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Can "Good”Money Drive Out Bad?”
Remarks of George W. Mitchell
Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
at the
American Management Association
New York
March 24, 1971




Can "Good" Money Drive Out "Bad?"
Not so long ago money was thought of as having four
attributes described in textbooks as a medium of exchange, a
measure of value, a store of value, and a standard of deferred
payment.

The concept of the value roles of money developed

from the fact that at one time money was a commodity and most
often a treasure, or a claim on treasure.

In our part of the

world the treasure was gold; in other countries and times it was
silver, bronze and other metals.

In primitive societies money

was linked to commodities such as live stock or religious
and ceremonial objects such as cowries, feathers, stones and hides.
The linking of money to objects of general acceptability,
whether symbolic or utilitarian, sometimes resulted in certain
monies being preferred to others.

This could easily happen where

metal coins were used and their treasure content could be altered.
Debasing the coinage was a popular method of government finance
but it generally resulted in coins with the higher content of
treasure disappearing from circulation.

They were more prized

simply because of their higher commodity value.
gave rise to the formulation of Gresham's law.

This phenomena
Sir Thomas Gresham

was a finance advisor to the government of Great Britain over
400 years ago, who noted that money which was inferior in its
commodity value had the capacity to force out of circulation money that was
superior in that respect.

Eventually the phrase "bad money

drives out good" became a monetary aphorism.

-2Times have changed greatly since then.

Money no

longer has worth as a commodity and its roles as a standard and store
of value have been altered;on the other hand, money's medium of exchange role
has greatly increased.

Many factors have led to the unlinking

of money and treasure, including the

comparative political and economic

stability most nations have achieved, and the fact that commodity
money never gave any very great account of itself anyway, either
in terms of stability or as a medium of exchange.

To a considerable extent,

the functions associated with money's role as a store-of-value have been
gradually taken over by equities, credits based on earning assets or taxing
power and a variety of institutional arrangements.

Everyone has

come to realize a fact which bankers have always know and on
which much of their operation is based--that treasure is sterile
and cannot rationally compete with earning assets as a wealthholding form.
Thus money, while far from being entirely deposed in
its value roles, serves those functions to a much more limited
extent because they have been increasingly shared with other
arrangements.

On the other hand, money as a medium of exchange—

and some would say as a determinant of economic activity— has now
become a primary focus of public concern and attention.
In raising the question, can "good" money drive out "bad,"
my intent is to direct your attention to the comparative advantages
of alternative forms of money from the standpoint of their relative
efficiencies as media of exchange.




So far as I can see, improving

-3money's efficiency (i.e., using less for a given volume of trans­
actions) and lowering the processing, security and insurance
costs per transaction would not alter in any significant way its
value role capability or the problem of monetary management.
Some sanctified rates of growth in the narrowly defined money
supply might need to be revised but the actual increase in efficiency
in money during the Sixties has long since made such revisions
desirable.
For practical purposes there are only three vehicles for
money transfer in the U.S.: (1) coin and currency; (2) checks or
authorizations to draw on payors' demand deposit accounts at
commercial banks (referred to hereafter as debit transfers);
(3) authorizations by payors directing their bank to charge their
account and credit payees' accounts in some designated bank— a
system mainly used at present for transfers between banks and in
the Government securities market— (referred to hereafter as
credit transfers).
The money choices available to households and business
at present are pretty well restricted to coin and currency or
debit transfers.

However, credit transfers are becoming possible

and more common under preauthorization plans, payroll crediting,
andso-called third party transfers.
The institutions in the money business are responsible
for the money choices available to the public.




Within general

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statutory guidelines, these agencies are the Treasury, the Federal
Reserve System and the commercial banks.

Savings and loan associa­

tions and mutual savings banks may also receive Congressional
approval to offer some kind of money services.
Within a fairly broad range, improving the transactions
quality of our money depends on the readiness of the Federal
Reserve and the commercial banks to recognize the need for more
efficient money, and to move toward adapting the technological
developments in data processing and transmission to the handling
of money.

