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For release on delivery
4 p.m. EDT
Hay 30, 1986




IS INFLATION LICKED?

Remarks by

Emmett J. Rice
Member,

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System

before the
Emeritus Directors of the
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston

Boston, Massachusetts

May *30, 1986

I am pleased to have the opportunity to speak to you
today.

I always think of the Boston Fed as being distinct for

the way in which it has successfully blended its national r espon­
sibilities and its regional identity.

Down through the years,

the Boston Fed has maintained an active involvement in the economic
issues confronting the New England region as it has moved beyond
the period of regional stagnation in the 1970s to the more recent
period of sustained growth.

I also know,

from personal experience,

of the valuable contribution that President Morris and the directors
of the Bank have made to national economic policy.
The issue I would like to talk about today is inflation.
Compared with the situation that existed at the end of the 1970s,
we obviously have come a long way toward bringing inflation u n ­
der control.
falling.

Indeed,

the most recent data show the CPI actually

In addition, wage inflation, which has moderated sub­

stantially over the last few years,
further,

seems to be slowing still

and commodity prices are generally depressed.

critical question is:

The

Do these events indicate that the problem

of inflation is now behind u s — or soon will b e — so that economic
policy can be safely tilted more in the direction of achieving
a high rate of real growth?

In short,

is inflation licked?

In working toward an answer to this question,

I

would first like to review the events of the past few years.

I

will then take a closer look at the recent economic developments.




2

-

Finally,

-

I will explore some of the major influences that seem

likely to shape the prospects for inflation in the future.
Many of you are familiar with the rise and fall of
inflation over the past couple of decades,

and I do not intend

to take you through every twist and turn of the major price
indexes.

Instead,

I want to make some general observations

about our collective experience with inflation,

focusing on the

period that began around 1979.
By 1979, price inflation had accelerated to double-digit
rates,

and surging price expectations were beginning to permeate

the decision-making processes of households and businesses
alike.
markets,

Confidence in the dollar was ebbing in international
and, at home,

the credibility of monetary p o l i c y — and

of economic policy in general--was beginning to erode.

A feeling

was growing that the government would not, or could not, take
the necessary steps to bring inflation under control.

The

task of policy was to re-establish that lost credibility.
The Federal Reserve,

of course, played a central

role in restoring the credibility of national economic policy.
The Fed had to make it clear,

in a way that a skeptical p u b ­

lic could readily understand, that the inflation situation was
going to be turned around.

Expectations that ha d become deeply

entrenched needed to be uprooted.
In the event, turning inflation around proved to be
a painful and costly process.




Interest rates soared.

One

- 3 recession occurred in early 1980, and after a brief recovery,

a

second recession in 1981 and 1982 pushed unemployment rates to
the highest levels of the postwar period.
Prices, however,
1982,

did decelerate sharply.

From 1980 to

the rate of increase in the GNP implicit price deflator

was h a l v e d — from around 10 percent to just over 5 percent.
The slowdown in consumer prices was even more dramatic— from
12-1/2 percent in 1980 to 4-1/2 percent in 1982.
which had remained large during 1981,
by the end of 1982.

Wage increases,

also started to moderate

Wage price interactions— which had helped

to maintain the momentum of inflation in the 1970s— thus began
to work in a more beneficial direction.

Smaller wage increases

eased the pressures on businesses to raise prices,

and,

in turn,

the slower rate of price increase relieved the pressures on
workers to catch up with past inflation or stay ahead of antici­
pated inflation.

As these processes unfolded, the momentum of

inflation started to be replaced by some momentum toward disin­
flation .
The next chapter in the inflation story began with the
start of the economic upturn and has extended until roughly the
present.

This period was largely one of consolidation— of

building upon earlier gains.

The task of policy in the 1979-82

period had been to break the momentum of inflation.

The task

now became that of keeping inflation down during an economic




- 4 -

recovery.

The historical record on this score was not encouraging.

During the 1970s,

inflation slowed during recessions,

only to

surge back to even higher levels in the subsequent expansions.
Inflation expectations still remained hig h after the
1982 recession.

The public had experienced too long a period of

worsening inflation to fully believe that we were now, once and
for all,

on the path to lower inflation.

Expectations also

began to be influenced to an increasing degree b y growing federal
budget deficits, which made many observers suspect,
wrongly,

rightly or

that the government would eventually turn to monetary

expansion as a w ay to assist in financing its deficits.
This set of considerations required policy-makers to
tread softly.

Policy needed to support the nascent expansion,

but, at the same time, avoid pushing the economy ahead so fast
as to risk reigniting the inflationary fires that were now being
damped.

