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Near-Term Challenges for the U.S. Economy
From the President
Key Policy Papers
Speeches, Presentations
and Commentary

September 26, 2008
2008 Annual Economic Outlook Conference, Middle
Tennessee State University, Murfreesboro, Tenn.

Research Papers
Media Interviews

*I appreciate assistance and comments provided by my
colleagues at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Kevin
Kliesen, associate economist, and Marcela M. Williams,
special research assistant to the president, provided
assistance. I take full responsibility for errors. The views
expressed are mine and do not necessarily re ect o cial
positions of the Federal Reserve System.

Introduction
The U.S. economy has faced severe challenges over the
last year. Some of these challenges arose from price
declines in housing markets and the associated turmoil in
mortgage nancing. Others were the product of a
breathtaking run-up in energy and commodity prices. The
Federal Reserve has responded to these challenges in
timely and innovative ways. Our actions have included
traditional monetary policy moves, but we have also
implemented new and unconventional tools. This
innovation has intensi ed in response to market events
over the last several weeks. Today I will talk about the nearterm outlook for the economy and the challenges my
Federal Reserve colleagues and I face as we strive to
implement a policy that is designed to deliver low and
stable in ation along with maximum sustainable
employment.
In the best of times, forecasting is di cult. In times of
magni ed uncertainty, it may be unwise to attempt to
guess the level of economic performance. That said, my
sense is that the pace of growth in the U.S. economy over
the second half of the year will be positive but slower than
its pace over the rst half of the year. Although recent
developments suggest that headline in ation may
moderate from its current levels, price pressures are
elevated and several measures of in ation expectations

James Bullard
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are inconsistent with the medium-term projections of
FOMC participants. A key challenge in the current
environment is to navigate through substantial nancial
market turmoil without creating a new and di cult-to-solve
in ation problem in its wake.
Let me say before I continue that any views expressed here
are my own and do not necessarily re ect the o cial views
of other Federal Open Market Committee members.
Current Economic Developments
The economy has shown some strength thus far in 2008.
This strength was apparent in the sharp upward revision to
real gross domestic product during the second quarter.
Earlier this year, many forecasters were predicting negative
growth in real GDP in the second quarter. These
expectations seemed consistent with the evolving
slowdown in growth over the nal three months of last year
and the rst three months of this year. But the sharply
negative growth did not materialize. This is only the most
recent example of how di cult it can be to get a good
handle on short-term economic developments.
One of the most signi cant recent developments on the
real side of the economy has been the steady slowing in
the pace of spending by U.S. households. Economists pay
close attention to consumer spending, since it comprises
about three-quarters of expenditures on real GDP. After
increasing by more than 3 percent per year from 2003 to
2006, the growth of real consumer spending began to taper
off in the second quarter of last year. Since then, real
consumer spending has increased at a slower pace—
despite a sizable scal stimulus package and aggressive
interest rate cuts by the Federal Reserve.
The consumption spending slowdown has occurred
against the backdrop of the sharp increase in oil and other
commodities prices that began last year. Retail gasoline
prices, which had averaged $2.36 per gallon in the rst
quarter of 2007, jumped to $3.02 per gallon in the second
quarter of 2007—and they have mostly stayed above $3 per
gallon since. In response to record-high gasoline prices,
consumers have changed their buying patterns. First, sales
of domestically manufactured cars and light trucks are on
pace to be their weakest since 1991. Although domestic
auto sales posted a surprising rebound in August, it seems
likely that aggressive sales incentives were an important
contributing factor. Second, record-high gasoline prices
have caused consumers to switch from relatively highpriced, less-fuel-e cient light trucks and SUVs, to relatively
lower-priced, more-fuel-e cient passenger cars. The end
result has been a decline in total expenditures on motor
vehicles over the past year. Although the demand for
durable goods such as cars and trucks is highly cyclical, it
seems likely that higher gasoline prices can account for a
large percentage of the recent declines in automotive
sales.

