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Macro Models and
Monetary Policy Analysis
Bundesbank – Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia Spring 2012 Research Conference
Eltville, Germany
May 25, 2012

Charles I. Plosser
President and CEO
Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia

The views expressed today are my own and not necessarily
those of the Federal Reserve System or the FOMC.

Macro Models and Monetary Policy Analysis
Bundesbank – Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia Spring 2012 Research Conference
Eltville, Germany
May 25, 2012
Charles I. Plosser
President and Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia

Introduction
Good afternoon. It is indeed a pleasure to be with you today. I want to thank President
Weidmann for his hospitality, and Dr. Heinz Herrmann and the staff of the Bundesbank
for inviting the staff of the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia to co-organize the
Bundesbank’s 2012 Spring Conference. The conference papers address a multitude of
issues that confront the current state of macroeconomics, and the discussion over the
past two days shows that researchers are making important strides in understanding the
macroeconomy. After spending over 30 years in academia, I have served the last six
years as a policymaker trying to apply what economics has taught me. Needless to say, I
picked a challenging time to undertake such an endeavor. But I have learned that,
despite the advances in our understanding of economics, a number of issues remain
unresolved in the context of modern macro models and their use for policy analysis. In
my remarks today, I will touch on some issues facing policymakers that I believe stateof-the-art macro models would do well to confront. Before continuing, I should note
that I speak for myself and not the Federal Reserve System or my colleagues on the
Federal Open Market Committee.
More than 40 years ago, the rational expectations revolution in macroeconomics helped
to shape a consensus among economists that only unanticipated shifts in monetary
policy can have real effects. According to this consensus, only monetary surprises affect
the real economy in the short to medium run because consumers, workers, employers,
and investors cannot respond quickly enough to offset the effect of these policy actions
on consumption, the labor market, and investment. 1

1

See Sargent (1996).
1

But over the years this consensus view on the transmission mechanism of monetary
policy to the real economy has evolved. The current generation of macro models,
referred to as New Keynesian DSGE models,2 rely on real and nominal frictions to
transmit not only unanticipated but also systematic changes in monetary policy to the
economy. Unexpected monetary shocks drive movements in output, consumption,
investment, hours worked, and employment in DSGE models. However, in contrast to
the earlier literature, it is the relevance of systematic movements in monetary policy
that makes these models of so much interest for policy analysis. Systematic policy
changes are represented in these models by Taylor-type rules, in which the policy
interest rate responds to changes in inflation and a measure of real activity, such as
output growth. Armed with forecasts of inflation and output growth, a central bank can
assess the impact that different policy rate paths may have on the economy. The ability
to do this type of policy analysis helps explain the widespread use of New Keynesian
DSGE models at central banks around the world.
These modern macro models stress the importance of credibility and systematic policy,
as well as forward-looking rational agents, in the determination of economic outcomes.
In doing so, they offer guidance to policymakers about how to structure policies that will
improve the policy framework and, therefore, economic performance. Nonetheless, I
think there is room for improving the models and the advice they deliver on policy
options. Before discussing several of these improvements, it is important to appreciate
the “rules of the game” of the New Keynesian DSGE framework.
The New Keynesian Framework
New Keynesian DSGE models are the latest update to real business cycle, or RBC, theory.
Given my own research in this area, it probably does not surprise many of you that I find
the RBC paradigm a useful and valuable platform on which to build our macroeconomic
models. 3 One goal of real business cycle theory is to study the predictions of dynamic
general equilibrium models, in which optimizing and forward-looking consumers,
workers, employers, and investors are endowed with rational expectations. A
shortcoming many see in the simple real business cycle model is its difficulty in
internally generating persistent changes in output and employment from a transitory or
temporary external shock to, say, productivity. 4 The recognition of this problem has
2

DSGE stands for dynamic stochastic general equilibrium.

3

See Long and Plosser (1983) and King, Plosser, and Rebelo (1988a, b).

