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The Intent and the Letter of Bank Regulation
Remarks of George W. Mitchell
Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
at the
Annual Legal Seminar
of the
California Bankers Association
Santa Barbara, California
April 10, 1970

The Intent and the Letter of Bank Regulation
Banking regulations, like any formal body of rules
sanctified by observance of enforcement and serving as a means
to an end, can, over time, be

transformed

from means to ends.

Then regulation exists to preserve regulations.

If the original

purpose in public policy has been spent or eroded by environmental
or institutional changes, allegiance to over-age regulations gives
rise to unnecessary and frustrating operating obstacles.

Under

such circumstances, obsolete regulations can stunt banking growth
and divert the fruits of progress and innovation to non-regulated
institutions.

They can retard or even smother adaptation in the

entire financial sector of the economy.
Banking regulations of substance, therefore, need periodic
reappraisal in terms of their need and applicability to present-day
problems and environment.

While uninhibited reappraisals are

always possible, inertia and the precedents of ways of thought
are intractable barriers to timely and objective reviews of the
status quo.
When your program chairman invited me to address you
today on the problems of bank regulation he specifically said he
would have to disqualify a regulatory or legal technician.

I am

neither of those, never having examined a bank nor drafted a rule.
I could not, therefore, assume either such hat on this occasion.




-2In my remarks today I will not attempt to trace the
evolution and the present appropriateness or inappropriateness
of banking regulation generally.

The field is too vast, too

entangled, and too encrusted with prejudices for a post-prandial
occasion.

Neither am 1 prepared to generalize the grievances

experienced by the regulators and the regulated in resolving
conflicts between the public and private interest.

Though it

might be expected, I will not touch on "truth in lending" or
"bank safety" regulations because both are implementations of
explicit Congressional policies adopted very recently.

The agencies

have given a great deal of attention to both of these regulations
and while you may fault their need or our interpretation of
Congressional intent I

can

only say that we have done our best

and that neither regulation is obsolete.
It is tempting to deal with regulatory constraints on
banking structure, as this is a fertile field for the general

thesis that regulations tend to outlive their usefulness.

I

abandon this opportunity because, with the exception of required
Federal approvals fiar mergers or combinations, and for holding company
formations or acquisitions, there is no uniform Federal regulatory
policy on banking structure.

Policy in this regard has been delegated

to the States, and among the States there is great diversity.
Attitudes in many States toward structure are constructive and forward




-3looking: but in others, stagnant and seemingly impervious to
changes in our economic and social environment.
I will be concerned with regulations affecting
bankers' management of assets, liabilities and equity positions,
banking's ability to intermediate and maintain contact with
money and credit markets, and the U. S. banking system's ability
to participate in international banking, credit and equity markets.
Management of Asset, Liability and Equity Positions
The economic shock of bank failures in the Twenties
and Thirties generated an overwhelming public demand for the
protection of deposits.

The Congressional solution was threefold:

insurance protection for small depositors, constraints on asset
and liability management by bankers, and the delegation to Federal
regulatory agencies of a general overlooking concern in behalf of
depositors.




But there seems to have been no clear, forceful
statement of Congressional intent from which a genealogy of
regulations leading to the present regulatory apparatus could
be derived.

The Bank Conservation Act, Title II of the Emergency

Banking Act of 1933, authorized the appointment of conservators
"necessary in order to conserve the assets of any bank for the
benefit of the depositors or any other creditors."

The preamble

of the Banking Act of 1933 states that the act was intended "To
provide for safer and more effective use of assets of banks, to
regulate interbank control, to prevent undue diversion of funds
into speculative operations and for other purposes."

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The preamble of the Banking Act of 1935 states that
the act was Intended "To provide for the sound, effective and
uninterrupted operation of the banking system and for other
purposes."
Section 9 of the Federal Reserve Act states "No applying
bank shall be admitted to System membership unless it possesses
capital stock and surplus which, in the judgment of the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve System, are adequate in relation
to the character and condition of its assets and to its existing
and prospective deposit liabilities and other corporate responsi­
bilities."
The Federal Deposit Insurance Act authorizes the issuance
of a cease and desist order if a particular

violation or

practice "is likely to cause insolvency or substantial dis­
sipation of assets or earnings of the bank, or is likely to
otherwise seriously prejudice the interests of its depositors."
The more recent legislative pronouncements have shown
concern for the advantages of competitive banking facilities
and the need to serve community convenience and need.

