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Containing Risk in the New
Global Financial Landscape
James Bullard
President and CEO

Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

19th Annual Hyman P. Minsky Conference on the
State of the U.S. and World Economies
After the Crisis: Planning a New Financial Structure

New York City
15 April 2010
Any opinions expressed here are my own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Federal Open Market Committee participants.

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FOR TODAY

Main idea: Try to assess the state of the regulatory reform debate.
Consider some of the origins of the financial crisis.
Ask two questions of current financial regulatory reform
proposals:
Could these proposals have prevented the most recent financial
crisis?
Would they prevent a future, unknowable crisis?

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OF MAIN CONCLUSIONS

Only a few of the most recent financial regulatory reform
proposals are likely to help prevent future crises.
As the nation’s lender of last resort, the Fed will be at the center
of managing any future financial crisis.
This argues for the Fed playing the lead role in the new
regulatory structure.
A Fed with appropriately broad regulatory authority provides the
nation with the best chance of avoiding a future crisis.

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Origins of the Crisis

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OF THE CRISIS

Fundamentally, the crisis was caused by a failure of financial
engineering.
First, a securitization boom.
Second, a housing boom followed by a dramatic decline in housing
prices.
Securitized products did not take the possibility of a decline in
housing prices into account appropriately.
It could have been done correctly. There is nothing wrong with
securitization per se.

Securitized paper was worth much less than most anticipated, and
it was held by financial entities worldwide, who had to accept
large losses.
Firms were naturally unwilling to reveal losses.
This created a panic.

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F INANCIAL SECTOR ASSETS

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BOOM

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H OUSING

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BOOM AND BUST

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T HE PANIC

A “WALL S TREET O NLY ” F ED

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PRODUCED RUN - LIKE EVENTS

The crisis caused runs in the shadow banking sector.
These are institutions that did not take deposits and so were not
thought to be susceptible to a run.

The solution to bank runs is deposit insurance plus prudential
regulation.
Reserve requirements are not enough.
Deposit insurance removes the incentives of depositors to run.

There is no analog of deposit insurance for shadow banks.
Capital requirements, the analog of reserve requirements, are not
enough.

I do not see this issue being addressed.
I think the nation will remain vulnerable to runs in the shadow
banking sector.

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A LLOWING

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SUDDEN FAILURE

The crisis showed that large financial institutions worldwide
were “too big to fail.” (TBTF)
We can let large financial firms fail suddenly ...
... but then global panic ensues.
Reform proposals have to face this fact.
Chicago-style vows to not intervene in the future will not solve this
problem.
Vows like this are not credible. (See Feldman and Stern, 2004).
The TBTF problem is harder than that.

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It’s Mostly Shadow Banking

C ONCLUSIONS

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IT’S

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MOSTLY SHADOW BANKING

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C ONCLUSIONS

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IT’S

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MOSTLY SHADOW BANKING

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S UMMARY OF THE TABLE

As the crisis started in Fall 2007, 20 firms accounted for about 80
percent of financial sector assets in the U.S.
About 1/3 of this total was in bank holding companies.
About 2/3 was non-bank financials: Government-sponsored
enterprises (Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac), investment banks,
insurance companies, and thrifts.
A large fraction of financial assets in U.S.-based firms were not in
the bank regulatory system, and not under the regulatory
authority of the Fed.

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N EARLY ALL FIRMS

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WERE AFFECTED

The non-bank financials in the table provide a who’s-who of the
most nettlesome entities during the crisis!
All of these firms faced severe stress during the crisis, regardless of the
type of firm or the nature of regulation.
This is generally true globally as well.
All were taken in by the allure of securitized products in various
ways.

The shock was to the entire global industry, not so much to
particular firms.
How can we prevent an entire industry from adopting the same
strategy?
I do not see this being addressed.

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T HE FINANCIAL LANDSCAPE

The crisis encompassed a far larger segment than just
commercial banking.
We need to think in terms of the financial landscape.
Many non-bank financial firms, outside the banking sector, were
at the heart of the crisis.
These firms were not regulated by the Fed.

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A “Wall Street Only” Fed

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C OMMUNITY BANKS

Regulation works well for the thousands of community banks in
the U.S.
The system features deposit insurance plus prudential
regulation.
The system allows failure—capitalism at work—but prevents
bank runs and the associated panic.
Community banks did not cause the crisis and do not need to be
re-regulated.

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AND COMMUNITY BANK REGULATION

Some regulatory proposals seek to create a “Wall Street only”
Fed.
The Fed should remain involved with community bank
regulation so that it has a view of the entire financial landscape.
It is important that the Fed does not become biased toward the
very large, mostly New York-based institutions.

One critical role of regulation is to provide a level, competitive
playing field for institutions of all sizes.
Community banks tend to fund smaller businesses, an important
source of job growth for the economy.
Understanding this process helps the Fed make sound monetary
policy decisions.

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A Broader Regulatory Role for the Fed

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M AIN THEME

The Fed had access to a limited view of the financial landscape
coming into the crisis: that for which it had supervisory
authority.
This made it harder to perform the lender of last resort role.
This led to a lot of ad hoc decision-making.
The Fed will again play the lender-of-last-resort role in the next
crisis.
This will go much more smoothly if the Fed has broad regulatory
authority.