4

See King and Plosser (1994), Rotemberg and Woodford (1995), and Cogley and Nason (1993, 1995).
2

inspired variations on the simple model, of which the New Keynesian revival is an
example.
The approach taken in these models is to incorporate a structure of real and nominal
frictions into the real business cycle framework. These frictions are placed in DSGE
models, in part, to make real economic activity respond to anticipated and
unanticipated changes in monetary policy, at least, in the short to medium run. The real
frictions that drive internal propagation of monetary policy often include habit
formation in consumption, that is, how past consumption influences current
consumption; the costs of capital used in production; and the resources expended by
adding new investment to the existing stock of capital. New Keynesian DSGE models
also include the costs faced by monopolistic firms and households when setting their
prices and nominal wages. A nominal friction often assumed in Keynesian DSGE models
is that firms and households have to wait a fixed interval of time before they can reset
their prices and wages in a forward-looking, optimal manner. A rule of the game in
these models is that the interactions of these nominal frictions with real frictions give
rise to persistent monetary nonneutralities over the business cycle. 5 It is this monetary
transmission mechanism that makes the New Keynesian DSGE models attractive to
central banks.
An assumption of these models is that the structure of these real and nominal frictions,
which transmit changes in monetary policy to the real economy, well-approximate the
true underlying rigidities of the actual economy and are not affected by changes in
monetary policy. This assumption implies that the frictions faced by consumers,
workers, employers, and investors cannot be eliminated at any price they might be
willing to pay. Although the actors in actual economies probably recognize the
incentives they have to innovate — think of the strategy to use continuous pricing on
line for many goods and services — or to seek insurance to minimize the costs of the
frictions, these actions and markets are ruled out by the “rules of the game” of New
Keynesian DSGE modeling.
Another important rule of the game prescribes that monetary policy is represented by
an interest rate or Taylor-type reaction function that policymakers are committed to
follow and that everyone believes will, in fact, be followed. This ingredient of New
Keynesian DSGE models most often commits a central bank to increase its policy rate
when inflation or output rises above the target set by the central bank. And this
5

See Christiano, Eichenbaum, and Evans (2005) and Smets and Wouters (2007).
3

commitment is assumed to be fully credible according to the rules of the game of New
Keynesian DSGE models. Policy changes are then evaluated as deviations from the
invariant policy rule to which policymakers are credibly committed.
The Lucas Critique Revisited with Respect to New Keynesian DSGE Models
In my view, the current rules of the game of New Keynesian DSGE models run afoul of
the Lucas critique – a seminal work for my generation of macroeconomists and for each
generation since.6 The Lucas critique teaches us that to do policy analysis correctly, we
must understand the relationship between economic outcomes and the beliefs of
economic agents about the policy regime. Equally important is the Lucas critique’s
warning against using models whose structure changes with the alternative government
policies under consideration. 7 Policy changes are almost never once and for all. So,
many economists would argue that an economic model that maps states of the world to
outcomes but that does not model how policy shifts across alternative regimes would
fail the Lucas critique because it would not be policy invariant. 8 Instead, economists
could better judge the effects of competing policy options by building models that
account for the way in which policymakers switch between alternative policy regimes as
economic circumstances change. 9
For example, I have always been uncomfortable with the New Keynesian model’s
assumption that wage and price setters have market power but, at the same time, are
unable or unwilling to change prices in response to anticipated and systematic shifts in
monetary policy. This suggests that the deep structure of nominal frictions in New
Keynesian DSGE models should do more than measure the length of time that firms and
households wait for a chance to reset their prices and wages. 10 Moreover, it raises

6

See Lucas (1976).

7

The Lucas critique does not apply to the forecasting problem. An aim of forecasters is to develop models
immune from systematic forecast errors instead of models whose structure is immutable in the face of
shifting policy regimes.

8

See Cooley, LeRoy, and Raymon (1984), Sargent (1984), Sims (1982, 1987), and Leeper and Zha (2003).

9

See Leeper and Zha (2003), Cogley and Sargent (2005), Sims and Zha (2006), and Leeper and Davig
(2006).