Along with these positive attitudes a certain amount

of resolution is needed to resist the retarding influence on
decisions to innovate, which is inherent in established perquisites
and the serendipitous

features of obsolete money mechanics.

will, of necessity, erode these vested interests.

Changes

But money users

are entitled to the opportunity to realize advantages and con­
veniences of a modern money technology: they should not be
victimized by inertia among the money institutions nor the fact
that the quality of money, by the nature of things, cannot be
enriched by a full range of competitive alternatives.
The potential of a skilled electronic processor of money trans­
fers to become the community's accounts keeper is well recognized
by some in the banking industry as is evident from the emphasis
they are now giving to the latitude that should be accorded bank
holding companies' activities in data processing.




The promising

-5innovations proposed as serving the public interest in the form
of cost reductions, expanded informational capability and instant
access parallel in many ways the public advantages of an electronic
transfer system.

In fact, the two projects are not really separable.

The attributes of a "good" transactions money have to do
with availability, convenience, safety and economy.

In paying or

getting paid almost everyone prefers money which can be handled
conveniently, which does not involve exposure to loss, theft, or
embezzlement when it is handled or stored, which provides a proof
of payment, and which does not involve onerous fees or service
charges when it is spent or received.

But on the question of

availability all of us as payees and payors become schizophrenic.
As payees we want to be paid in immediately available funds.
As payors we would just as soon settle our accounts on a deferred
basis and, therefore, prefer a money form in which payment
postponed.

gets

One way of realizing this latter objective is to use check

money which requires a period of paper shuffling and shipping,
and often reshuffling and reshipping, before our account is
finally charged.

The process also gives rise to float, check

kiting, inflated deposit totals, superfluous availability
accounting, and a variety of other effects adding to costs and
frictions in the settlement system.




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Getting paid with a money that cannot be immediately dis­
bursed, or is only spendable, and sometimes contingently so, two or
three days later is a disadvantage to the payee and a reason for
him to regard the money with which such payments can be made as
of inferior quality.

If the sum is large, as in many financial

transactions, the temporary loss of use may be costly; if the payee's
cash position is precarious the delay may be embarrassing.

Bankers

in Europe settle their accounts in "good funds"— i.e., funds with
immediate availability; in the United States their equivalent,
Federal funds, is also used, but many banking transactions are
also for next-day availability.
Changes in the payments mechanism now under way are
having a profound influence on the relative efficiency and economy
of these alternative transfer techniques.
Coin and currency still play an important role in money
transfers of all households; between 10 and 15 per cent use no other
means of payment.

However, the credit card is undoubtedly reducing

currency use and the role of coin has expanded due to meter vending.
In relationship to personal consumption expenditures,
coins in circulation have increased nearly 40 per cent in the past
decade but the ratio has been stable for the past three years.
Small denomination currency use, on the other hand, has declined
25 per cent in the same period and that trend is continuing.

Large

denomination currency declined about 20 per cent in the late Fifties
but has changed little since then.




-7-

Both coin and currency involve substantial handling,
protection, shipping, insurance and processing costs but little
technological effort has been made to develop substitutes.

A multi-

denominational pocket money tool would be a useful innovation.
Checks are the principal method of funds transfer today
and they score high on flexibility and convenience.

They are

multi-denominational and provide an acceptable, though high priced,
record of payment.

Many check transfers, however, do not provide

immediately available funds since they are, in fact, nothing more
than an authorization to draw down the payor's account— if his
balance covers the authorization— when the check finally reaches
the payor's bank.

In the interim, the payee can only spend the

funds if his bank makes them available to him before the check
is collected or before it receives the funds from the Federal
Reserve.
The dimensions of the money job done by checks can
be sketched in rough terms.

According to the latest enumeration

(June 30, 1970) there were 88 million demand deposit accounts in
U.S. banks.

Estimates of the total activity in these Accounts

are crude but one check per business day per account is reasonably
consistent with available data.
the 400-450 million item range.




Weekly check volume thus is in

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Our knowledge of payors and payees is sketchy, too.
Deposits of individuals, partnerships and corporations make up
86 per cent of total demand deposits, excluding those of foreign
and domestic banks.