For example,

the Bank Merger Act and the Bank Holding Company Act provide that
no proposed merger (holding company acquisition) shall be approved
"whose effect in any section of the country may be substantially
to lessen competition....unless it (the responsible regulatory
agency) finds that the anticompetitive effects of the proposed




-5transaction are clearly outweighed in the public interest by the
probable effect of the transaction in meeting the conveniences
and needs of the community to be served."
These statutory excerpts indicate the very general
nature of earlier Congressional direction to the regulatory
authorities, a concern for banking institutions as well as
depositors and a growing specificity as to the nature of con­
flicts in the public and private interest.
The successful experience with deposit insurance has
undoubtedly greatly reduced public concern about the safety of
bank money and the stability of banking institutions.
Insurance now fully protects nearly 99 per cent of the
accounts in commercial banks although the coverage in terms of
deposit aggregates is another matter.

According to the 1968 Survey

of Deposits coverage ranged from 11.1 per cent of the dollar total
of deposits of State and political subdivisions to 90.6 per cent
for savings accounts and 52 per cent for demand deposits IPC.—^
Another way of assessing the coverage is by size of bank.
In banks with less than $5 million in total deposits, coverage was
86 per cent of total deposits; in banks with $5 to $25 million,
79 per cent.

In the largest banks, those over $500 million in

1/ According to the National Summary of Accounts and Deposits
as of January 29, 1968, 98.5 per cent of 78.8 million demand
deposit accounts; 99 per cent of 69.8 million savings accounts;
98 per cent of 22.7 million other time accounts, and 69.7 per
cent of 516 thousand State and political subdivision accounts
were fully protected. At that time the ceiling coverage was
$15,000, it has subsequently been increased to $20,000.




-6deposits, coverage drops to 39 per cent.

Since deposits of

the U. S. Government and of State and local governments in
most States are fully collateralized, and since such deposits are
of the order of 10 per cent of total deposits, it can be
inferred that depositor protection by insurance or collaterali­
zation is nearly complete in banks with less than $25 million
in deposits.

Eighty-five per cent of the nation's banks are

in this size group and they have 20 per cent of the nation's
deposits.
According to the 1968 Annual Report of the Federal
Deposit Insurance Corporation, losses sustained and expenses
incurred in liquidation or assumption operations from 1933 to the
end of 1968 have been only $55 million.
fund aggregates $3.75 billion.

The present insurance

The Corporation's record of

liquidation and assumption is impressive but so is the record
of banking's limited exposure to economic vicissitudes which
must be credited primarily to 35 years of reasonably sustained
*

economic growth and -- alas -- to three war-induced inflationary
surges.
In light of this record and in light of the fact that
99 per cent of the deposit accounts in U. S. banks are shielded
by an insurance fund of $3.75 billion, one may question how much
of the essentially pre-war superstructure of regulatory restraint
and supervision of asset, liability and equity positions is needed.
Detailed verification of accounts, and the item-by-item







-7evaluation of certain assets characteristic of older examination
practices seems out of place with the in-bank standards and
policies that the present generation of bank managers and owners
are impelled to adopt in their own interest.
As a non-professional regulator, it seems to me that in
our present-day banking environment the public concern for depositor
safety and institutional stability would be adequately and even
better served than it is now by something along the lines of the
following program, which, so far as I can see, would be appropriate
for all financial intermediaries as well as banks:
1. There is a need in every financial institution
for an internal accounting system capable
of protecting the integrity of the accounts and, so
far as practicable, guarding against defalcation.
It should be reinforced, of course, by bonding require­
ments similar to those generally in effect now.

It

should take into account size of bank and the role of
owners as managers.

Bank owners, if ownership and

management are separated, have at least as much interest
as regulators in these security measures.
2. Periodic outside audits are essential.

Because of the

costs involved, many financial institutions do not
have independent audits, or they do not have professional audits
or the audits are too infrequent.

To the extent cost is




-

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a real barrier, some subsidy from regulatory
agencies for audits of suitable quality and scope
would be appropriate.

Since auditing techniques

are becoming more efficient this objection is losing
force if, in fact, it ever had validity.

It is, of

course, well known that a bank examination is not a
substitute for an audit.
3. As a basis for explicit supervisory action a new
periodic reporting system tied into a continuing
computerized analysis is needed.

For larger banks,

weekly— or, for some types of information, even daily—
reports of condition and gross flows in selected
asset and liability categories would promptly reveal
overexposure

to liquidity stresses, undue asset

concentrations or equity deterioration.

