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For release on
Friday, October 25, 1968
at 12 Noon EDT

Getting the Most Out of the Banking System in the Seventies

Remarks of George W. Mitchell
Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
at the
Annual Homecoming Seminar and Luncheon
Sponsored by the School of Business Administration and
the Alumni Board of Managers of Temple University
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

October 25, 1968




Getting the Most Out of the Banking System in the Seventies

This is about that time in the decade when luncheon
speakers are licensed to characterize the upcoming decennium.
They can predict with alarm or confidence, try to stretch your
imagination, or simply coin a phrase like the "Soaring Sixties"—
a characterization that stuck pretty well over the past ten years.
And one, incidentally, that turned out to be a far better one-word
forecast than most business prophets can achieve with a lot more
words and a lot less lead time.

Just how good it was is evident

from the National Bureau's records of recession and expansion,
which show we've had only one setback in the decade.

It was early—

May 1960 to February 1961 and of nine month's duration.

The pre­

diction is all the more amazing in light of the past record the
forecaster had to go by— recessions in 1949, 1953-54, and 1957-58,
aggregating 33 months of contraction in all.
I

have no idea what adjective will get popular acceptance

as appropriate for the Seventies, nor how perceptive it may turn
out to have been.

But whoever thought of the "Soaring Sixties" was

doing more than predicting— he was expressing a widely held hope
and goal for those years.

It was for some sort of economic

millenium— perhaps a recessionless capitalistic society.

In a

real sense we achieved it; that is, if the business cycle isn't really
dead it% dead enough to be a feeble challenge to public policy in the

-

Seventies.

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In slaying this particular dragon we found that

living with prosperity has dragons, or dragon seeds, of a
different sort.

For even though we appear to have sufficient

skill with fiscal and monetary tools to avoid recession, sustained
expansion does not mean that acceptable social conditions will
accompany it, that our international economic relationships will
be in equilibrium, nor that the next generation will accept the




product or the price they think we've paid for it.
It seems to me likely, therefore, that we may, in the
Seventies, be devoting more attention to the structure of our
society and its institutions and less to managing aggregative demand.
For example, in the fiscal field far more attention would be given to
tax reform and the character of Government's expenditure programs
while the aggregative effect would be managed in the interest of
sustained expansion moieor less as a matter of course.

It is even

conceivable that structural import of monetary action might, as
financial linkages become better understood, influence the use of
the alternative tools of monetary management within the constraints
of the needed aggregative effect.
If the Seventies turn out to be a structuralist era we
should find a great deal of attention given to our banking structure.
Some would say it needs it; that the industry as a whole or at least
significant sectors, geographical and otherwise, are backward
looking.

There is certainly a large element of truth in the

-3assertion but it no longer fits the attitude of the Nation's
leading bankers.

Most of them, whether affiliated with large

or small banks, are chafing more and more at regulatory constraints,
are embracing the technological revolution in data processing and
looking for ways to be a growth firm and expand their earning
potential.

The Saxon liberalizations of the early Sixties are

just one manifestation of the underlying forces in the industry
aimed at broadening its scope of operation.
Banking has not been doing badly eitner if we gauge its
performance by its share of funds supplied to credit markets.

In

the Fifties this share was 23 per cent, a level somewhat adversely
affected by several years of monetary restraint (banking's share
of the market is reduced in periods of tight money).
Sixties it averaged 34 per cent.

In the

Thus, in the Sixties, banks have

increased their share of the credit market by nearly 50 per cent.
Other depository institutions' share was up only 10 per cent.

Banks

were successful in this competitive surge largely because of their
aggressive exploitation of new time deposit forms, such as the
negotiable certificate of deposit and their use of other liability
instruments such as federal funds and Euro dollars.
Despite these accomplishments some aggressive bank manage­
ments are far from satisfied.

They do not want to be chained to

the growth rates of the immediate community they serve, whether it
be a central city, a metropolitan area or a State.

Nor are they

content with a growth rate matching that of the Nation or their




-

toughest competitor.

