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FR E E M A RK ETS: A FOUNDATION FOR PROSPERITY

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Jerry L. Jordan, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
June 10, 1992

P O B OX 6 3 8 7
C L E V E L A N D

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This is a time of very exciting and positive change. Throughout the world, countries are
turning toward market economies to achieve higher standards of living. In the United States,
we have made many changes over the last decade to free-up market forces, although additional
regulatory burdens have been imposed. On balance, however, I believe that the 1990s could be
a decade of unprecedented prosperity for this country and the world if certain pitfalls are
avoided.
My optimism about the future is based on the movement world wide toward greater use
of free markets.

Such

markets

have the capacity

to direct the efficient use of

resources and to produce higher standards of living. The market system tends naturally
toward full use of resources, and toward saving, investment, and growth. To work at its
best, however, the market system must operate in a legal and institutional setting where
property rights are protected, where government’s interferences with the economy and with
private decisions are minimized, and where the purchasing power of currency is stable.
Consequently, we must govern ourselves in ways that avoid pitfalls such as abrogation of
property rights, stop-go macroeconomic policy changes, intrusion into private economic
decisions, unnecessary regulation of commerce, and inflation.
You, as influential people in your organizations and communities, have key roles to
play in restoring and protecting a political, legal, and economic environment that can
facilitate market mechanisms and increase our nation’s prosperity.

Market Forces versus Government Control: The Great Test
During the last six or seven decades, we witnessed a great test comparing the

efficacy of free market economies with that of governmental planning and control. The
1930s was a watershed decade throughout the world. In the wake of a world wide
depression, the knee jerk response of many countries was to adopt corporate statism as a way
of organizing political and economic life. The role of market forces in directing economic
activity was diminished as governments became regarded as a partner or a boss.
Governments throughout the world greatly increased their intrusion into such decisions as
what one could produce, where one could produce it, how much one could charge for it,
how much one could pay labor, what interest rates one could pay, what interest rates one
could charge, and how much of one’s earnings one could keep.
Although these intrusions were world wide, they were most extreme in the
communist nations. The great experiment with central ownership began following the
Russian revolution and, after World War II, the experiment expanded to Eastern European
nations, China, and others.
For a while, command systems appeared capable of directing resources toward
highly-valued political objectives. Military machines of great power were developed. At the
same time, propaganda machines persuaded many of us that substantial gains in public health
and living standards were also being achieved. But in the 1970s and 1980s, it became
apparent that command systems were unable to deliver acceptable standards of living. And,
now as the vast degradation of environment, infrastructure, and public health has been
exposed in eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, it is known that the shortcomings of
central planning were even greater than most had imagined.
While centrally planned economies were moving toward their inevitable collapse,

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market economies were sprinting ahead. The mixed market economies of the United States,
Canada, and western Europe have long demonstrated the ability of market systems and
personal freedom to generate ever greater increases in prosperity. More recently, and much
more dramatically, the economies of Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and
Singapore - the so-called Asian tigers - and some others have reinforced this point.
Indeed, the 1980s appear to have been another watershed decade, a time when
previous beliefs about the appropriate role of government in the economy were questioned.
People across the world recognized that productivity increased most rapidly in countries
where markets, not governments, directed resource allocation. This is evident not only in
comparisons between the centrally planned countries and the western industrialized nations,
but also in comparisons among Third World countries with varying degrees of freedom from
government intrusion into the economic decisions of citizens.
Almost everywhere, governments are increasingly seen as part of the problem, not the
solution. On every continent, there are examples of denationalization (privatization) and
deregulation. It is hard to name a single country where government is aggressively
nationalizing an otherwise private industry. Governments are either privatizing,
deregulating, or doing nothing. Controls on credit, interest rates, wages, prices, exchange
rates, and capital flows are being removed.

Some Comments on Market Economies
Even though the market system has proved superior by the test of the last six decades,
we should not pat ourselves on the back, say "Adam Smith was right," and rest on our oars.