Such a

revelation of individual banking operation against
a modal pattern for similarly situated institutions
would provide regulators with such leads as they
would need for swift and specific investigation.
For the smaller banks monthly, or even quarterly,
reports.would probably suffice.
Former Chairman Randall of the Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation, writing in The Supervisor and
Banker Review for July 1968, describes other techniques
by which com

logy could be used to expedite

and extend't

¡ss of bank examination and

supervision.

-

9-

4. The final component in such a plan would include
those inspections that Congress may directly require
and such policing as is needed to check the validity
and integrity of the preceding programs and to guard
against conflict-of-interest situations.

These

inspections, imaginatively treated, probably would not
require

large regulatory staffs.

The banking

institutions themselves should not require much
prodding to adopt management policies aimed at
avoiding legal penalties for statutory violations.
The trend in accounting and audit supervision today
is, generally, strongly toward establishing techniques and
practices for the future rather than holding post-mortems on
past transactions.

Bank supervision has always been primarily

concerned with future practices but it has interpreted the public
interest with more "don'ts" than "dos" and with more emphasis on
specific episodes in the past than better systems for the future.
As in tax audit and inspection, bank examination, because of its
unexpected timing, has had an important therapeutic effect on
marginal banking practices involving conflicts of interest, over­
exposure to risk, and illiquidity.

But these effects can and

should be retained with more or less continuous informational
scrutiny of the areas most sensitive to the public concern.




-

10-

Regulatlng the International Operations of U. S. Banks
For over 50 years, the Federal Reserve Act has permitted
member banks to operate foreign branches and to establish domestic
subsidiaries which can compete with foreign institutions in inter­
national and foreign banking and finance.

These domestic sub­

sidiaries of U. S. banks, primarily Edge corporations, are
empowered to do certain things in their foreign operations that
their parent commercial banks are precluded, by law, from doing
in their domestic operations.

The most notable exception is the

power to make equity investments.

Conversely, the Edge corpora­

tions are prohibited from engaging in any operations in the United
States not incidental to their foreign business.
Since the revision in Regulation K in 1963, most of the
regulatory limitations on foreign activities of Edge Act corporations
are simply those contained in the statute.

However, in exercising

its delegated responsibility to construe what is a usual activity
for competing foreign institutions, the Board of Governors has
taken a rather narrow approach to equity acquisitions or partici­
pations in joint ventures.
In approving acquisitions by Edge corporations involving
a majority of shares in a company or otherwise involving effective
control of a company, the Board has insisted that the acquired company
confine
tion.




its activities to those permissible to an Edge corpora­

With regard to determining the activities that would be

-

11-

permissible for an Edge corporation, the Board has said that
such functions must be confined to the area of banking and
financing and that it is inappropriate for an Edge corporation
to acquire control of a company engaged in a nonfinancial
business.
In accordance with this policy, the Board last year
withheld authorizations for the Edge corporation of a New York
bank to acquire a Taiwan life insurance company.

Life insurance,

it appeared, fell outside what normally would be considered
financial.

Again, the Edge corporation of another U. S. bank,

a few weeks ago, was denied permission to acquire, indirectly,
effective control of a

Caribbean

company engaged in real

estate development even though the investment was intended to
have been liquidated after the development was well along.

It

was believed that this form of equity investment, involving
incidental management responsibility, was also sufficiently
outside the bounds of financing to be inappropriate.

The Board,

for the same reason, also recently required a partial disinvest­
ment of interest in a cattle feeding operation in Argentina.
What, you may ask, is the benefit of construing
"financial" narrowly?

The Board has been guided by the overall

purpose of the statute, which is to encourage U. S« participation
in activities related to international or foreign banking and
financial operations.

Serving that objective does not entail

the right of Edge Act companies, or those in which they have a




-

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large or controlling interest, to acquire substantial nonfinancial interests.

Of course, the line between financial

and nonfinancial is not easily drawn nor readily discerned
in prevailing foreign banking mores.

Both the degree and nature

of nonfinancial participation are at issue in most cases, and
the Board has been approaching the problem on a case-by-case
basis.

Looking at approvals since the relaxing revision in

Regulation K in 1963, it appears to me the trend has been
slowly toward somewhat increased permissiveness.

Bank Intermediation and Contact with Financial Markets
By far the most interesting and widely discussed
regulatory action in recent years was the attempt to restrict
the banking system's ability to expand credit in 1969 by limiting
its

access to money, credit, and time deposit markets.

Experience

with monetary restraint in 1966 had demonstrated that whenever
market interest rates rose above those that could be paid for
time money, banks were

soon

forced into a rationing posture.

The efficiency of the process was noted in the Federal Reserve.
This relatively brief but poignant episode also impressed
bankers.