It is entirely possible that recent developments in the labor
markets will compound the slowing in real consumer
spending over the second half of this year. In August,
nonfarm payroll employment declined by 84,000, and
revisions indicated bigger declines over the previous two
months than were originally estimated. So far this year,
payroll employment has declined by an average of about
76,000 per month. Job losses this year have been largest in
the manufacturing and construction sectors, as well as in
professional and business services. Interestingly, about 30
percent of the drop in payroll employment since January
2008 is attributable to temporary help services workers.
This is much larger than the experience over comparablelength intervals seen in 1990-91 and 2001.
One of the most startling statistics to come out of the
August employment report was the rise in the
unemployment rate. Over the past year, the unemployment
rate has increased sharply—from 4.7 percent to 6.1 percent
—mostly in the last three months. Although changes in
employment can have signi cant effects on consumer
spending, it is also true that households tend to smooth
their consumption. That is, during di cult times
households rely on accumulated saving and borrowing to
maintain living standards. While the decline in employment
will probably have some adverse effects on consumer
spending in the aggregate, the effect tends to be small
relative to other factors that seem more important to
households, such as current and expected real incomes.
Still, the rise in unemployment is consistent with a cyclical
slowing in GDP growth, as rms respond to weaker sales
by scaling back their work force.
Higher energy prices also have adversely affected the
business sector. To help protect their narrowing pro t
margins, rms have attempted to pass along all or part of
their cost increases to their customers, they have idled
some existing capacity, and they have reduced their labor
costs. These are typical responses to an oil price shock. At
the same time, sharp increases in oil prices also tend to
increase uncertainty about future oil prices. In their
decisions to build capacity or expand their work force,
rms must be forward-thinking. Increased uncertainty
about future oil prices may cause rms to postpone
planned capital outlays and perhaps lead to a costly
reallocation of resources. As a current example, some
automotive manufacturers have announced permanent
closures of some plants that produce less-fuel-e cient
vehicles.
Beginning late last year, business capital spending on
equipment and software weakened. In the second quarter
of 2008, for example, real equipment and software
expenditures declined at the fastest rate in ve and a half
years. For the most part, the bulk of this weakness was
concentrated in the outlays for industrial and
transportation equipment; business spending on

information-processing equipment and software has
remained brisk. Thus, part of this slowdown is undoubtedly
energy related.
Some strength has re-emerged in the manufacturing
sector. New orders for manufactured durable and
nondurable goods have risen strongly for ve consecutive
months. One source of this strength may be the robust
export sector, which has been a key part of the economy's
resilience in the face of declining employment. Other areas
of business capital spending that are not dependent on
foreign demand, such as business spending on
commercial and industrial structures, have remained quite
strong. On balance, business capital spending seems to be
rebounding modestly and may help to offset some
emerging weakness in consumer spending.
Going forward, falling oil prices, if sustained, should help
households and businesses cope with existing strains. In
fact, given that the recent decline in oil prices has probably
exceeded the near-term assumptions of most forecasters,
it is conceivable that economic growth over the second
half of the year may turn out to be moderately stronger
than the consensus expects.
To be sure, the timing and extent of a strengthening in the
economy will also largely depend on the recovery of the
housing sector. Since the rst quarter of 2006, the
residential housing investment component of real GDP has
subtracted, on average, almost a full percentage point from
each quarter's real GDP growth. This has been a signi cant
drag on growth, and; so, stabilization in the housing sector
should provide a sizable stimulus to overall growth, all else
equal.
Most forecasters do not expect to see a bottom in housing
construction until early 2009. By then, homebuilders will
have probably worked off the bulk of their excess
inventories of unsold new homes. However, the inventory
of existing homes on the market remains near record-high
levels, and it seems likely that it will take longer to work off
that inventory. Sales of new and previously sold singlefamily homes appear to have stabilized over the past few
months. It seems unlikely that sales would have stabilized
if buyers were still expecting steep price declines.
Widely watched house price measures include the
S&P/Case-Shiller index and the O ce of Federal Housing
Enterprise Oversight (OFHEO) index. There are some
signi cant differences between the two.(1) The CaseShiller index includes homes purchased with
nonconforming mortgages—also known as jumbo
mortgages. By contrast, the OFHEO index has broader
geographic coverage and only includes conforming
mortgages, that is, mortgages that are eligible to be
purchased by government-sponsored enterprises such as
Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.(2) Over the four quarters
ending in the second quarter of 2008, the Case-Shiller