All in all,

I think it is fair to say that we have

succeeded reasonably well in walking that narrow path between
too much growth and too little growth.

In its early stages,

the

expansion was more robust than expected and unemployment rates
dropped sharply from their recession highs.
slowed during the past two years,

Although growth has

job creation has remained

substantial, and, apart from some short-term variation, un emp loy ­
ment rates have edged down f u r t he r.
The nation's price performance also remained favorable.
Inflation dj.d not accelerate as it had in some other expansions,




- 5 -

even as unemployment was dropping.

Indeed,

in 1985,

the third

year of the expansion, most inflation measures rose at about a 3
to 4 percent rate— little different from their rates of increase
at the beginning of the recovery.
in crude oil prices,

This year, with the collapse

it appears that inflation probably will slow

still further.
These favorable price developments resulted not only
from the economic policies that were followed, but also from some
special factors.

After peaking in 1981, oil prices began a long

period of decline that ended in the extraordinary rapid decline
that we saw in early 1986.

Similarly,

in the agricultural sector,

the excess demand pressures of the 1970s gave w ay to a situation
of excess supply that has persisted to the present.
Developments in international markets also helped to
reinforce the disinflationary process.

The foreign exchange

value of the dollar began to appreciate in late 1980,
only a few temporary pauses,
more than four years.

and with

maintained an upward course for

At its peak,

the value of the dollar,

relative to other major currencies, was more than 80 percent
above its previous trough.
This prolonged appreciation of the dollar had profound
impacts on U.S. price and wage behavior.

Import prices stabilized,

and U.S. businesses were forced to exercise price restraint in
order to remain competitive with foreign producers.




In addition,

-

6

-

the pressure of foreign competition weighed heavily on labor m a r ­
kets,

further reinforcing the trend toward wage moderation.
The rise of the dollar,

the drop in oil prices,

and

an excess supply situation in agriculture and other commodity
markets created an unsually favorable environment for holding
inflation in check in the first half of the 1980s.

My concern

as we look ahead is that some of these factors are not likely to
be as favorable as they have been in the past three and a h a l f
years.

Policy-makers therefore are likely to confront a new,

and in many respects,

still more challenging environment.

The precise nature of the challenges that lay ahead
are likely to be determined to a great extent b y several
international and domestic developments that currently are c o m­
bining to reshape the economic landscape.
these developments in turn.

First,

Let us consider

as I mentioned earlier,

world oil prices have plunged since the start of the year,
about half the levels of a year ago.

Second,

to

the dollar has

come down substantially from its peak of early 1985.

Third,

there are hopeful signs that Congress and the Administration may
finally take the actions necessary to reduce the federal budget
deficit.

Fourth,

long-term interest rates have moved down

considerably since last fall, apparently reflecting both an
easing of real rates and some shift toward lower expectations
about future inflation.




- 7 Sorting out the implications of these developments
for economic activity and inflation is not easy, but let me
try to identify some of the more important effects.

The drop

in oil prices obviously is currently exerting strong downward
pressures on the rate of inflation.

However,

these downward

pressures will probably dissipate as the oil price declines come
to an end.

Put simply,

oil prices probably are going to hold

down inflation this year;

later on, they seem likely to have a

more neutral effect— or perhaps even an upward effect if there
is a sustained surge in petroleum demand.
Thus far, the fall in the dollar,

in contrast to oil,

has not had a very visible impact on U.S. inflation rates.
Although the prices of imported goods have begun rising— and at
an accelerated pace in recent m ont hs — not much of the rise, as
yet,

appears to have been passed on to consumers.

however,

Over time,

I suspect that these dollar effects will become more

visible and that,

in terms of their long-run impact,

they may

prove to be more important than the changes that we have seen
in oil prices.

Indeed, the prospect of a sustained rise in

import prices is a major factor that makes me hesitant to claim
a lasting victory over inflation at this time.
We also will need to be alert in the months ahead to
some of the indirect effects of falling oil prices and a depre­
ciating dollar.




In particular,

falling oil prices, b y boosting

-

8

-

the real purchasing power of consumers,

should eventually have

a stimulative effect on aggregate economic activity,

although

some regions of the country— notably the Southwest— are being
hurt.

Similarly,

the drop in the dollar, b y fostering increased

exports and damping import growth,
sionary.

should eventually prove expan­

These potentially-stimulative developments,

with the recent declines in long-term interest rates,
possibility of a substantial pickup in real activity.

together
raise the
And,

while a temporary upswing in growth probably w ould not lead to
a serious pickup in inflation, a sustained surge in activity
might very well lead to enough tightening of labor and product
markets to generate renewed inflationary pressures.
I recognize that,

for the time-being,

these concerns

seem only hypothetical and that, with the unemployment rate h o v e r ­
ing around the 7 percent mark and factories operating at less
than 80 percent of capacity, we currently hav e some room to
expand.

