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For Release on Delivery«
(Approximately 10:15 a.m. ,
Central Standard Time,
January 28, 1957»)

THE WHAT, WHY AND WHEN OF FEDERAL RESERVE POLICY
Address of C« Canby Balderston,
Vice Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System,
at the Second Annual Southwestern Senior Executives Conference
of the
Mortgage Bankers Association of America
and
The School of Business Administration, Southern Methodist University,




Dallas, Texas,

THE WHAT, WHY AND WHEN OF FEDERAL RESERVE POLICY
During this past year, credit has been described as "tight"*

The

"tightness" has stemmed from sharp gains in the aggregate demand for credit
rather than from a diminution in its supply.

Actually, the latter has in­

creased a little over the year ago figure and has been used more efficiently.
This is evidenced by the 8 per cent increase during the year in the turnover
of demand deposits.

Even though it has been restrained, the supply of credit

has not been reduced.
As the demand for credit has forged ahead of the supply, the influ­
ence of the resultant scarcity has been felt in both the bond and mortgage
markets.

In turn, it has affected residential construction and possibly

school building, although the latter continues in large volume.

The extent

of the impact on industrial expansion is more difficult to judge, but it has
been affected also.
The mounting demand has come from a variety of sources— governmental
as well as private.

The government has had to buy planes, ships and missiles

that require many of the same materials used in the building and equipping of
plants for private industry.

Corporations, in turn, have competed with those

individuals who desire new houses, cars, and household durables.

As a result,

inflationary pressures have centered largely in metals and metal products;
these pressures are not confined to this country alone, but are world wide.
During this boom, the Federal Reserve Index of Industrial Production
has been at or near capacity levels and there has continued a substantial ex­
pansion of plant capacity*

This tremendous expansion has been superimposed

upon an economy that was already.using many of its resources to the full.
resultant competition for scarce materials, labor and credit has caused the
prices of all of them to rise.




By the end of 1956, wholesale prices had

The

pushed above those of mid-1955 by about 5-1/2 per cent and consumer prices by
about 3 per cent»
The objectives of monetary and fiscal policy.
Even though my topic is Federal Reserve policy, it would be naive
to discuss the objectives of monetary policy apart from those of fiscal policy.
Fiscal policy, embracing as it does, debt management, Federal budgeting, and
Federal taxation, is probably as potent in helping to stabilize the economy
as is monetary policy.
(1)

Their objectives are two-fold:

To foster orderly economic growth and sustain employment at

consistently high levelsj
(2)

To maintain the financial equilibrium of the economy, both

internal, by protecting the purchasing power of the monetary unit, and ex­
ternal, by keeping international payments in balance.

The last of these is

currently of much concern to Britishers,
Why money has been tight.
The statement of objectives may be expressed in another way:

to

keep the economy running at high speed without overstraining its capacity.
Only thus can our nation achieve economic progress in the form of more jobs
and more goods combined with a dollar of stable buying power,

To do this,

a continuous stream of transactions must be kept running much like the stream
of traffic on a crowded highway.

This highway stretches ahead as an inviting

path for future generations provided the current economic traffic does not
become snarled.
However, there is now pouring into the road more economic traffic
than the present road capacity will permit to move forward at one time.
many people want too many things too fast— steel, cement and labor.




As a

Too

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nation we are trying to buy more goods than can be produced, trying to spend
more than our incomes, trying to borrow more than we save.

If we should suc­

ceed, the result can only be higher prices, and » , ♦ we would suffer inflation
with its destruction of savings and its injury to those dependent on them»
The latter now include not only the traditional widows and school teachers
whose incomes are fixed, but the millions of wage earners and citizens build­
ing up pension rights, other fringe benefits, and life insurance equities.
To prevent inflation, we must avoid spending more than we earn through
production.

In a free economy, we do this by making money and credit as scarce,

relatively, as the goods people want to buy with money and credit.

This means

that the price of money— the interest rate— goes up rather than the price of
goods.

