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Remarks bv
John P. LaWare
MAmhar. Board of Governora of the
Federal Reserve System
to the
Conference of state Bank supervisors
San Francisco. California
April a, 1990

Good morning ladies and gentlemen.

Thank you very much

indeed for inviting me to be with you in this beautiful city.
The members of this organization play a key role in the
supervision of the banking system in the various states.

Often

that role calls for close collaboration with one or more of the
federal regulatory authorities in regard to a specific
institution or an entire class of institutions.

One needs only

to think back to the recent thrift crises in Ohio and Maryland to
find much publicized examples.

But I know from first-hand

experience that those close working relationships are functional
on a daily basis in every state.

Together federal and state supervisors bear a sobering
responsibility when you consider the pivotal importance of
banking to the function of the national economy and the
prosperity of the individual communities served by the banks.

It

often seems that the federal regulators get all the publicity and

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that the public remains essentially unaware of the role of state
supervisors until some sticky or sensational crisis develops.

But my hat's off to you.

You provide a continuous

stabilizing influence that keeps the overall system of 12,600
banks on an even keel.

I am proud to be with you.

I don't know about you, but for me one of the hardest parts
of the transition from the private sector to the public sector
has been the change from banker to regulator.

As a banker, no

one chaffed more uneasily under the yoke of regulation than I.
And, if you won't tell Alan Greenspan, I will confess that in a
speech about regulatory issues at an ABA conference at the
Greenbrier several years ago I referred irreverently to "the dead
hand of the Fed."

Fortunately, no one found that out before I

was confirmed by the Senate and sworn in.
impeachable offense.

I don't think it's an

But it might have made the Senators wonder

why I wanted to be there.

I would argue strenuously that this is a very different Fed
from the one I criticized — not at all constrained by historical
policies, but rather committed to the proposition that U.S. banks
should be fully competitive, both domestically and
internationally.

This Board has given strong support to

interstate banking; and to the legislative initiative of Senator
Proxmire in 1988 on Glass-Steagall reform.

More recently the

watershed Section 20 decision which allowed bank holding
companies to set up affiliates to underwrite and deal in certain
classes of securities is clear evidence of this more constructive
s t ance.

Indeed, we may be too timid y e t .

But I need not remind you

that by statute we are compelled to make safety and soundness a
high priority.

That priority dictates a measured pace of reform,

taking time to learn from experience, rather than a headlong rush
fraught with all of the inherent dangers of excessive speed.

I

emphasize that our goal, subject to the will of Congress, is to
move to broader powers to match the competitive requirements of
today and tomorrow and insure that American businesses,
consumers, and government units have available to them the
resources of a sound and capable banking system.

During much of its history, the Federal Reserve was re­
active rather than pro-active in dealing with banking
legislation.

That is to say that once a bill had been introduced

or a direction established for Congressional action, Fed staff
would work with Congressional staff to refine and rework the
proposals.

When hearings were held, governors and staff would

express support or disagreement over various provisions, but
seldom did they express open opposition to the main thrust of the
proposals.

Now, I believe, we are on the threshold of very different
behavior.

Competition, both foreign and domestic, has

intensified and money center banks operate in a global market.
Integration of financial services is a concept whose time has
come and technology not only makes possible things once thought
to be flights of fancy, but it also creates new management
challenges.

We need changes in the structure of o ur financial

services delivery system in order to provide greater
competitiveness while not further compromising the federal safety
net or undermining the safety and soundness of the financial
system and particularly the banks within that system.

I believe that the Federal Reserve System will be anxious to
help Congress frame legislation to accomplish those ends.

Here

are some of the issues which cry out to be dealt with.

Capital will be a central issue for the foreseeable future.
The thrift mess, the Texas snafu, and the LDC debt debacle all
teach the same lesson.

More capital!

More capital!

Now, more

capital would not have prevented any of those tragedies, but more
capital would certainly have made each more manageable and would
have reduced the casualty lists and ultimately the cost to the
taxpayer.

As we move to reconstitute or assimilate the troubled
institutions in the thrift industry, and rehabilitate the great

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Texas banking companies, and as banks absorb additional
provisions to bring third world debt reserves to more realistic
levels, and recognize mounting losses in commercial real estate,
the demands of banking on the capital markets will be huge.

At

the same time we are beginning to implement risk-based capital
standards and some banks will need more than just retained
earnings to reach the appropriate ratios.