However,

I also recall from the 1970s h o w quickly a

situation of seemingly excess capacity in labor and product
markets was transformed into a situation of excess demand for
resources.

Perhaps, as some would argue, the unemployment rate

at which inflationary pressures begin to build is edging downward.
But, as a practical matter, we cannot be certain exactly where
that inflationary threshhold lies, and the prudent policy would
seem to be that of remaining wary,

lest renewed inflationary

pressures emerge sooner than expected.




- 9 -

I would feel more comfortable about our potential to
expand at a rapid pace in the period ahead if there were evidence
that the long-awaited acceleration in productivity growth were
at hand.

In reality, however, productivity growth has been

disappointing in this expansion.

Over the past year,

for example,

there has been no productivity growth in the nonfarm business
sector;

and, abstracting from cyclical swings, the overall p r o d u c ­

tivity performance during this expansion looks only slightly
better than the lackluster trend of the 1970s.
You probably have gathered by now that I have some
real doubts about whether we have,
once and for all.

in fact,

licked inflation

I don't think that we have.

Indeed, when one

factors the oil price effects out of the recent CPI data, it
appears to me that the underlying inflation rate still is in the
3 to 4 percent range— with a risk that the numbers could start
coming in higher when the effects of rising import prices start
to become more pronounced.
I do not want to leave you, however, with the impression
that all is lost.

Over time,

oil prices are going to go up and

down, as is the exchange value of the dollar, and inflation
rates will fluctuate as these adjustments occur.

But a rise in

oil prices or in import prices in general need not have the
destructive longer-run consequences that similar adjustments
had in the 1970s.

Imports,

of all domestic spending,




for example, are only about 12 percent

even with the import surge of recent

- 10 -

years.

Hence,

even a fairly sizable one-time adjustment in

import prices, b ^ i ts el f, would not necessarily be a critical
setback for our anti-inflation efforts.
Serious difficulties would arise, however,

if the

increase in import prices started getting built into the domes­
tic economy through wage-price interactions or through expectational effects.

Avoiding these destructive second-round effects

probably is the k ey ingredient in determining how go o d — or h o w
b a d — our domestic inflation performance will be over the next
several y e a r s .
I am reasonably hopeful that these destructive secondround effects can be minimized.

Surely, many of our workers and

businesses now recognize that they are competing in world markets
and that it is in their long-run interest to keep wages and prices
at competitive levels, rather than ratcheting up in step with
rising import prices.

And,

to the extent that restraint prevails

in the private sector, monetary policy can be more effective in
promoting economic growth while at the same time maintaining the
long-run commitment to price stability.
however,

Even if all goes well,

it seems to me that there is considerable potential for

a moderate pickup in inflation over the next year or so.
Thus, while I am not pessimistic about our future
prospects,

I am not as optimistic as some; and my final answer

to the question "Is Inflation Licked?" must be "No,




I d o n ‘t think

- 11 -

so."

Apart, from energy, actual inflation rates still are in a

range that, only a decade and a half ago, were viewed as being
so intolerable that they led to a program of extensive wage and
price controls.

Nor would anyone contend that inflation expecta­

tions have adjusted down to zero.
Perhaps, however, the question should be changed to
"Can Inflation Be Licked?" and in this case my answer would be
"Yes, but only if we have the will."
Our collective will may be tested in the period ahead,
with new dangers that could place new demands on both the private
sector and government policy-makers.

I would hope that we can

be skillful in meeting those demands.

As one who joined the

Federal Reserve Board in the late 1970s, when the crest of i nfl a­
tion still was rising,

I am aware of the great difficulties— and

the considerable costs— of gaining control of inflationary p r e s ­
sures once they have been unleashed.

That experience suggests

to me that a degree of caution is appropriate at the present
time, both in assessing our past gains against inflation and in
formulating our future economic p o l i c i e s .
In particular, we should not,

through our own policies,

create a situation in which a run of bad luck,
enced in the 1970s,

such as we exper i­

can do serious long-run damage to the economy.

We live in a world in which future events are not hig hly p r e di ct ­
able and in which the "fine-tuning" of economic policy is not
possible.




In such circumstances,

there seems some value in

- 12 -

maintaining an appropriate margin for error,

in the event that

the future does not unfold as benignly as we might like.
We have made substantial progress against inflation
since 1979.
able.

But,

in my view,

The recent data, especially, have been highly favor­
at the same time, nothing could be more hazardous,
than to suppose that our problems with inflation are

behind us once and for all.