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BANKING STABILITY - THE HOLE OF DEPOSIT INSURANCE

BANKING STABILITY - THE ROLE OF DEPOSIT INSURANCE
Lecture by Dr. Edison H. Cramer, Chief of the Division of
Research and Statistics, Federal Deposit Insurance Corpo­
ration, before the Colorado School of Banking, University
of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado, August 19, 195^

As a background for today's topic '‘Banking Stability - The
Role of Deposit Insurance", I want to review some of the material you
have covered in Basic Economic Principles and that we have discussed
in the first three sessions of this class and summarize it in a few
short statements as follows:
1.

Our private enterprise economy is one in which individuals

exchange the goods and services they produce for the goods and services
produced by others.
2.

In a primitive society, this exchange process may be

effected by barter - the direct exchange of goods for goods.
3.

As specialization develops, barter becomes cumbersome and

goods and services are exchanged for money and the money then exchanged
for other goods and services.

As stated by Chandler in the text you are

studying, A Preface to Economics, "an efficient monetary system can
greatly facilitate exchange, thereby enhancing productivity' .

k.

Money has its limitations, and in our modern society goods

and services are exchanged for other goods and services through the
medium not only of money but of the right to claim money. 1/
1/ The word money is used here in a narrow technical sense to include only coins and currency. Money is also used as synonymous with the
phrase "medium of exchange" and "circulating medium" and then includes
bank deposits as well as coins and currency.




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The primary function of banks is to make available to

society the most important segment of its medium of exchange--bank
deposits— the right to claim money.
6.

Stability in the value of the medium of exchange is a

fundamental prerequisite for business stability.

In the first chapter

of the text used in Money and Banking for second year students, Pro­
fessor Thomas says that money "stands forth as a kind of genie with
tremendous, all-prevading powers over economic good and evil.'1
7.

Stability in the value of the medium of exchange depends

upon stability in its supply, adjusted for a reasonable rate of growth,
probably less than 5 percent per year.
8.

'Whenever commercial banks increase deposits too fast,

the value of money decreases.

This we call inflation.

Whenever

commercial banks do not increase deposits fast enough, the value of
money increases.

The result of this deflation is likely to be un­

employment and depression.
9.

Whenever commercial banks have ample reserves, they

acquire additional assets in order to increase their earnings and
they thus increase deposits•

Whenever they lack reserves they are

forced to relinquish assets and thus decrease deposits.
10.

Generally speaking, the quantity of bank reserves and

the requirements as to how much reserves must be held are the result
of central bank policy, and the commercial banking system is helpless




to do anything about them.
The foregoing summary, I believe, is a fair presentation of
the basic economic doctrine that developed during the past century and
a half.

To be sure, there are some economists who assign to money

and bank credit only a permissive role in the instability that has long
characterized our economy.

However, there are many other economists

who hold that instability in money and banking has been the paramount
cause of instability in business.

Moreover, this theory has been

shared by many who are not professional economists.

It has long been

believed that the basic cause of all severe business fluctuations
originates in some way from the operation of the banking system.

In

September, 18 3 7 , one hundred and seventeen years ago, President Van
Burén, in a message to a special session of the Congress, attributed
the great crisis of that year to the banks; and twenty years later,
President Buchanan, in his annual message to the Congress in December,

18 5 7 , likewise blamed the banks for the crisis of that year.

A

historian of banking theory has said that the presidents were express­
ing the opinion of the majority of the contemporary students of the
problem.

1j

If you were to go through the bills relating to banks

introduced into the Congress during and following every business de­
pression, you would see that this belief has been prevalent ever since
the time of George Washington and Alexander Hamilton.

That is to say,

1/ Richardson, Messages of the Presidents, III, 325 ff • and V ^37
ff; and Harry E. Miller, Banking Theories in the United States Before
i860 , p. 10 5 *




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political leaders, students of banking, and the general public have
long recognized that if we are to maintain vigorous commercial and in­
dustrial activity, banking stability is a necessary condition.
Prior to the Civil War, to be sure, our economy was largely
agricultural, and the industrial development that was to transform it
was in its early stage.