Credit is allocated in the market place to those borrowers that are

willing to pay the higher price of money.

The weaker demands for funds are

set aside and with them some of the demands for goods,
General inflation in the prices of real goods is therefore avoided
by accepting instead a price rise for the money used to buy these goods.

We

do this through governmental supervision of the total supply of money and
credit, to keep it in harmony with the economy’
s capacity to produce real goods.
In this country, the Congress has made the Federal Reserve trustee
over the total supply of money and credit.

Its obligation as trustee is to

carry on its work free from partisan political pressure on the one hand or
private business pressure on the other.

Specifically, its role is to regulate

the reserves available to commercial banks so that bank credit may contract
and expand in accordance with the fluctuating needs of the economy.
At the same time the allocation of the available supply of money and
credit is left to the competitive forces of the market.




In this way decisions

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of individual borrowers and lenders stand as the basis for making the best use
of the economy's resources.
Monetary instruments.
The tools used for general monetary control are the well-known three:
open market operations, rediscount rates and reserve requirements.
been listed in the order of their refinement.

These have

The first two have the delicate

touch of the chisel or planej the last, the cruder power of the broadaxe,

In

addition to these general controls, there are those described as selective or
direct.

The only one now in effect in this country is the control over stock

market credit that is exercised by the Federal Reserve Board under authority
from the Congress,

This particular form of selective control is easy to ad­

minister because of the limited number of those affected, the self-government
imposed by the Exchanges upon their members, and the self-discipline of banks
and brokers in adhering to the Board's regulations*
However, during the war many nations, including our own, adopted
other forms of selective control over imports, foods, and critical materials.
One cannot criticize a country for resorting to such controls in emergencies,
but these selective controls appear to have provided only a partial answer.
Even when supported by war-time patriotism their success was limited, and in
the end they did not prevent inflation.

Despite the policing of the multitude

of enterprises and of private citizens, the purchasing power of the monetary
unit suffered eventual loss anyhow.

It seems clear to me that it is not

possible to stop with just a little rationing, or a little price and wage
control.

Once embarked upon, such governmental controls tend to spread until

they cover most of the economy and most citizens.




It is little wonder, therefore, that countries began to shake off
this harness of detailed control by government as soon as free markets were
functioning again.

Since such markets enable individuals to determine for

themselves what they need and what they will buy and at what price, they give
people the satisfaction of using their own knowledge, judgment and initiative.
Such freedom is important even if many spending decisions be unwise.

Moreover,

these processes of the free market place are the only ones consistent with the
private enterprise system.
Coordination and timing of monetary and fiscal policies.
Coordination of monetary policy with fiscal policy is not easy.
Take the problem posed for both the Treasury and the Federal Reserve at the
time the discount rate was raised in November 1955»
ness confidence had been mounting.

For some months, busi­

It was evidenced by the rise of industrial

orders and of loans, by rising stock prices, by business plant expansion, by
a scarcity of steel, cement, and glass, and by increasing prices of many im­
portant industrial materials and products.

Then came the economic uncertain­

ties stemming from President Eisenhower's illness in late September,

That

these uncertainties dissolved in the sober reflections of businessmen seemed
to be indicated when the McGraw-Hill survey of capital additions forecast an
overall increase of 1956 plans over 1955 of 13 per cent.

The return of

ebullience plus high seasonal demand for loans caused the Federal Reserve
Banks, with the approval of the Board of Governors, to raise their discount
rates in November even though the Treasury faced a refunding in December of
over $12 billion.

The Federal Reserve action, necessary as it was, made a

more difficult problem for the Treasury in refinancing its maturing obligations
in December,




The action had to be taken at an unpropitious time despite some

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risk of unsettling the market for government and private securities.
So far we have discussed coordination in terns of concerted action
through maximizing the mutual assistance of monetary and fiscal policies.
turn now to another aspect of coordination:

proper timing.

