they have shifted the risk

of fluctuating interest rates around in ways that cannot readily
be measured, much less understood.

The maturing of futures

markets for financial assets may help to shift the burden of
interest rate risk to those most willing and able to bear it.
But those markets are not that well developed yet.

So I find myself not infrequently yearning for the
good old days of tight money and relatively low interest rates.
If I could think of clever ways to reintroduce some sand into the
credit-granting machinery,

I might well want to do so.

tunately, once the genie pops out of the bottle,
to put it back in again.




Unfor­

it is not easy

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A second monetary policy problem that innovation has
created is the gradual destruction of the simple rules of thumb
that once provided useful guidance to the central bank.

Since

1974, innovation has contributed to payments practices that have
led to both a substantial decline in the amounts of money needed
to finance a given level of GNP, and a high degree of short-run
instability of money demand.

To illustrate:

in the second

quarter of 1980, the demand for transactions balances appears to
have shifted down by perhaps 3 to 3-1/2 percentage points, based
on the money demand function in the Board's quarterly econometric
model.

An even larger shift apparently occurred in the first

quarter of this year.

In light of what has been happening to

the demand for money since 1974, it does not seem to me that a
constant growth rate of money is always the ideal monetary policy.

I am willing to grant that shifts in money demand over
the past seven or eight years have not totally destroyed the
usefulness of monetary aggregates as a policy target or guide.
But they have certainly made the task of running monetary policy
more difficult, and that of explaining what is going on to a
skeptical public nearly impossible.




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The problems of interpreting the monetary aggregates
will get much worse if, as I suspect, we are on the verge of an
explosion in the use of EFT.

In a world of mature EFT systems,

where transactions costs will be much smaller than they are at
present, very few large economic entities will have identifiable
transactions balances at the end of a business day.

The internationalization of banking and financial markets
creates further measurement and interpretational problems for
monetary policy.

Changes in onshore deposits and domestic private

credit flows no longer measure very precisely the amount of money
and credit available to finance domestic economic activity.
Growth in transactions balances abroad has thus far not been very
large, but it may become so in the future, particularly in light
of the prospect for same-day settlement through the Clearing House
Interbank Payments System (CHIPS) later this year.

Since data

on the international components of money and credit are less
comprehensive and available only with a lag, the potential
information gap is serious.




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Developments such as these greatly complicate the life
of a central banker.

It is not easy to develop new rules of

thumb that are robust in a world of rapid innovation, or to
estimate new large-scale econometric models that capture the
new ways financial variables affect economic activity.
policymakers will,

Monetary

I am afraid, be operating by the seat of their

pants for a long time to come.

The internationalization of banking and finance has
had another effect on monetary policy that deserves mention.
The opening up of international capital markets has made the
effects of domestic monetary policy register more heavily and
more rapidly abroad.

The huge amount

of dollar indebtedness

of L D C 's means that their debt service costs are powerfully
affected by changes in U.S.
ized countries,

interest rates.

For the industrial­

the problem is that exchange rates are heavily

affected by relative interest rates in the short run.
rise in U.S. interest rates,

A sharp

therefore, confronts them with the

prospect of accepting a depreciation of their currency
relative to the dollar, or taking steps to raise their own
interest rates.

Needless to say, these are not always the

options they would choose if they had their druthers.




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Our friends abroad strongly support the Fed's efforts
to bring down inflation with monetary restraint.

Their expressions

of support, however, are sometimes made through clenched teeth.
We cannot very well ignore these international side effects of
monetary policy.

Supervisory and Regulatory Policy

Let me turn now to some of the issues that innovational
change presents for supervisory and regulatory policy.
biggest problem,

The

it seems to me, is the increased risk of failure

in the business of financial intermediation.

Risks have increased for a number of reasons.
some financial institutions,

First,

such as the thrifts, have had less

ability than others to adjust to rapid change.