Banking played a somewhat less important role

at that time, but even then the nation needed a medium of exchange
with stability in its value.

The recurring periods of unsettlement in

the financial affairs of the nation affected the business and agri­
culture communities and the problem of banking instability was ever
present.

With the development of industrial specialization during the

second half of the Nineteenth Century, the question of banking sta­
bility grew in importance and urgency.
This problem of banking instability and its effect on business
stemmed from two main sources.

In the first place, bank deposits ex­

pand and contract with the expansion and contraction of bank reserves.
As we discussed yesterday, the quantity of effective reserves available
to banks now depends almost exclusively on central bank policy.

But

prior to 1 9 1 ^, we had no central bank and no adequate control over the
quantity of bank assets or deposits.

The Federal Reserve Act of 1913

created a central banking system, and gave it power to control the
quantity of bank reserves.
banking acts of

This power was made more effective by the

1933 and 1935»

However, the Act did not correct the other source of insta­
bility in our system of free enterprise banking.




This second weakness

of our banking system to which I refer was the instability of individual
banks.

With thousands of independent banks— at one time close to thirty

thousand— there were bound to be some that failed for one reason or
another.

In the event of a bank failure, the public lost not only part

of its circulating medium but also its confidence in neighboring banks.
During periods of money stringency when banks were contracting their
assets because of lack of reserves, weak banks would fail and depositor
panic would spread from bank to bank and many sound institutions would
be forced to close their doors.

How this situation affected our banking

system and the way it has been corrected is the subject for today's
lesson.
Record of instability.

So that we could see graphically the

record of bank failures in the United States over the past three quarters
of a century, we studied the available statistical data and prepared a
chart showing failures in banking and business during the period 1867
‘V '

to 19 5 2 .

The rate of failure in banking is depicted by the red sil­

houette, and the black curve furnishes as a point of reference the
rate of failure for other types of business.

The statistical problems

involved in analyzing these data were such that it is impossible to
say the presentation is precisely accurate.

Nevertheless, the over-all

picture for this period as shown on this chart, in my opinion, is a
fair representation of the historical facts.

You will note that for

long periods of time the record of banking was substantially better
than for other types of business.




However, during other periods the

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troublesome problem of banking instability is apparent*

Generally

speaking, the times when bank failures were relatively more than busi­
ness failures were times of deep depression and stagnation.
should like to picture the facts regarding bank failures
in a somewhat different form.

On this map is a dot representing each

bank failure for the period 1915-1933•

The total suspensions during

this 19-year period were over fifteen thousand.
you can see, was widespread.

The distribution, as

Agricultural States appear to have been

particularly vulnerable but no area really escaped, irrespective of
the economic bases supporting the economy.
in the great depression in the early

The problem became acute

1930 's.

It is apparent from these charts that the problem of bank
failure was not solved in 19 13 by establishment of a central banking
system.

As a result there were those who contended that instability

in banking was an inherent characteristic of our dual banking system
with its multiple chartering authorities and thousands of individual
banks.

The proponents of that theory pointed to the structure of bank-

ing in other commercial nations where instead of 14,000 or

15,000

individual banks, there were a few huge institutions operating elaborate
systems of branches.

The critics of the dual banking system placed

great emphasis on the record of banking instability for three quarters
of a century, and particularly in the 19201s and early 1930's.

This

record, it was contended, was so bad that something had to be done to
correct it, and very drastic plans for changing our banking system were




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proposed.

Many economists recommended unlimited branch banking as the

most practical solution, others worked out schemes for requiring banks
to keep 100 percent reserves against deposits, and still others suggested
nationalization of our banking system.
Deposit insurance legislation.

Fortunately, a few students

of banking realized that the cause of so many bank failures could be
traced to the two sources mentioned earlier— central bank operations
and individual bank weaknesses.

Before discussing the solution based

on this analysis of the problem, I want to turn briefly to another
historical factor.

Prior to the Civil War, bank notes were the prin­

cipal medium of exchange.

The National Bank Act of 1863 placed a

Federal guarantee on this circulating medium.