Will the capital market respond to that demand?

Well, there

is no question the capacity exists, but is there a will to do so?
Securities markets tend to measure their appetites in terms of
rates of return on investment.

Will banks or holding companies

with .80 percent returns on assets and 12 percent returns on
equity be able to compete for capital at an acceptable cost?
Perhaps.

But I suspect the prize will go to the swift and lean,

those with a better than one percent return on assets and 15
percent or more on equity.

On paper the differences between .8

and 1.0 percent and 12 and 15 percent look small; butXrhen you
are a manager trying to close that gap it looks as wide as the
Pacific Ocean.

I predict a scramble for capital in the next few years which
will force banks to rethink their strategies to see if they fit
the changed world in which we find ourselves.

New strategies to

improve earning power and improve risk management will be
searched for.

Restructuring, downsizing, market targeting,

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narrower specialization and stringent cost controls will be
common themes — all in the name of capital.

And when we expand

bank powers, we add new elements of risk — risk which roust be
matched against adequate levels of capital.

Clearly capital adequacy will be a central issue for banks
and supervisors in this decade.

Another issue, much in the news these days, is leveraged
buy-outs and takeovers financed with heavy injections of debt.
One emerging philosophy seems to be that investors using their
own money are welcome to the junk bond market, and if they call
it wrong they are simply wasting their own assets.

But, there is

growing concern whether it is appropriate for banks, using
insurance-protected depositors' funds, to participate in these
highly leveraged financings.

In Congress the usual reaction to a

perceived problem of this sort would be to regulate it in some
way or simply outlaw it.

In my opinion, either course in this

case would be a mistake since the real outcome would be to
allocate credit, and credit allocation contradicts the basic
tenets of a free market ecop&my.

But, I do think there is a substantial element of risk in
this kind of lending.

The risk is in failing to make a proper

appraisal of the cash flow coverage of debt service.

Is the cash

flow sufficient to absorb changes in interest rates, revenue

7

flows or asset values which are part of the forecast on which the
loan is based?

A stunning example is Campeau, where cash flows

apparently failed to materialize as projected and a seemingly
perfect deal ended in the bankruptcy court with unsettling
effects on financial markets.

For banks the seductive elements

in these highly leveraged situations are large fees, new lending
opportunities and just the sheer excitement of being part of big
de a l s .

I have urged bankers to bo more skeptical and to impose
higher credit standards in these transactions lest Congress be
goaded into action bankers will regret.

They must make sure

credit policies and procedures are sound.

Each bank should

determine a prudent level of exposure to highly leveraged
financing in the overall portfolio and stick to it.

And they

must make sure directors know what policies they are following
and what limits have been set.
formally approve.

Finally, the directors should

In short, if highly leveraged financings are

administered prudently, there are not likely to be objections or
interference from Congress or supervisors.

Commercial real estate is a highly cyclical industry.

In a

time of boom, optimism runs away with good judgment and builders
and lenders alike assume that healthy absorption rates will go on
forever.

Builders become more expansive and more speculative and

lenders, believing they have found the mother lode,, liberalize

their terms so as not to be left out of the party.

The biggest

and most common mistake is the notion that the real estate itself
makes the loan secure.

This approach ignores the often repeated

lesson of market volatility that can materially lower the
liquidation value of a property in a matter of months.

Bankers

forget these lessons over and over again and supervisors have not
done a particularly good job of identifying emerging real estate
problems before they grow into crisis situations.

We as

supervisors must develop better examination procedures to address
this problem.

We ought also to insist that bankers revert to

sounder credit standards and stick to them.

Much of the current

concern over safety and soundness is real estate related.

The

problem is there and it needs remedial attention.

Having said all of that, we must do all we can as regulators
to preserve and nurture the creative initiative to produce new
services and new ways to lend.

Creativity is an important part

of competitiveness and competitiveness is the key to banking's
future success.

The other issues I want to touch on this morning are
structural, and the basic question remains:

Are American banks

competitive domestically and internationally with other financial
institutions offering similar services?

If not, are there

changes in the structure of banking institutions which would

9

contribute to greater competitiveness without compromising safety
and soundness?

These are not puny issues which should be abandoned to
casual solutions.

When you stop to think about it, many of them

threaten long-held principles and sacred practice.