To perform at its best, a market economy needs a stable business and political environment
and substantial property rights. It needs to operate in the context of a legal system that
defines the rights of citizens and the powers of government. We, the people, must govern
ourselves in a way that provides a stable and positive business environment, that protects
property and personal rights, and that limits the powers of government.
Market economies are superior to alternative arrangements because they allocate
resources efficiently. They do so by capitalizing on the decisions, creativity, and energy
brought forth by humans’ natural self-interest. To energize that self-interest, individuals
must be able to benefit substantially and directly from the income and property that they
produce. Consequently, the right to keep and use property - whether physical, financial, or
intellectual - is a key ingredient of a market economy. A tragedy of the past several
decades has been the willingness of individuals to cede their natural law property rights to
governments. For example, through their governments, people have imposed on themselves
high tax rates, inflation, and excessive regulation.
Market economies are inherently resilient. That is, the price system moves
economies toward full employment of available resources. A market economy might be
knocked away from full employment by some external or government-imposed shock, but it
will naturally revert toward full use of resources. This happens because it is in the
self-interest of resource owners, including workers, to fully employ resources rather than
allow them to be idle and unproductive.
Governments have often used changes in fiscal and monetary policy to try to push an
economy to fuller employment of resources. Such attempts at "countercyclical" policy can

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easily backfire. For example, attempts to push down nominal interest rates through faster
money supply growth can lead to expectations of higher inflation and, consequently, to
higher long-term interest rates.
Changes in government policies can also be destabilizing by creating uncertainty about
future policies, and making planning more difficult. Business managers then focus their
attention on trying to anticipate future actions of government, instead of focusing on
increasing the efficiency of their own firms. In that environment, a decision maker will be
reluctant to initiate a project that might take two or three years to bring on stream, because
it might be brought into production at just the wrong time. Fortunately, countercyclical
monetary and fiscal policies have been substantially discredited over the last decade.
In a stable business and political environment, market economies are naturally driven
toward growth. Such growth does not require government initiatives, incentives, or
instructions. Rather, growth occurs in response to people’s creation of additional knowledge
and property. Misguided government actions that cause uncertainty or instability can,
however, slow, stop, or even reverse that process.
Individuals save out of current income and invest in acquiring knowledge or property
so that they can have more income and consumption in the future. However, their
willingness to save and invest is dependent on a few necessary conditions. First, they must
have the expectation that they, or their children, will be able to benefit from the extra income
that they generate. That is, their property rights must be secure. Second, economic
conditions must be sufficiently stable so that they can form sound expectations about the
future. That is, they need a suitably long planning horizon.

Unfortunately, we the people, through our government, inflict on ourselves changes
that shorten our planning horizon. We continually change regulations about the use of
property. We continually change tax laws. We continually change government spending
programs. And, we adopt monetary policies that result in inflation.
Inflation saps the strength of a market economy by abrogating property rights and by
shortening the planning horizon. Inflation is nothing more than a debasement of the
currency, a reduction of its purchasing power. Thus, inflation takes property without
legislation or due process. Moreover, inflation distorts relative prices, reducing the
efficiency of the resource allocation process. This, and its unpredictability, shorten the
planning horizon.

Cold War Victors Are Not Home Free
Although major western countries have been victorious in the economic and cold war
competitions with the former Eastern Bloc countries, there are several economic problems to
be resolved. It is somewhat ironic that, having won in those competitions, domestic
problems are hampering the ability of western industrial nations to provide world leadership.
Let me offer some examples. The reunification of East and West Germany is being
pursued with a redistribution of resources from West Germans to East Germans. Instead of
taxing resources of the West Germans to transfer to the East Germans, the redistribution is
being financed with debt. In addition, the Bundesbank is monetizing some of that debt,
leaving German inflation uncharacteristically and unacceptably high.
In the United States, our national fiscal problems are well known. As a people, we

seem to have an insatiable appetite for government services and transfer payments, but little
appetite for taxing ourselves to pay for them.
A third example is the European Community, which is committed to the establishment
of a new European central bank before the end of this decade.

Some observers have noted

that there is a risk that the bank will be fashioned in a manner that enables the Community to
use inflation in an attempt to avoid fiscal discipline.
What these three examples have in common are that fiscal difficulties can put
enormous pressures on monetary authorities to inflate, either to raise revenue or to reduce
the burden of debt service. And inflation, we know, hampers the efficiency of market
systems and shortens investors’ planning horizons by increasing uncertainty, thereby reducing
prosperity.
There are other examples. The European Community is committed to establishing a
new set of governance institutions. Whether the world in general, or even Europe, in
particular, will benefit from these institutions depends on what happens to the property rights
of Europeans and the ability and scope for markets to work. We can only hope that the
Community will eliminate many of the economic restrictions now embodied in their national
borders, and will harmonize and reduce economic regulations. Unfortunately, it is also
possible that a Community-wide government might instead become an added layer of
interferences with private property and markets.
As you know, we in North America are also negotiating reductions in the interference
with free market forces that the United States and other sovereign nations unfortunately tend
to impose at their geographic boundaries. The Canadian-U.S. Free Trade Agreement is