But bank deposits gradually

replaced bank notes and other forms of currency, and the guaranteed
portion of the money supply declined in importance.
By the middle of the l880's, deposits had become over fourfifths of the circulating medium.

The problem of protecting them was

sufficiently acute to bring about the introduction in the Congress of
bills providing for the guarantee of deposits. Four bills for this
purpose were introduced in the House of Representatives in 18 8 6 .
Fourteen more were introduced in the Congress prior to 1900 .

In the

60th Congress, following the panic of 1907; about thirty proposals were
made for deposit guarantee legislation.

The Democratic platform of 1908

contained this plank, “We pledge ourselves to legislation under which




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the national banks shall be required to establish a guarantee fund for
the prompt payment of the depositors of any insolvent national bank,
under an equitable system which should be available to all State bank­
ing institutions wishing to use it."

The Senate version of the Federal

Reserve Act in 1913 carried such a provision, but the banking and
currency committee of the House was instrumental in taking it out of
the Act.
For the entire period from 1886 to the establishment of the
Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation in 1933; 150 bills for the
guarantee or insurance of deposits are known to have been introduced
in the Congress.
The foregoing figure does not include bills proposing the
establishment and operation of banks of deposit by the government
itself.

Numerous proposals of this type were introduced.

Some called

for a Bank of the United States with a system of branches and others
for the expansion of the Postal Savings System to provide for receipt
of deposits and their transfer by check at Post Offices throughout
the nation.

The number of such proposals has never been tabulated.

The great depression and the banking debacle in the spring
of 1933 convinced the Congress that insurance of bank deposits--our
principal circulating medium— could no longer be delayed.

It was in

this atmosphere of desperate emergency that the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation was created.

Many students of banking and most bankers be­

lieved it could not possible succeed, but were willing to try it as a
last resort




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Solution iso bank failure problem»

Adoption by the Congres

in 19 33 of the principle of deposit insurance was an exercise of its
sovereign power to provide and control the nation1s circulating medium
or supply of money, and the responsibility imposed upon the Congress
by the Constitution of the United States to regulate the value of money*
The monetary responsibility which the Congress has given the Federal
Deposit Insurance Corporation is definite and precise.

The Corporation

has been given the duty of preventing the destruction of the circulat­
ing medium by reducing the number of bank failures, and the restoration
to a community in which a failure occurs of a portion of the money supply
extinguished by the failure.
Now 1 sllould like to Picture the facts regarding bank failures

0

(zPior another 1 9 -year period, beginning with 19 3 ^- when deposit insurance
became effective.
on the map.

You will note that there are not many black spots

The total number of bank failures was only 520, of which

k20 were insured and 100 noninsured banks.

Two more insured banks have

failed in 1953 making a total of h22 since the inception of the Corpo­
ration.

Of these failing insured banks, 177 were merged with other

sound banks with the financial assistance of the Federal Deposit In­
surance Corporation.

In these cases no depositor suffered any loss.

This method of aiding depositors has been used exclusively since May,
19^4.

For the first 20 years of Federal deposit insurance the record

reads:

395 insured bank failures during the first decade of its opera­

tion and 2 7 --an average of less than 3 per year--during the second decade.




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These facts point to a conclusion which, so far as I can
see, is inescapable.

The long recognized and troublesome problem of

bank failure was faced in the early 1930's.

A way to solve the problem

was developed and it was a typically American solution.

The banking

structure was strengthened and stabilized both by improving the central
banking system and by the adoption of Federal Deposit Insurance
legislation.

Deposit insurance has fostered the confidence of de­

positors in banks, and it seems reasonable to expect that never again
will multitudes of sound banks be swept away because depositors are
panicky.

Continuation of appropriate central bank policy such as we

have had since 19 ^+7 > along with stability of individual banks because
of deposit insurance will give us business stability, and we need
never again have a long serious depression like that of the early
1930's.

As time goes on our experience with continuous prosperity will

convince the world that our private business enterprise economy and our
dual system of free enterprise banking are not inherently unstable, but
are extremely flexible and responsive to changing conditions and chang­
ing times.