All of the

answers are not clear, but here are some of the issues which
bankers, regulators, and legislators will be wrestling with in
the immediate future.

Deposit insurance is long overdue for reform or at least
reformulation. In the beginning, deposit insurance was intended
primarily to prevent runs on banks and protect the banking system
from the contagion of panic.

After the 1929 market crash many

otherwise sound banks failed because depositors lost confidence
in the system and wanted their cash in hand rather than in the
form of a call on a bank.

Absent unlimited sources of emergency

liquidity, no bank can survive a sustained run, because its
liabilities on the whole are of much shorter maturity than its
assets, and many of the assets are essentially unmarketable in a
short time frame.

The original deposit insurance scheme was designed to
encourage the confidence of small depositors who would see a
FEDERAL deposit insurance system as keeping them safe from bad
loans and bad management at their bank.

In effect,, it relieved

10

them of responsibility for making a judgment about their bank.
Any bank whose deposits were insured above the amount which an
individual depositor was likely to put with it was by definition
secure.

Without the discipline of potential runs, managers of banks
were more relaxed about taking risks, believing that runs would
not bring them to account.

That more relaxed attitude toward

risk-taking is what underlies the term "moral hazard."

Obviously most bank managements continued to respect and
serve the interests of both shareholders and depositors by
managing their banks to accepted standards of safety and
soundness.

But, relaxation of interest-rate constraints on

deposits created new competitive pressures and, for aggressive
risk takers, new opportunities.

Legislators and regulators

relaxed asset standards and the fox was in the henhouse.

I am convinced that the present sorry state of the thrift
industry is not a function of broader powers but rather of the
poor supervision of the way those new powers were exercised and
who was exercising them.

In the 90*s we will have to clean up the mess and try to
make adjustments in supervision, regulation and the insurance

11

system Itself which will minimize the risk of a recurrence of the
present disaster.

All kinds of schemes will be considered, and if you have
one, don't be bashful about expounding it.

In the final

analysis, the Treasury will recommend adjustments which will be
primarily aimed at eliminating moral hazard while retaining the
confidence-sustaining characteristics of the present system.
Paradoxically, most proposals to impose discipline such as
deductibles and co-insurance tend to undermine the confidence
elements.

Given the ease of transfer, the threat of even a small

loss will cause depositors to run.

In a time of national malaise

that could be very contagious and destabilize the entire system.

The answers don't come easy, but the need for change is
compelling and it will be interesting to see what Treasury
recommends.

Turning to another issue, the United States has long held
that commerce and banking should be separate; that commercial
enterprises should not own and operate banks and banks should not
substantially own or manage commercial entities.

This issue will inevitably emerge as part of the debate over
further expansion of bank powers.

The recent experience with the

thrifts and the appropriate sensitivity to the exposure of the

12

taxpayers will dictate that, to the extent additional powers mean
additional risk, the exercise of those powers roust be outside of
the comfort of the federal safety net.

In that case Congress is

likely to turn to the financial services holding company
structural concept.

In such a holding company, additional powers

would be granted to separate subsidiaries and the insured
deposit-taking subsidiary could be insulated from the different
risks of its affiliates by appropriate prohibitions or
limitations on inter-company financing or transfers of capital.

Functional regulation of nonbanking activities would assure
expert oversight for each activity and the integrated marketing
of related financial services provided by multiple entities would
significantly enhance competitiveness.

An obvious question arising from consideration of such a
structure is the ownership of the holding company itself.
an insurance company own such a holding company?

Could

Actually, for

many insurance companies the only item missing today from their
subsidiary lists is a commercial bank.
manufacturer own such a company?

Could an automobile

Well, Ford and G.M. and

Chrysler are operators of huge finance companies and G.M. has a
large insurance operation as well.

Is there an inherent threat

to the country if one of them or all of them were to own a bank?
And what bout G.E. or Sears or Gulf & Western and so on?

By the

same token, would it be wrong in some moral or economic sense for

Citibank's shareholders to also own a life insurance company, an
investment banking company, a computer company and a real estate
development company as long as Citibank itself was insulated from
whatever additional risks might exist in those other businesses?

This issue of commerce and banking will also arise because
of the recent history of the thrift industry where the ownership
of thrift institutions by insurance companies and industrial and
commercial enterprises is well established.
owns the nation's second largest thrift.