national price index has declined by a little more than 15
percent, while the OFHEO price index has declined by a
little less than 5 percent.
The decline in home prices, which has been most severe in
parts of the West and in the Southeast—places where
home prices had earlier posted the largest increases—has
affected the economy in important ways. One widely cited
effect is that falling house prices reduce household equity
wealth, which may have a depressing effect on consumer
spending. My sense is that these effects may not be very
large. A recent study published by the Bank of Canada
notes that in the United States the extra boost to
consumption from an increase in housing wealth ranges
from 2 to 11 percent according to existing empirical
research.(3) That's a large range. Moreover, other studies
have found that a decline in housing wealth has no effect
on consumption. These results suggest that we want to be
careful not to overstate wealth effects.
Recent Developments in Financial Markets
More substantial macroeconomic effects from falling
house prices may come through nancial markets. A large
number of nancial institutions have had considerable
holdings of mortgage-backed securities on their balance
sheets. These securities provided holders with a ow of
income derived from the monthly mortgage payments of
the underlying asset. The recent decline in house prices,
along with a slowing economy, caused many homeowners
to default or walk away from their houses—especially
those with nontraditional mortgages. These conditions
have eroded the value of the mortgage-backed securities
and thus reduced the net wealth of those investors and
institutions that held them.
The resulting illiquidity of mortgage-backed securities and
related nancial instruments has caused severe stress for
the U.S. nancial system over the past year. Many nancial
rms simply did not manage risk exposure on these
securities well and, as a result, have struggled with losses
and write-downs. A nancial sector shakeout has ensued,
one which was entirely appropriate considering the
magnitude of the mismanagement involved. As is normal
during an industry shakeout, weaker rms are forced into
bankruptcy or merge with stronger partners, and
opportunity abounds for those rms that are able to
survive and build market share in the post-shakeout
industry structure.
The Federal Reserve has responded aggressively in an
attempt to mitigate the effects of the shakeout on the rest
of the economy. The key concern has been that if
important nancial market players are failing, the failure
should occur in an orderly way with the lowest level of
market disruption. In the banking sector, there are wellestablished procedures for resolving a failed institution in
an orderly way. It is very important to recognize that in the

non-bank nancial sector there are no such procedures.
This has kept the Fed improvising, especially during the
last seven months.
The Bear Stearns episode provided the rst case of a largescale failure. The novelty of the situation suggested that a
Bear Stearns bankruptcy was largely unexpected within
nancial markets and therefore likely to cause signi cant
market disruption. In that case, the Fed helped arrange a
merger with JPMorgan Chase as the stock price of Bear
Stearns was declining toward zero.
During the summer, mortgage giants Fannie Mae and
Freddie Mac experienced increasing stress, eventually
leading to an aggressive policy change. Placing these
entities into conservatorship was largely a Treasury action
in conjunction with the primary regulator, the Federal
Housing Finance Agency (FHFA), with only a consultative
role for the Federal Reserve. The GSEs were previously
implicitly backed by the U.S. government, and the recent
action makes that backing completely explicit. The GSE
conservatorship removes a key uncertainty from the scene
and should help to stabilize markets going forward.
In recent weeks, the investment bank Lehman Brothers
appeared to be in a position similar to Bear Stearns. The
Lehman Brothers situation had been evolving for a year,
and market players had already seen the demise of an
investment bank. In this case, counterparties had plenty of
time to assess the potential for Lehman to fail. As a
consequence, nancial market participants were much less
likely to have been surprised and signi cant market
disruption was judged less probable. In addition, the Fed
had implemented additional liquidity facilities in the wake
of Bear Stearns in an attempt to mitigate adverse
consequences from future failures. Lehman led for
bankruptcy. Since then, important pieces of the company
have been sold to Barclays Capital. In a related
development, investment bank Merrill Lynch agreed to sell
itself to Bank of America. The two remaining investment
banks, Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley, this week
changed their charters to become commercial banks.
These events have left the U.S. with no investment banks.
One di culty in dealing with a crisis is the element of
surprise. Just as the events surrounding Lehman were
coming to a head, solvency problems at insurer American
International Group, with $1.1 trillion in assets, became
acute. While AIG's stock price had been declining for some
time, its demise was rapid and unanticipated. A bankruptcy
ling in the immediate aftermath of Lehman was judged
likely to cause signi cant market disruption. The AIG board
of directors agreed to a Fed bridge loan. The terms
included the ouster of the CEO and an interest rate set at
Libor plus 850 basis points.
It is important to stress that the Federal Reserve's intent in
each of these cases has not been to save these rms but