10

Economic history is replete with examples of systematic monetary policy interventions creating
incentives for consumers, workers, employers, and investors to alter their decision rules and actions,
including the German hyperinflation of the early 1920s, the Great Inflation of the 1970s, and the Volcker
disinflation; see Sargent (1983, 1999).
4

questions about the mechanism by which monetary policy shocks are transmitted to the
real economy in these models.
I might also note here that the evidence from micro data on price behavior is not
particularly consistent with the implications of the usual staggered price-setting
assumptions in these models. 11 When the real and nominal frictions of New Keynesian
models do not reflect the incentives faced by economic actors in actual economies,
these models violate the Lucas critique’s policy invariance dictum, and thus, the policy
advice these models offer must be interpreted with caution.
From a policy perspective, the assumption that a central bank can always and
everywhere credibly commit to its policy rule is, I believe, also questionable. While it is
desirable for policymakers to do so — and in practice, I seek ways to make policy more
systematic and more credible — commitment is a luxury few central bankers ever
actually have, and fewer still faithfully follow.
During the 1980s and 1990s, it was quite common to hear in workshops and seminars
the criticism that a model didn’t satisfy the Lucas critique. I thought this was often a
cheap shot because almost no model satisfactorily dealt with the issue. And during a
period when the policy regime was apparently fairly stable — which many argued it
mostly was during those years — the failure to satisfy the Lucas critique seemed
somewhat less troublesome. However, in my view, throughout the crisis of the last few
years and its aftermath, the Lucas critique has become decidedly more relevant. Policy
actions have become increasingly discretionary. Moreover, the financial crisis and
associated policy responses have left many central banks operating with their policy rate
near the zero lower bound; this means that they are no longer following a systematic
rule, if they ever were. Given that central bankers are, in fact, acting in a discretionary
manner, whether it is because they are at the zero bound or because they cannot or will
not commit, how are we to interpret policy advice coming from models that assume full
commitment to a systematic rule? I think this point is driven home by noting that a
number of central banks have been openly discussing different regimes, from price-level
targeting to nominal GDP targeting. In such an environment where policymakers
actively debate alternative regimes, how confident can we be about the policy advice
that follows from models in which that is never contemplated?

11

See Maćkowiak and Smets (2009) and Alvarez and Burriel (2010).
5

Some Directions for Furthering the Research Agenda
While I have been pointing out some limitations of DSGE models, I would like to end my
remarks with six suggestions I believe would be fruitful for the research agenda.
First, I believe we should work to give the real and nominal frictions that underpin the
monetary propagation mechanism of New Keynesian DSGE models deeper and more
empirically supported structural foundations. There is already much work being done on
this in the areas of search models applied to labor markets and studies of the behavior
of prices at the firm level. Many of you at this conference have made significant
contributions to this literature.
Second, on the policy dimension, the impact of the zero lower bound on central bank
policy rates remains, as a central banker once said, a conundrum. The zero lower bound
introduces nonlinearity into the analysis of monetary policy that macroeconomists and
policymakers still do not fully understand. New Keynesian models have made some
progress in solving this problem,12 but a complete understanding of the zero bound
conundrum involves recasting a New Keynesian DSGE model to show how it can provide
an economically meaningful story of the set of shocks, financial markets, and frictions
that explain the financial crisis, the resulting recession, and the weak recovery that has
followed. This might be asking a lot, but a good challenge usually produces
extraordinary research.
Third, we must make progress in our analysis of credibility and commitment. The New
Keynesian framework mostly assumes that policymakers are fully credible in their
commitment to a specified policy rule. If that is not the case in practice, how do
policymakers assess the policy advice these models deliver? Policy at the zero lower
bound is a leading example of this issue. According to the New Keynesian model, zero
lower bound policies rely on policymakers guiding the public’s expectations of when an
initial interest rate increase will occur in the future. If the credibility of this forward
guidance is questioned, evaluation of the zero lower bound policy has to account for the
public's beliefs that commitment to this policy is incomplete. I have found that
policymakers like to presume that their policy actions are completely credible and then
engage in decisions accordingly. Yet if that presumption is wrong, those policies will not