Many thrifts,

as I am sure you know, are facing negative net earnings this year.
Second, for those with a high propensity to gamble, fluctuating
interest rates offer a great temptation to speculate to increase
net interest margins.

Moreover,

it is difficult for supervisors

and examiners to monitor and assess the interest-rate risk
exposure of a financial institution.

Third, competition among

depository institutions has increased tremendously, narrowing
profit margins.




Fourth, new forms of activity,

such as foreign

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lending,

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increase the prospects for mistaken judgments.

Fifth,

and perhaps most importantly, liability management has increased
the risk exposure of individual institutions.

The problem of

maintaining an image of soundness has taken on critical importance,
as sources of funding can evaporate at a mere hint of difficulty.
Reliance on purchased funds has also increased the degree of
interdependence among institutions. If an institution A appears to
be in a rocky position,
excess of caution,

large depositors may decide, out of an

to remove funds from B or C.

This greater interdependence tempts supervisors to adopt
bailout policies to ensure that institutions do not fail--for fear
that panic may spread.
perverse effects.

But succumbing to such a temptation has

It increases the propensity of financial

institutions to take risks and thus makes the safety and sound­
ness problem still worse.

Moreover, with such a safety net,

lenders may feel less compelled to restrain credit when the
objective of a monetary policy is to limit aggregate demand.

There are other areas in which regulatory decisions
are being affected importantly by innovation.

For example,

traditional view that commercial banking is a unique line of




the

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commerce is gradually breaking down.

Competition between

thrifts and banks is now being given some weight in bank holding
company and bank merger case analysis, but staff work is under­
way at the Federal Reserve Board looking toward a more sub­
stantial overhaul of this concept.

Pressure for cross-industry

acquisitions between thrifts and banks is likely to increase as
these two classes of institutions become more alike.

Studies

of the pros and cons of such cross-industry acquisitions are
currently being prepared for the Congress by the Federal Reserve
Board, the Federal Home Loan Bank Board, the Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation, and the Comptroller of the Currency.
How those studies will come out I don't know;

but I have long

felt that acquisitions of thrifts by bank holding companies
could provide an important source of capital and management talent
to the thrift industry.
ful, and more sympathetic,

I hope the Congress will take a care­
look at this issue when those studies

are completed.

One of the most acute problems for financial regulation
is the need to address the growing competition faced by banks
and thrifts from nondepository financial institutions.

The

most immediate concern is the drain of deposits into money market
mutual fund shares.




But the greater long-run threat to

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depository institutions may come from large financial con­
glomerates operating on a nationwide scale and increasingly
penetrating banking markets.

It is hard to see how financial

regulatory policy can deal with these institutions as though
they were in separate compartments.

Moreover,

it seems clear

that the movement into banking of large financial conglomerates
will add powerfully to the pressures already developing for
relaxing existing restraints on interstate banking.

When facing potentially profound structural changes
of this kind,

it is perhaps tempting to conclude that the best

course of action for financial regulators and the Congress is
to remove existing barriers and let freedom reign.
isn't the lesson of the postwar

After all,

period that regulation cannot

stem the tide of innovation and its consequences in markets?

I read history somewhat differently.

The ultimate

results of innovation, it seems to me, are only dimly perceived
when the innovation occurs.
us and often do.

Moreover,

The side effects can easily escape
the transition problems generated

by innovation can be extremely painful.

These considerations

are, I believe, one reason why both the financial regulators and
the Congress have perhaps been somewhat more chary about un­
leashing the forces of innovation than experts in the academic
field.




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I would hazard the guess that the structure of
financial markets, practices, and institutions will change
even more in the next two decades than it has in the past
20 years.

The effects of past innovations are still far

from complete.

Moreover,

technological change will continue

to provide new applications in the financial world.

The tide

of innovation sweeping through financial markets cannot be 'mlted;
the task we face is to guide it in ways that contribute to a
healthier and more efficient financial system.

It is a task

in which policymakers in Washington, experts in the academic field,
and others will need to work closely together.




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