to orchestrate an orderly transition for nancial markets as
these rms exit the scene in their current form.
Again, because of the lack of a regime for the orderly
resolution of failed institutions in the non-bank nancial
sector, the Fed was forced to improvise in the Bear Stearns,
Lehman and AIG episodes. These improvised actions have
had mixed success. In the Bear Stearns episode, there was
signi cant, but manageable, turmoil in the aftermath of the
merger announcement. In the Lehman-AIG episode, there
was signi cant turmoil, which threatened to spread
globally to seemingly unrelated markets. Part of this was
attributable to the largely unexpected nature of the AIG
bankruptcy threat within 48 hours of Lehman's bankruptcy
ling.
The continuing turmoil has prompted Treasury Secretary
Paulson to approach Congress concerning a more
systematic method of handling the shakeout in the
nancial sector. The intent of the Secretary's proposal is to
create a market for the illiquid asset-backed securities and
related instruments that are at the heart of the present
situation. These assets have current prices that are very
low, the so-called re sale price, due to the fact that so
many rms would like to sell their holdings, and there are
few buyers in the current climate. But these securities also
have a hold-to-maturity price that re ects the likely value of
the stream of revenue for a patient investor who is willing
to simply hold the asset for a period of time. Under the
proposal, the government would play the role of the patient
investor, buying the securities at auction and holding them
or selling them at a future moment when nancial market
stress has receded. In principle, this idea could be
executed at no ultimate cost to the taxpayer, although
taxpayer money would be put at risk. An important part of
the concept is that taxpayer money would be used to
purchase assets, which would then be sold in the future,
recouping most or all of the initial outlay. A program like
this would probably go a long way toward liquefying illiquid
asset-backed securities markets and; so, would help
progress toward an orderly nancial market consolidation.
It is far from clear how nancial market turmoil of this
magnitude will ultimately affect the real economy. The
leading modern example for large economies is Japan,
where substantial problems in real estate and the banking
sector were followed by a decade or more of subpar
economic performance. Many Asian countries involved in
the currency crises of 1997 and 1998 suffered through
severe recessions. In the U.S. we have been more fortunate
so far. The 1987 stock market crash has often been
mentioned in conjunction with recent events, but real GDP
growth was actually strong during the second half of 1987:
Third quarter growth was 3.7 percent, and fourth quarter
growth was 7.2 percent. At the time, many suggested that
the U.S. was in or would immediately go into recession due
to nancial market upset. It did not happen, which provides