We

Timing difficul­

ties tend to hamper the effectiveness of fiscal measures as stabilizing tools
more than that of monetary measures.

Fiscal policies have a less direct and

immediate influence than do monetary policies upon such causes of disequilib­
rium as inventory accumulation and the excessive use of mortgage or consumer
credit.

Fiscal decisions, since they are necessarily long in the making, may-

come at just the wrong time to improve business stability.
For monetary authorities, the most fundamental problem of timing is
to foresee changes in the business climate in order to take compensatory ac­
tion before the figures actually prove its necessity.

Promptness of action

is imperative if the anticipated results are not to be reduced unduly by the
time lag between changes in monetary policy and their effect on business ac­
tivity,

If the authorities wait until the figures demonstrate beyond ques­

tion that further credit restraint or stimulation is needed, the action may
lose its effectiveness, in whole or in part.

But the perils of action based

on judgments in advance of confirmatory information are obvious I
Of the monetary tools, open market operations are responsive in the
extreme,

Buying and selling can be modified from day to day, and even from

hour to hour, to adapt to fluctuations in the tightness of the money markets,
and still work in the direction of economic stability.

Open market operations,

flowing from the instructions of the Open Market Committee, have the sensi­
tivity of an automobile accelerator.




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Discount operations are also responsive and sensitive, even though
discount rate changes are only made from time to time to adjust to changes in
levels of market rates.

Discount rate changes signal a recognition on the part

of the Reserve System that a significant change has occurred in supply-demand
conditions in the credit market.

Open market and discount operations are

closely related functionally— 'So closely related in fact, that they are basical­
ly supplemental tools.

Each affects the other and each reinforces the other.

Economic progress that is balanced.
It is my purpose to examine in somewhat more detail what economic
progress means,

I have defined its goal as follows:

to foster orderly economic

growth and to sustain employment at consistently high levels.

In still shorter

words, it is to provide more jobs and more goods combined with a dollar of
stable buying power, which implies that there can be no economic equilibrium
unless the dollar is stable.
"consistently,"

The key words here are "orderly," "sustain," and

It is important to have as high a rate of growth as the

economy is willing and able to maintain steadily, but there is no rate that
the Federal Reserve is attempting to impose on the economy, nor could Federal
Reserve policies by themselves assure the attainment of a fixed rate of growth.
The swings are accentuated by imprudent decisions.

A management that

expands merely to keep up with the competitive Joneses, without careful market
analysis, or provision of the necessary financing is a contributor to unbalanc­
ing credit demand.

So is a company that uses up its normal wo rking capital to

pay dividends or to build up inventories, or to postpone going to the capital
markets and then finds itself without funds to pay taxes.
The problem is to secure balanced steady economic growth at high
employment levels.




In the past the economy has tended to grow in spurts.

It

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has responded rapidly to new technology and new resources and then paused to
"catch its breath".

Or it has resorted to the excessive use of credit followed

by a breakdown of the credit structure.

This stop~and-go process has often

proved costly in many ways— unemployment, lost incomes, and the indiscriminate
injustices of inflation.

The Federal Reserve seeks to eliminate those imbalances

that are caused by money and credit»
Stable economic growth with full employment is essentially a process
of maintaining an appropriate balance between productive capacity and con­
sumption.

The recent story of the beef cattle industry furnishes an excellent

example of the distinction between investment spending and consumption spending
and of the need to keep the two in balance to avoid booms and busts.

During World

War II, consumer income was rising while much consumer spending including that
for meat was limited by rationing.

When the latter was discontinued after

World War II, everyone wanted meat and its price started to rise.

As it rose,

so did the price of cattle, and the raising of beef cattle became more profit­
able,

Ranchers expanded their herds, and many newcomers, including "main street

cowboys", entered the business.
With his understanding of the operation of the cattle business, my
colleague Governor Shepardson interprets what happened as follows:
of a given size will produce just so many calves per year.

A cow herd

Out of that calf

crop a certain number must be saved for replacements in the breeding herd.
Others are saved for herd expansion.