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AND BANKING SUPERVISION

The U.S. has a primary regulator system for the nation’s 8,000+
commercial banks and thrifts.
The primary regulator has the key authority for the regulation of
the bank.
Before the crisis (as of January 2007):
The Fed had primary regulatory responsibility for about 12 percent
of the banks.
About 14 percent by assets.

The remaining 85 percent of the banks had non-Fed primary
regulators.

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HAD LIMITED INFORMATION

Non-bank financial firms turned out to be the most troublesome
entities in this crisis.
The Fed had no supervisory authority over these entities:
Investment banks like Goldman Sachs and Bear Stearns.
Insurance companies like Prudential and AIG.
Financial hybrids like GE Capital and GMAC.

The Fed had access to limited information coming into the crisis:
Primary regulatory authority for only some of the banks, and none
for the troublesome non-bank financials.

Bottom line: Due to its narrow regulatory authority, the Fed had a
severely limited view of the financial landscape as the crisis began.

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UNFOLDS

As the crisis began, all eyes turned to the Fed as the lender of last
resort.
This always happens in a crisis—only the central bank can play
the lender-of-last-resort role.
But the Fed had detailed knowledge only of part of the financial
landscape: that for which it had supervisory authority.
The Fed had limited access to information on institutions outside
its supervisory authority, especially non-bank financial firms.
Many of the critical lending decisions involved the controversial
non-bank financials like Bear Stearns.

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T HE REFORM RESPONSE
The clear lesson from the most recent crisis is that the Fed had
insufficient access to information about the financial landscape
going into the crisis.
Neither the Fed nor anyone else fully understood the potential
for feedback between the financial sector and the rest of the
economy.
The Fed will be at the center of all future crises because of its
lender-of-last-resort role.
The central bank must be well-informed about the entire
financial landscape in order to face off a future crisis.
The reform response should be to provide the Fed with an
appropriately broad regulatory authority.
A future Fed, with an appropriately broad regulatory responsibility,
provides the U.S. with the best chance to head off a future crisis.

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Reform Proposals

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S YSTEMIC

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RISK

The House bill creates an interagency Financial Services
Oversight Council (FSOC) to monitor systemic risks posed to the
financial system.
In the House bill, the Federal Reserve would serve as the “agent”
to the Council and not as the systemic risk regulator.
Other debate has suggested investing the Council with more direct
authority.

Would this prevent a future crisis? I think the evidence is far
from clear.

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M ORE ON SYSTEMIC RISK

Not likely that this Council, had it existed in the past, would
have advocated aggressive action to control systemic risk.
It seems like it would be difficult for an interagency Council to
come to agreement on a specific risk and an associated action
when times are good.
The role of the Council would be to “take away the punch bowl
as the party gets started.”
This type of decision may be better suited to the Fed.
The Fed is more politically independent than a Council.

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A RESOLUTION REGIME
In the House bill, the FDIC is granted expanded authority to put
systemically important firms into receivership.
Other debate has suggested a special bankruptcy court for large
financial firms.

Would this prevent a future crisis? It might.
This reform goes in the direction of strengthening market
incentives.
A resolution regime is a way of putting market discipline on
very large financial firms—we really could allow failure without
creating panic.
The fear of failure would then prevent firms from taking
excessive risks and from being able to borrow at low rates.

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CONCERNS

Key concern: How credible will the regime be?
If it is not credible and the government is going to come in after
all, then it is useless.
“Funeral plans” for the firm in the event of failure do not strike me
as credible.

Key concern: How much global cooperation can be expected?

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R ESTRICTIONS

ON

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13(3) LENDING

In the House bill, significant restrictions are placed on Fed
lending to non-banks under the “unusual and exigent
circumstances” clause.
Would this prevent a future crisis? No.
This will probably exacerbate a future crisis.
A future Fed may be hamstrung and forced to let the crisis roll
on.

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PROTECTION

The House bill creates a separate Consumer Financial Protection
Agency (CFPA) with rule-writing authority for all banks and
non-banks that extend consumer credit.
This has been very controversial in the Congress.
Other debate has suggested putting this in agencies other than the
Fed.

Would this prevent a future crisis? I don’t think so.
A fair playing field is certainly desirable in all consumer
products.
But the housing boom was a classic gold rush: most people
bought the houses because they thought the prices would keep
rising.
A CFPA would not have changed the gold rush dynamic.

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O MISSION

GSE reform not addressed in current legislative proposals.

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Conclusions

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C ONCLUSIONS

As the nation’s lender of last resort, the Fed will be at the center
of managing any future financial crisis.
This argues for the Fed playing the lead role in the new
regulatory structure.
A Fed with appropriately broad regulatory authority provides the
nation with the best chance of avoiding a future crisis.
Only a few of the current financial regulatory reform proposals
are likely to help prevent future crises.

Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
stlouisfed.org

Federal Reserve Economic Data (FRED)
research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/

James Bullard
research.stlouisfed.org/econ/bullard/