an object lesson about how di cult it can be to really
understand what is driving short-term dynamics in the
economy. Similarly, the collapse of Long-Term Capital
Management occurred in the second half of 1998, the
culmination of a year of turmoil in global nancial markets.
But U.S. real GDP growth in the second half of 1998
averaged about 5.5 percent.
All of these events offer clues but also differ in important
ways from the current episode. We do not know what will
happen this time around, and we should be humble in our
predictions. Still, these examples suggest that there is
substantial downside risk. There is some possibility of a
relatively benign outcome, where the nancial market
shakeout plays itself out and real economic performance is
muted but not disastrous. But there is also some
possibility of a very adverse outcome in which the entire
economy is drawn into a protracted downturn.
Recent In ation Developments
One of the most unsettling aspects of the current
macroeconomic environment is the high and volatile rate
of in ation. In 2007, headline in ation—whether measured
by the consumer price index (CPI) or the personal
consumption expenditures price index (PCE Price Index)—
reached its highest rate in more than 17 years!
Skyrocketing oil and commodity prices over the rst seven
months of this year contributed to the high in ation rate.
As a result, through August, the CPI has increased at an
annual rate of more than 5 percent, while the PCE price
index has increased at an annual rate of a little less than 5
percent through July. This is not price stability. In fact,
these numbers are very far from meeting any de nition of
price stability.
When discussing the outlook for in ation, the FOMC has
tended to place considerably more weight on core in ation
measures that exclude food and energy prices. The
rationale for this is that price shocks emanating from
higher oil or commodity prices have historically tended to
be temporary. However, one could argue that the rise in oil
prices from a little less than $20 per barrel in late 2001 to
more than $100 per barrel this year re ects a permanent
increase in the demand for crude oil from rapidly growing
countries in Asia, Eastern Europe and Latin America. It is
natural to think that global demand will continue to rise for
some time.
Higher oil prices have both direct and indirect effects on
prices paid by households. An example of a direct effect is
the increased price of gasoline or diesel fuel, or the natural
gas to heat one's home. The indirect effects occur when
businesses experiencing compressed pro t margins due to
higher energy costs are able to increase their selling prices
on non-energy goods and services or to add on fuel
surcharges. These indirect effects typically show up in the
core measures of in ation. There is considerable evidence

—as most recently discussed in the September Beige Book
narrative—that producers are increasingly able to pass
along their higher input costs to offset the compression in
their pro t margins. We can perhaps see this most clearly
in the acceleration in the core in ation rate over the past
three months.
A key concern is that the current level of the federal funds
target rate, at 2 percent, is well below the current rate of
overall in ation. This means that the real cost of borrowing
short-term is negative. In other words, the FOMC's interest
rate target is unusually low. Over time we will need to
adjust this rate to a level that is more conducive to long-run
price stability and maximum sustainable employment.
Conclusions
In summary, the near-term outlook for economic growth
and in ation is above all uncertain. Two keys to future
economic performance will be stabilization in housing and
nancial markets. Financial market turmoil has recently
been severe, and the consequences of this turmoil on real
economic performance entail clear downside risk. If
nancial market turmoil can be contained, the FOMC can
turn attention to achieving better in ation results than
those recently experienced. Until in ation clearly
moderates, my colleagues and I will need to be especially
watchful that our accommodative policy stance does not
begin to worsen the outlook for long-run price stability.
Footnotes
1. See "Revisiting the Differences between the OFHEO
and S&P/Case-Shiller House Price Indexes: New
Explanations."
(http://www.ofheo.gov/media/research/OFHEOSPCS12008.pdf)
for an analysis on the differences between the two
price indexes.
2. The Housing and Economic Recovery Act of 2008
raised the conforming mortgage limit from $417,000
to $625,000. The legislation also indexed this limit to
the rate of in ation.
3. See Flood, Kolet and Morin (2008).
References
Flood, Kimberly, Kolet, Ilan and Sylvie Morin. "House Prices
and Consumer Spending," Bank of Canada Review, Summer
2008, pp. 31-44.
OFHEO. "Revisiting the Differences between the OFHEO
and S&P/Case-Shiller House Price Indexes: New
Explanations.
(http://www.ofheo.gov/media/research/OFHEOSPCS12008.pdf)

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