They foresaw a necessity to develop methods for shifting

some of the monetary impact as Regulation Q ceilings closed in.
Consequently, they were prepared when monetary restraint was
renewed in 1969 with a determination not to be an entirely passive
victim of Regulation Q ceilings.




They had readied a panoply of

-13devices which would help them to pass on to the financial markets
at least a portion of the restraint which Q ceilings initially imposed
on them.

As these devices— Euro-doliar borrowings, repurchase

agreements, subordinated notes, commercial paper sales by holding
company affiliates and banking subsidiaries— came into significant
use, the Federal Reserve countered with additional regulations
defining liability alternatives as deposits or increasing their
cost or limiting their availability.

In the process, an adequate

measure of overall monetary restraint emerged--although that result
is extraneous to the point of the present discussion.
We have been concerned with the effects of regulatory
escalation and proliferation and how they may have affected the
efficiency of the existing financial system.

No doubt costs and

frictions in its functioning have been a significant by-product
of the 1969 type of credit control.

But the longer run effects

on the banking system and the implications for future banking
operations, services and structure are more interesting and poten­
tially more far reaching.

These may not be altogether non­

productive.
To consider these implications briefly, we can start
with the well known fact of a persistingly declining trend in
the role of demand deposits as a source of loanable funds, a
trend, incidentally, that is not likely to be reversed.

Between

January 30, 1961 and June 30, 1969,net demand deposits grew only




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38 per cent while GNP rose 85 per cent.

Banks compensated for

lagging demand deposit growth by aggressive intermediation
efforts; as a result, time and saving deposits in the banking
system rose 153 per cent in the 1960's.
Another well established fact is that Congress has
created the machinery for limiting rate competition between
banks and thrift institutions.

There may be varying judgments

as to who is the gainer from this procedure in the long run-banks or thrift institutions.

In all probability it is neither,

as the advantage is likely to go to the market and non-regulated
intermediaries.

However this may be, banks cannot expect to make

direct inroads via rate competition on savings and loan associations'
and mutual savings banks' market shares without incurring exposure
to regulatory intervention.
Finally, as I indicated earlier, in 1969 banks attempted
to establish a variety of links with the financial markets which
would enable them to sell assets conditionally, borrow abroad or
participate at home in the commercial paper market through affiliates
or subsidiaries.

These steps were hampered or obstructed by Federal

Reserve regulations promulgated with the rationale that such steps
were necessary to achieve monetary restraint.

The fact that this

judgment was widely contested— and in my opinion properly so— does not
change the impact it must have had on corporate planning in banks.
does banking's future lie if demand deposit growth persistently




Where




-15lags the economy's growth and if banking's efforts to compete
with other intermediaries and the market are stifled?
This is the question bankers have to answer.

Some of

the larger banks have turned to expanded foreign operations.
Others have been trying, within the limitation of State laws,
to extend their domestic markets, mainly through registered
holding companies.

Many institutions are obviously probing the

possibility of significantly extending the character of their
services.

The evidence of the seriousness with which the approach

is being pursued is evident in the controversy over the one-bank
holding company bill, and particularly over the blank, white,
and dirty laundry lists.
Overall, these developments seem to be pointing to a
significant change in banking's corporate organization: a corporate
splintering of activities; the isolation of demand deposit banking
and its regulatory impedimenta; the substitution of a community of
stockholders for wholly owned subsidiaries and affiliates so that
customers can be retained or gained by the use of viable market
practices.
Regulation alone has not brought this corporate soul
searching to pass but it has tested the innovative capacity of
bankers, causing them to reappraise the future of this corporate
existence, to reappraise the way in which traditional commercial
banking should be carried on and to reappraise the possible scope
of diversification and new lines of service products.

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This brief discussion of three regulatory areas
points to the complexity of "doing something about"— that is,
reconciling— conflicts in the public and private interest in
banking by improved regulatory practices.
Clearly the line of conflict needs to be under
continuous scrutiny as it changes with the times and the attitudes
of the community.

Allegiance to obsolete requirements and objectives

are hard to overcome or replace as they become embedded in institu­
tions and organizations.

In the broadest sense, the interests of

the regulators and the regulated are not always opposed or even
usually so.

They sometimes appear to be opposed because of the

attitudes and views of extremists in both camps.
Finally, it is apparent that some regulatory conflicts
and differences stimulate both parties to achieve a better
solution to a particular problem.

Beyond that, such conflicts

may move both parties toward innovations in practices and techniques
which will result in the substitution of market disciplines for
regulatory supervision in the protection of the public interest.