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being phased in: a North American Free Trade Agreement is being negotiated with the U.S.,
Mexico, and Canada; and preliminary discussions about free trade have been initiated
between the U.S. and various other nations in this hemisphere. Agreements that will open
borders for goods, services, and investment should be sought because this will widen the
scope of markets and enhance prosperity here and abroad.
The economic prosperity of the United States can also be augmented by enhancing the
ability of the dollar to perform its three unique roles in the world economy. The dollar is
used world wide as a vehicle currency, a reserve currency, and as a store of value. The
dollar is the world’s pre-eminent vehicle currency in the sense that it is readily accepted in
payment for exports, even when neither the importer nor the exporter is American. The
dollar is also the world’s preeminent reserve currency, used by most governments as a store
of international wealth. And, the U.S. greenback is often the currency of choice for use as a
store of wealth by individuals in nations suffering from high rates of inflation or political
instability.
The dollar’s use in these ways is beneficial to us whether we are traders, travelers, or
investors. We can increase the degree to which the dollar is used for these purposes by
achieving price stability and by demonstrating our capacity and determination to maintain
price stability.
Let me give one last example of how market forces are important. A frequently
expressed concern is whether the United States can compete in world markets. I believe that
one of the key requirements for being competitive and, more fundamentally, for increasing
our standard of living, is to have a well-educated work force.

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There is no question that the United States has the finest system of higher education
in the world. The thousands of students from all over the world who flock to our college
and university campuses are proof of this. But we cannot be as pleased when discussing our
primary and high school system. There is ample evidence that, compared to other
industrialized nations, our system yields results that are far from the best.
Clearly, our colleges and universities compete for students much more than do our
primary and secondary schools. When looked at from the other side, our consumers of
higher education have much more choice than do our consumers of primary and high school
education. I believe that it is no coincidence that quality is greater where competition is
greater. All of our knowledge of how markets work leads us to expect such an outcome. If
we introduce more market forces into our primary and secondary education system, we
would enhance the quality of the education that is delivered.

Domestic Economic Problems and World Leadership
The world wide move toward greater use of market systems holds the promise for a
more prosperous future. Fluctuations in the business environment should be much smaller as
governments reduce their intrusions into decisions about the use of private property, reduce
their use of stop-go policies that were misnamed "countercyclical" policies, and reduce rates
of inflation. In a more stable business environment, planning horizons will be lengthened
and will facilitate a shift of resources from current consumption into investment for greater
real output and consumption in the future.
The United States will either enhance its stature as leader in that more prosperous

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world, or see that stature eroded, depending on the degree to which we solve our domestic
problems. Solving domestic economic problems will not only improve our image, but also
will directly increase our capacity to contribute to the solution of international problems.
Let me identify three examples of how domestic problems currently reduce our ability
to be a positive influence in the world. First, an inadequate education system hampers our
competitiveness and thereby our willingness to be a more vigorous proponent of free trade.
Second, inflation reduces the efficiency of the economy and hampers planning for
investment, thereby reducing present and future incomes. It is income, of course, that is the
key resource for many of the goals that we might want to accomplish here and abroad.
Third, inflation reduces the international usefulness of the dollar as a vehicle
currency for trade and as a store of value. Loss of acceptability of the dollar for these
purposes, which is inevitable in an inflationary regime, reduces world prosperity by making
international trade in goods and services more difficult to transact and by narrowing the
opportunities for people in some nations to protect themselves from inflationary or oppressive
regimes.
In my view, all of these problems involve interference with natural market
mechanisms.

Conclusion: The Challenges Facing Us As Leaders
As a society we should pursue price stability directly. But, more broadly, we need to
understand more fully and accept the value of personal liberty and markets, the market’s
natural resiliency, and its ability to generate maximum real growth. All of us need to work

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to protect and nurture our market system.
We are all in this together. The outcome does not depend on what "the government"
does. The outcome depends on what we, you and I, in our roles as leaders of our
organizations and communities, and as voters and lobbyists, do to protect, nurture, and
expand the market system. We must expose as untrue the belief that government can create
prosperity, and instead promote the view that the first rule for governments should be the
same as that set forth by Hippocrates for physicians: "Do no harm .” We must be active in
protecting property rights, championing freedom from regulation, pursuing fiscal stability,
and seeking price stability.

These are key ingredients for the perpetuation and enhancement

of the market system that can serve us, and the world, so well.