For example, Ford

Thrifts and banks are

operationally more like each other every day, although the
capital sections of their balance sheets may be somewhat
different.

Why then do we accept the relationship in one case

and not in the other?

It is high time we re-examined this

ancient issue, and we regulators, whichever side we are on,
should be vocal participants in the debate.

It may well be that

pragmatic considerations will override philosophy in the
resolution of this issue, if we find that ownership by a
commercial enterprise would significantly improve access of banks
to capital.

But, we should not rush this one.

We need to be

sure we understand all of the implications before we act.

Uncharacteristically, I am not sure where I am on that
issue.

My tilt at the moment is toward change, but it is too

early on for final judgments.

14

Interstate banking on a nationwide basis is rushing at us
like a fast freight train, and whatever your individual feelings
are about that development, the trend is not going to be
reversed.

By the mid-1990's we will have de facto nationwide

interstate banking without the dg jure blessing of Congress or
repeal of the McFadden Act.

But, absent clarifying federal

legislation, we may be creating a whole army of severely
handicapped institutions in the form of multi-state bank holding
companies.

Consider for a moment some of the nightmare problems the
manager of a bank holding company faces with banks in ten
different states.

— First, he is forced into a holding company or multi­
holding company organizational structure because the McFadden Act
effectively precludes branching across state lines.

— That means ten different management teams; at least ten
boards of directors; and compliance with applicable state banking
regulations which may dictate ten different ways to handle the
same transaction.

— To the extent that there are state-chartered banks in
each state, there will be ten different examination standards to
be managed to and ten different examinations to be endured.

15

— Advertising, marketing, pricing, etc. may be subject to
ten different standards or sets of regulations and limitations.

— And, if you are in more than one Federal Reserve
District, where is your friendly, helpful, fatherly central
banker?

Is he in San Francisco, Kansas City, Dallas, Cleveland,

or St. Louis?

— Given those operating constraints, can the holding
company really achieve the operating efficiencies that will
justify to analysts and investors the high price paid to put the
company together?

I predict that whether they are federalists or statesrighters bankers will all be calling for reform to accommodate
more efficient interstate operations by the mid-1990's.

One

approach will be legislation to create a whole new class of
federally chartered financial institutions — multi-state banks
or holding companies which would be federally regulated,
overriding state authority entirely.

In order to deal with

redundancy, repeal of McFadden will be proposed to permit
nationwide branching in order to make operations more efficient.

Obviously many assumed values will change if all that comes
to pass.

Treasured axioms such as:

"Small is beautiful," "big

16

is bad."

"States rights must be preserved at all costs."

"Local

banks with local management and local directors are the only way
to assure proper attention to the needs of the community."

Or,

"the bigger the bank, the more unmanageable it becomes."

Some of those axioms are treasured parts of our economic
culture, but in the interest of adapting to the changing needs of
the economy and the requirements of competitiveness we may have
to discard them as we have done some others in the past.

For example:

It took us 125 years and two aborted prior attempts in order
to establish a central bank — the Federal Reserve.

By doing so

we rejected the once popular argument that a central bank gave
bankers too much power over the economy.

We chartered national banks and created a national currency
system to provide a sounder base for financing the Civil War and
to help stabilize the banking system.

A move opposed at the time

by many states and many bankers, but one which was critically
important to winning the war and stabilizing the monetary system.

17

Later, to meet the financial exigencies of the depression we
stopped redeeming paper currency with gold and ceased gold
coinage.

We also accepted more control over securities markets and
banks by the federal government in the 1930*s in order to restore
confidence in financial institutions.

Bankers accepted more

regulation as the price paid for deposit insurance.

All of those were painful, even heart-rending, changes for
the bankers involved.

But today we accept those changes and

generally agree either that they were an improvement or at least
that they were necessary given the call of the time.

Change is always threatening, almost always uncomfortable,
but it is also inevitable.

The issues I have presented for your

consideration today are only a few of the more obvious ones with
which we, you and I, will be dealing in the near future.

I hope

we can all approach the resolution of these issues with our focus
on what is good for the United States.

Too often in the past

banking and bank supervisors have been so divided on great issues
along parochial proprietary lines that Congress has thrown up its
hands and gone its own way, and that is always a risky outcome.
As Lyndon Johnson might have said, "Let's come reason together."
If we do, I am confident we can achieve results good for the
country and good for banking.