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The emergence of such growth goals is, of

course, not new to American business where innovative technology
and conglomerates can operate, but, it is far from "old hat" in
banking.
How far should public policy go in accommodating these
ambitions?

What risks are involved' in relaxing statutory con­

finement of banks?

What gain in lower prices for credit and

better services might ensue?
It seems to me that the general guidelines for policy
are clear— far clearer than the means of implementing them.
me state them as I see them.

Let

The initial choice is in the mix

of the competition and regulation used to achieve public service
and efficiency objectives.

I opt for less regulation and more

competition because I think it abundantly clear that banks cannot,
given present-day conditions and technology, be insulated from
non-regulated nonbank competition, and they face a lot of it.
They cannot even be effectively insulated from regulated nonbank
competition.
If regulators cannot protect banks from competitive inroads
on their markets through chartering .policies that deny new entry in
"over banked" areas they should relax constraints on banking's
competitive efforts if they expect this industry to attract capital
and management talent.
Greater reliance on competition means broadening
bankings' market participation, easing chartering restrictions,
repeal of home office protection clauses found in many States and







-5the disapproval of anti-competitive mergers or holding company
affiliations.

It means banks should be able to, or even encouraged

to, extend their markets geographically or through their specialties
providing new potential customers for them, with new banking
alternatives.

While State lines have become Berlin walls so far

as branching is concerned, there is no economic or institutional
reason for not negotiating interstate compacts to enrich the banking
alternatives for citizens who live in metropolitan areas extending
into two or more States.
In practice, all of this involves intense controversy
within the banking system itself reminiscent of the chain store
controversy of the 1930's.

It would be unfortunate to have a

replication of that stance against the trend of the times especially
since there turned out to be a role for both kinds of stores just
as there are, undoubtedly, natural sustaining advantages for both
unit and branching types of banks in our widely diversified economy
and environment.
After all, well over 7,000 banks in the Nation are located
in one-bank towns outside of metropolitan areas.

Three-fourths of

our Nation's banks are in towns where there are no more than two
banks.

Most of these communities are small— half have populations

of less than 1 ,000, only 10 per cent have populations of over 5 ,000.
These institutions are not about to be engulfed by outside
branching systems because of local loyalties and because the
economics of expansion call for investment in faster growing and

-6more expansive environments than exist in most isolated rural
communities.
Perhaps the issue will become moot in the Seventies
anyway and banks will not need to care what the prohibitions
against branching are because they will have no need for anything
more than salesmen, production offices or some other service
facility not concerned with deposits or withdrawals.
If I had to bet on it I would say the mail box, the
telephone, the cash/credit card and electronic circuitry would
become the vehicles for handling deposits, transfers and currency
withdrawals in the Seventies.
Electronic transfer and accounting is here— in England
last week the electronic national Giro began operation with an ad
"Don't Pay Any More Bills.... Giro Them."

A month ago the Federal

Reserve System announced a contract with Marshall Industries to
install a central communications switch which will link computers
at Reserve System offices.

This system will have a capacity of

12 times the present wire network which handles about 9,000 items
aggregating several billion dollars daily.




As was pointed out in the Board's press release,
"The automation of deposit transfers between and within
Federal Reserve offices will open the way for a completely
electronic transfer system for a large portion of the
country's money movements. Given a Federal Reserve wire
system with adequate capacity to respond immediately,
member banks should find it desirable to automate their
own communications with the Federal Reserve Bank or Branch




-7which serves them. This would enable them to transfer funds
to or from any other member bank on a "computer-to-computer"
basis. Thus, they would have the capacity to move money,
at the direction of their customers, to or from any customer
of any other member bank, wherever located."
We are in a period of transition into an electronic money
system.

It may be operated on a credit or debit basis.

On a

credit basis the individual will direct his bank to make a transfer
from his account to that of his landlord or a department store.
This is the method used in Giro systems including the recently
inaugurated English Giro.

In a debit-type transfer, the individual

sends a check to his landlord or a department store which authorizes
the charging of his account when the check is presented to the bank
on which the check was written.

Either system can be operated with

electronic facilities but Giro is more certain and economical.