State and local government deposits account

for 9 per cent of the total and the deposits of the Federal govern­
ment make up the remainder.

A recent survey by the FDIC showed

59 per cent of total IPC demand deposit balances to be those of
businesses.

From these facts it might be inferred that businesses

write about 50 per cent of the checks, governments 12 to 15 per cent,
and households the remainder.

But it has yet to be established that

deposit aggregates are a satisfactory basis for determining the
relative dimensions of business, Government and household check
writing activity.

The probability is that businesses and govern­

ments write fewer checks than their balances-

imply

and that

households write more.




The most useful data on payees of which I am aware are
regional findings developed in connection with a project sponsored
by the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta, and directed by the late
Professor Paul Han of Georgia Tech, which disaggregate check
writing by households.
These data are especially relevant to the issue of
improving the settlement system because, by reference to them,
payments can be grouped according to repetitive payees and

-

repetitive amounts.

9-

About 13 per cent of household checks are

repetitive as to payee and amount^; 35 to 40 per cent are
21
repetitive as to payee only- .
These proportions suggest that an electronic pre3/
authorization technique along the line of SCOPETwould be applicable,
given bill averaging by utilities (which makes up 10 per cent of
the total)i to about 25 per cent of household checks.

Another

25-35 per cent could be incorporated into a crediting system in
which the payor's role would be limited to dealing with his own
bank: forwarding to it lists of payees, amounts and times for
payment or approving similar lists submitted by the bank.

A

system along these lines would eliminate over half of household
checks and displace it with an electronic system of greater con­
venience, certainty and economy.
Business and governments' check volume is closely
associated with employment; fragmentary data suggests to the extent of
more than half of the total.In addition to employees, other
repetitive payees are stockholders, annuitants, and suppliers of
goods and services.

The Federal government, probably the country's

largest check writer, generates nearly 3 per cent of the nation's
volume.

Approximately 25 per cent of Federal checks are for payroll,

1/ Mainly rent, house payments, insurance premiums, and installment loans.
2/ Mainly utilities, credit card companies, and retail stores (other
— than groceries, filling stations and drug stores). Checks payable
togroceries, etc., constitute 15 per cent of the total written by
households but seem to reflect in significant degree a currency
service as withdrawals at banks account for only 5 per cent of
checks written.
3/ Special Committee on "Paperless" Entries.




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60 per cent for retirees, 10 per cent for tax refunds and the
balance for all other payments.
As in the case of households, over 50 per cent of
checks written by government and business are especially adapted
to credit transfer.

The Federal government, in fact, now employes

this technique for payroll and allotment payments

at the option

of the recipient.
From what we know of the anatomy of money transfers it
is evident that at least half of present-day check volume could
be more efficiently processed by credit transfer.

The basic

advantage of the credit transfer is that the payor and his bank
initiate the payment process and in doing so can establish a tight
security on authorization of transfers and a full documentation of
the transaction.

Once the transfer is initiated it is electronically

processed to the point of delivery without ever leaving the controls
of the banking system and the Federal Reserve.

No concomitant paper

handling or movement is required.
The crediting process obviously adds to the responsibilities
of banking institutions but there is no evidence that their software
and equipment are unequal to the task.

Moreover, the economic

incentives to institutions and their customers appear to be sub­
stantial, particularly if all of the indirect costs are taken into
account.
The Federal Reserve System's role in providing "good"
money is to staff and equip its own offices with facilities equal




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to any technological challenge it may confront.

To that end, we

have modernized and substantially expanded our wire transfer
facilities, opened a new clearing facility covering the
Washington-Baltimore area and have plans under way for another
in Miami.

We are projecting the extension of existing clearing

areas in Reserve Cities and encouraging the organization of new
clearing centers in certain other areas.
We have devoted substantial resources to numerous studies
of various facets of the present settlement system.
a contract with TRW for a model of check flows.

The latest is

We have cooperated

to the fullest extent with industry studies, and such projects as
SCOPE.
The product of this effort depends on the ability of the
Federal Reserve System and the banking system to make it possible
for "good" (better) money to drive out "bad"— something that has
not happened up to now.