The rest are available for consumption.

If the rate of herd expansion is to be increased, it reduces the number avail­
able for current consumption.

Moreover, the enlarged breeding herd will not

result in increased production until after two or three years because of the




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biological time requirement for reproduction and for growth to a profitable age
for slaughtering.
From 1949 through 1951 competing demands for animals for current con­
sumption and for herd expansion forced prices higher and higher.

Each rise in

prices stimulated new producers to enter the field, and the cow population in­
creased 25 per cent.

At the same time, rising consumer prices cut the con­

sumption per capita from 68 pounds in 1947 to 55 pounds in 1951, a shrinkage
that was masked and offset by the higher demand for breeding stock.
By 1951> the increased production from the enlarged herd began to
roach the consumer market and prices started to break.

By 1952, widespread

drought increased the marketings and accentuated the slide.

Prices that had

risen 50 per cent in two years fell by one half in the next two.
cost $300 in 1951 dropped as low as $100 by 1953»

Cows that

By now, these ruinously low

prices have so stimulated consumption, from the low'level of 55 pounds per
capita in 1951 to 83 pounds last year, that prices have finally stabilized
and turned upward after a most painful and costly readjustment.
If consumption is to expand, then productive facilities must first
be increased.

This involves saving, which diverts resources from consumption.

When the economy is operating at full capacity, neither investment nor con­
sumption can be expanded further simply by inflating the flow of money with
additional bank credit.

Unless capacity or productivity are increased, addi­

tional credit will only result in the bidding up of prices.

Until recently,

for example, the real limit on the amount of new housing that might be built
in any year depended not so much on the need for better homes, or the market
demand, or even the availability of financing, but on the supply of men and
materials that could be drawn into residential construction. With all the




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other demands for labor and building materials impinging on the market, easier
financing facilities could only result, and in fact did result, in increasing
building costs.
It is not the task, nor is it within the power, of the Federal Reserve
to supply new savings for investment in housing or in business plant and equip­
ment, or for the financing of the construction of schools and roads.

Savings

for these purposes can only come out of current income that is not spent for
consumption, because only through such saving are physical resources of men
and materials released for investment.
Federal Reserve policies, even if properly attuned to the cash hold­
ing desires of the public, cannot always assure continued growth and stability.
The maintenance of equilibrium requires the delicate balancing of an intricate
structure of consumption and investment involving a great multitude of goods
and services.

No master mind can direct with assurance the smooth functioning

of this complex mechanism.

The forces of the market and the price system must

be relied upon to direct and attract the flows of money and of goods and of
services into appropriate channels and to keep them moving.

There are bound

to be obstructions and hindrances and slowdowns from time to time.
As I mentioned earlier, the Federal Reserve is concerned primarily
with total production and total incomes in the economy, and only indirectly
with component parts.

Orderly growth for the economy as a whole does not and

cannot mean uniform rates of growth for all industries simultaneously.

Im­

proved living standards grow out of new technology and resources that gener­
ate new demands and shift production away from older industries.

Among

individual industries, there is a continual process of birth, growth, and




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decline.

-

From this evolutionary process emerges growth in total output, in

productivity, and in the standard of living* Such changes in industrial struc­
ture should be facilitated rather than obstructed so that production can grow
fastest in the areas where demand is greatest.

Mobility of resources is essen­

tial to a healthy economy, and to orderly economic growth.
Stable growth in the economy as a whole is consistent with consider­
able instability in individual types of demand,

A decline in government spend­

ing can be offset by a rise in private demand; an expansion in business invest­
ment spending can be offset by a decline in residential construction; higher
investment in steel can be offset by lower investment in auto manufacturing.
This is the phenomenon of the past half decade that has been described as a
rolling adjustment.

Different types of demand take turns acting as the driving

force in the economy, and at all times total demand is more or less equal to
total capacity.
There are actually two types of influence at work here.