The

debit system creates an awkward problem not faced by Giro, namely
of truncating the check flow, for obviously the check cannot trail
along after the electronic processing without negating electronic
efficiencies.
In some quarters it is still argued that electronic
settlement cannot replace check flows but it was also argued in
the late Forties that the airplane would not displace the Pullman
car.

The paper mountain is getting too big to move day after day

and those who question the necessity of electronic processing might
reflect on the reason for closing the stock exchanges one day each
week.




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8-

I turn now to another manifestation of the 1968 growthmindedness among bankers, the recent flare up of interest in the
one-bank holding company.

One-bank holding companies are not new.

Until just recently there were about 650 such corporations with a
great variety of financial and nofi-financial affiliations.

So far

as I am aware, the experience and performance of banks in these
conglomerates has not been intensively studied from the standpoint
of implication of such linkages for public policy objectives.
From the beginning, the Board's position has been that
the prohibitions in the Bank Holding Company Act against bank
holding companies engaging in nonbanking activities should apply
to one-bank holding companies.

Chairman Martin testified to that

effect during hearings on the original Act in 1955.

And in 1958,

in a special report to Congress recommending a number of changes
in the Act, the Board repeated its recommendation that one-bank
holding companies be covered, with the following observations:
"*** .... if it is contrary to the public interest
for banking and nonbanking businesses to be under the same
control, the principle is applicable whether a company
controls one bank or a hundred banks, and the possibility
of abuses from such common control is the same. In fact,
if a company controls only 1 large bank, that company's
interests in extensive nonbanking businesses could lead
to abuses even more serious than if the company controlled
2 or more very small banks.... "
Congress rejected the Board's advice in 1956 and took
no action on the Board's later recommendations for amendments
until 1965, when ¿he House passed a bill amending the Holding




Company Act.

The bill as introduced had a more limited objective,

but Representative Bennett of Florida offered several amendments
on the floor of the House to carry out Board recommendations,
including the one-bank amendment, and the House agreed.

When

the Senate took up this legislation in 1966, it eliminated the
one-bank holding company amendment, again rejecting the Board's
argument for the amendment as presented by Chairman Martin.

In

testimony in 1966 before the Senate Banking and Currency Committee,
Mr. Martin again urged that coverage of one-bank holding companies
was needed to carry out the Act's objective of prohibiting combination
of banking and nonbanking businesses through holding companies.

His

testimony included the following quotation from the Senate Com­
mittee's report on the original Act:
"*** bank holding companies should confine their
activities to the control and management of banks and
activities closely related to banking. They should not
combine management and control of banking activities with
management and control of nonbanking activities. The
divestment requirements in this bill arc designed to
remove the danger that a bank holding company might
misuse or abuse the resources of a bank it controls in
order to gain an advantage in the operation of the
nonbanking activities it controls.” (S. Rept. No. 1095,
84th Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 13-14)
The Senate committee report on the 1966 legislation
included the following comments regarding the one-bank holding
company amendment:
"After considering all of this testimony, the committee
came to the conclusion that there was no substantial evidence
of abuses occurring in one-bank holding companies. Further­
more, the committee received much testimony to the effect




-

10-

that repeal of the exemption would make ic more difficult
for individuals to continue to hold or to form small
independent banks. The repeal of the exemption would,
therefore, be likely to result in causing the forced sale
of large numbers of banks and in a diminution of
competition rather than in an increase of competition.
Consequently, the committee decided not to adopt this
proposal."
Our present knowledge, or any that we might glean, from
the experience of well established lBHC's, is not likely to go
far toward settling the issue of an appropriate role of the new
type 1BHC in the future.
other foot.

It may be the same shot.- but it's on the

Banks that have been captives of nonbank corporations

or conglomerates are in a significantly differem position from
banks who have acquired through their holding company nonbank
captives--it's this difference between being a captor or a captive.
Congressional leaders have already indicated an interest
in the rapid spread of the new type 1BHC.
be- held in 1969.