12

See Braun, Körber, and Waki (2012), Carlstrom, Fuerst, and Paustian (2012), and Fernández-Villaverde,
Gordon, Guerrón-Quintana, and Rubio-Ramírez (2012).
6

have the desired or predicted outcomes. Is there a way to design and estimate policy
responses in such a world? Can reputational models be adapted for this purpose?
Fourth, and related, macroeconomists need to consider how to integrate the
institutional design of central banks into our macroeconomic models. Different designs
permit different degrees of discretion for a central bank. For example, responsibility for
setting monetary policy is often delegated by an elected legislature to an independent
central bank. However, the mandates given to central banks differ across countries. The
Fed is often said to have a dual mandate; some banks have a hierarchal mandate; and
others have a single mandate. Yet economists endow their New Keynesian DSGE models
with strikingly uniform Taylor-type rules, always assuming complete credibility. Policy
analysis might be improved by considering the institutional design of central banks and
how it relates to the ability to commit and the specification of the Taylor-type rules that
go into New Keynesian models. Central banks with different levels of discretion will
respond differently to the same set of shocks.
Let me offer a slightly different take on this issue. Policymakers are not Ramsey social
planners. They are individuals who respond to incentives like every other actor in the
economy. Those incentives are often shaped by the nature of the institutions in which
they operate. Yet the models we use often ignore both the institutional environment
and the rational behavior of policymakers. The models often ask policymakers to
undertake actions that run counter to the incentives they face. How should economists
then think about the policy advice their models offer and the outcomes they should
expect? How should we think about the design of our institutions? This is not an
unexplored arena, but if we are to take the policy guidance from our models seriously,
we must think harder about such issues in the context of our models.
This leads to my fifth suggestion. Monetary theory has given a great deal of thought to
rules and credibility in the design of monetary policy, but the recent crisis suggests that
we need to think more about the design of lender-of-last-resort policy and the
institutional mechanism for its execution. Whether to act as the lender of last resort is
discretionary, but does it have to be so? Are there ways to make it more systematic ex
ante? If so, how?
My sixth and final thought concerns moral hazard, which is addressed in only a handful
of models. Moral hazard looms large when one thinks about lender-of-last-resort
activities. But it is also a factor when monetary policy uses discretion to deviate from its
policy rule. If the central bank has credibility that it will return to the rule once it has
7

deviated, this may not be much of a problem. On the other hand, a central bank with
less credibility, or no credibility, may run the risk of inducing excessive risk-taking. An
example of this might be the so-called “Greenspan put,” in which the markets perceived
that when asset prices fell, the Fed would respond by reducing interest rates. Do
monetary policy actions that appear to react to the stock market induce moral hazard
and excessive risk-taking? Does having lender-of-last-resort powers influence the central
bank’s monetary policy decisions, especially at moments when it is not clear whether
the economy is in the midst of a financial crisis? Does the combination of lender-of-lastresort responsibilities with discretionary monetary policy create moral hazard perils for
a central bank, encouraging it to take riskier actions? I do not know the answer to these
questions, but addressing them and the other challenges I have mentioned with New
Keynesian DSGE models should prove useful for evaluating the merits of different
institutional designs for central banks.
Conclusion
The financial crisis and recession have raised new challenges for policymakers and
researchers. The degree to which policy actions, for better or worse, have become
increasingly discretionary should give us pause as we try to evaluate policy choices in
the context of the workhorse New Keynesian framework, especially given its assumption
of credibly committed policymakers. Indeed, the Lucas critique would seem to take on
new relevance in this post-crisis world. Central banks need to ask if discretionary
policies can create incentives that fundamentally change the actions and expectations of
consumers, workers, firms, and investors. Characterizing policy in this way also raises
issues of whether the institutional design of central banks matters for evaluating
monetary policy. I hope my comments today encourage you, as well as the wider
community of macroeconomists, to pursue these research questions that are relevant
to our efforts to improve our policy choices.

8

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