On the one

hand, there is the competition among businesses and consumers, as well as
governments, national, state and local, for shares of the total credit and
goods available in the economy.

To the extent that demand slackens in one of

these sectors, there can be an increased flow to other sectors.

This is the

rolling sustained growth that we have been observing.
On the other hand, there is a mutual interdependence of demands:
high consumer demand generates high business investment demand, and business
investment generates income to stimulate added consumer demand.

And, more to

the point, a drop in investment demand, whether from an excess of investment
relative to consumption in some important area or from the lack of adequate
financing, can tend to drag down consumer demand by reducing incomes.

This

is the cumulative response to movements in individual industries that gives
rise to booms and depressions.



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With the chance for such emulative responses ever present, what
may sustain the continuous rolling adjustments at high levels in the future?
There are several possibilities.
lative reactions.

One of these consists of time lags in cumu­

Take the extraordinary consumer spending of 1955 that

helped to produce the 1956 rise in capital investment.

If this investment

boom was a response to the preceding boom in consumer spending, it was de­
layed until after the consumption growth had tapered off.

This 1956 business

investment may, in turn, have surged ahead at an unsustainable rate and now be
susceptible to some slackening while consumption continues to expand.
A second stabilizing influence consists of postponable demands.
These have marginal status in tight credit markets, but stand ready to absorb
funds when credit eases.

Recent residential construction is an example of

this type of demand, partly because of the relatively fixed yields available
on mortgage credit, and partly because of the sensitivity of home buyers to
mortgage terms.

State and local government construction is also in this

category, because of its relatively high sensitivity to the cost of borrowing.
Some long-time business commitments, such as those for utility expansion, may
also be influenced by interest costs.

In the tight credit markets of 1956

some of these weaker demands for funds were squeezed by the strong ones origi­
nating in business plant expansion.

Tight money markets attracted additional

funds, but these were not sufficient to meet the total demand.

As a result,

most of the growth in total output in 1956 flowed into business investment,
which expanded at a rate that cannot be expected to persist indefinitely.
In this situation, the deferred housing and school needs, important
and desirable as these needs are, stand as latent supports for the economy
until such time as business investment slackens.




When that time comes, it

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may be of critical importance that such latent demands be available.

Still

other developments, such as the Federal highway program or another boom in
expenditures for consumer durables, may support the economy.

All of these

demands contribute to the reserves essential for maintaining stable growth.
In brief, then, the Federal Reserve objective is to help maintain stable
levels of total demand in the face of continuing fluctuations in its differ­
ent segments.

The total demand target is determined by the capacity of the

economy and moves along a growth trend line established by the economy itself.
That we must rely on rolling adjustments among the segments of the
economy to produce stability out of instability creates problems of its own.
Mr. Stephen Taylor of the Board's staff has observed that although some in­
stability within the demand structure is inevitable, the uneven competitive
strength of different segments makes the variation in the total wider than
may be necessary.

Moreover, the turns of the wheel expose us to risks of

cumulative reactions degenerating into recessions.
The solution is not to be found in supplying sufficient bank credit
to meet all credit demands, both strong and weak.

That route leads to out­

right inflation with all its hardships and indiscriminate evils.
answer is to be found in making free markets work,

Rather the

A large step toward this

end is to remove institutional rigidities, such as legal limitations on in­
terest rates payable on mortgages and school bonds.

If free markets are com­

bined with sound monetary and fiscal policies, the long-term social gains
from the economy depend upon the quality of the decision making of business
and labor officials and of consumers.




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The alternative to free markets is to resort to government subsidies,
guarantees and tax benefits.

These may shelter preferred groups and meet ap­

parent social needs, but we must not forget that each time we use them we
subtract from the credit, materials, and labor available to others who must
rely upon the free market# The greater the amount of special shelter provided
by government, the more difficult becomes the situation of those not so protected3 In a free society, it is axiomatic that not everyone can be sheltered.
It is understandable, therefore, that free markets should be looked upon as the
central feature of our private enterprise system»