Presumably hearings will

I would expect them to focus on anti-competitive

implications, possible undue concentration of economic power, and
the potential skewing of banking services and resources to
affiliated interests.
If a 1BHC acquires nonfinancial businesses, anti-competitive
consequences are likely to be slight but if big banks and large
sized industrial or service firms are affiliated undue concentration
of power might ensue or the public's interest in maintaining proper
access to the Nation's banking resources might be impaired.




-

11-

If a 1BHC acquired a banking-related-type business— say
a savings and loan association or a finance company--which was
located in the same geographic market area as the bank anti­
competitive considerations would probably be of greatest concern.
A statutory line of acceptable affiliation with other
businesses has been well established for banks and for two-bank
holding companies; there may be no reason for lBHC's of any type
to be treated differently.

If we pierce the holding company veil,

should not banks have the same guidelines for expansion as two-bank
holding companies or one-bank holding companies with captive banks,
or one-bank holding companies with captor banks?

Probably we need

a re-examination of expansion guidelines for banking institutions
regardless of, as well as in light of, the form of their corporate
organization.
If we have such a re-examination we will need to face the
fact that financial intermediaries, particularly banks, are sui
generis in their leverage, public supervision, government insurance
and tax treatment characteristics.

How far should we go in asserting

that these characteristics of necessity require limitations on the
growth or diversification of the banking industry or units within it?
A wise resolution to this problem may well have much to do with the
suitability of the bank structure to the economy of the Seventies.




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12-

I do not want to conclude my remarks without brief
mention of other structural changes that will be confronting
banking in the Seventies.

Most of them are of more narrow

technical interest to bankers.

The scope of international

operations is one such; of significance, it is true, to larger
banks but to a steadily growing number of them.

A whole series

of structural problems for banking is related to developing more
stability in liquidity instruments and arrangements.
The U.S. financial system in the postwar years has been
moving toward greater and greater liquidity assurances to the
customer of banks and other depository institutions.

This trend

has brought about great advantages for banks' customers, is
profitable for the banks themselves and even satisfies, on
occasion, ambitious growth goals.

But unless these liquidity

commitments have a predictable incidence or frequency they must
be systematically hedged or covered in some way.

As our financial

system becomes more and more finely tuned (the trend of recent
years) the greater its exposure to disorderly reactions to
unexpected liquidity demands.
Demand deposits, for example, are usually thought of as
the ultimate of liquidity but since demand balances have become
almost entirely associated with the regular pattern of trans­
actions needs their liquidity element has been significantly attenuated.
Individuals and corporations who manage their accounts well convert

-13their liquidity resources into other forms— short-dated debt
or time deposits of some form or another.

In some one of these

forms it is just as satisfactory as a demand balance.
On the other side, bankers generally have to be ready
for unanticipated liquidity demands either through the management
of their deposit and asset structures or by maintenance of their
borrowing capacity, whether at the central bank in Federal funds
or in Euro-dollar market.

It would strengthen the viability of

the entire system if bank assets and liabilities were shiftable
into and out of the market meeting the market's price and term
discipline or incentive.

Much is evolving along these lines but

a greater awareness of the importance of continuing progress is
needed.
Some of you may be surprised that a central banker would
stress the necessity of a wealth of liquidity sources because
monetary restraint is accompanied by— in fact, in essence, is—
a contraction of liquidity ./rad monetary ease— an expansion of
liquidity.
The answer lies not in thwarting monetary intent but
smoothing its course and lessening its discontinuities.

Increasing

institutional capacities to modify monetary restraint is perfectly
consistent with effective monetary control so long as the escape
hatches have steadily rising costs and increasingly onerous terms.
The more pervasively and gradually these come into play the more
effectively and confidently we can use monetary tools.




-14I have tried to give you, today, an agenda of sorts
for structural reforms in banking for the Seventies.

It probably

incorporates more trends in being than it perceives or forecasts
goals which will emerge.

I do not pretend to have the foresight

of the author of the phrase "the Soaring Sixties."

But I do feel

fairly sure that if we ignore this agenda's problems we'll start
the Eighties disadvantaged by an obsolete banking system.