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For Release oil Delivery Sunday, May 5, 1974 11:00 A.M., C-.D.T. (12 noon, E.D.T.) WIDENING HORIZONS Prospects for Black Employment A Commencement Address By Andrew F . Brimmer Member Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System Delivered at Prairie View A&M University Prairie View, Texas May 5, 1974 WIDENING HORIZONS Prospects for Black Employment By Andrew F. Brimmer I spend a fair amount of time on college campuses, and whenever I can I try to get an appreciation for the expectations of black students regarding their careers. many of them that they f, I am frequently told by want to help the black community engage in a "middle class race for economic security. 11 11 rather than Given the history of this institution—with its roots deep in the soil of careeroriented technical fields — this attitude may be less prevalent than on some other predominantly black campuses. However, the "soundings" I made when the invitation was extended to me indicated that this graduating class might be interested in hearing any thoughts I might have regarding the outlook for black job opportunities. With this in mind, I undertook an analysis of recent changes in the pattern of black employment. This was done against the backdrop of the efforts to reduce racial discrimination in employment led by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission created by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. I have also reviewed the job progress made * Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. I am indebted to M r . John Austin and Mrs. Ruth Robinson of the Board's staff for assistance in the preparation of these remarks. I also want to thank Chairman John H . Powell, Jr., of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission for authorizing the special tabulations of reports to the Commission on which much of the analysis is based. The views expressed here are my own and should not be attributed to anyone else. - 2 - by blacks employed by the Federal, State and local governments. Finally, an effort was made to assess job opportunities for blacks out to 1985, The main conclusions of this analysis can be summarized briefly: --To a considerable extent, ! employment advances made by blacks during the 1960 s were partly the result of the long period of economic expansion culminating in 1969. However, these gains were also partly a reflection of the rising educational level and the acquisition of skills within the black community. --Moreover, legislation adopted in 1964 aimed at fostering equal opportunity in employment also played a role. The evidence reported by companies subject to the law indicates that they are opening jobs to blacks at a rate much faster than is true for all employers in the country as a whole. However, it appears that the expansion is much slower in the upper reaches of the occupational job categories than at the lower end. Thus, the task of occupational upgrading remains considerable. --The extent of occupational integration varies greatly among different regions of the country. But in the last seven years, the greatest gains in white collar employment have been made in the South--although the absolute shortfall in that region remains the largest. --Blacks have made relatively more job progress in public service than they have in the private sector. But, with employment opportunities likely to expand more slowly in the Federal Government in the years ahead, blacks would do well to look more to the private sector for future careers. --Among the promising opportunities available to blacks, careers in protection are especially worthy of examination. Given the persistence of high crime rates in the black community (and blacks are the principal victims), there will be a strong demand for sympathetic police officials with better-than-average educations. Each of these points is discussed more fully in the rest of these remarks. - 3 Long-Term Trends in Black Employment During the decade of the 1960's, blacks made substantial economic progress. by them. This was evident in terms of the number and range of jobs held The extent of occupational upgrading can be traced in Table 1 (attached). In general, blacks expanded their share of white collar jobs while their share of lower-paying service jobs shrank somewhat. The propor- tion of blue collar occupations held by blacks rose moderately. Blacks left agriculture (both as farmers and as farm laborers) at a much faster rate than American workers at large. Within these broad trends, a number of important specific developments were occurring. For example, among white collar workers, the largest relative gains were made by those engaged in professional and technical occupations. In 1960, 4.7 per cent of all black workers (vs. 11.4 per cent for all workers) were in this category. By 1970, the fraction for blacks had climbed to 9.1 per cent and that for all workers to 14.2 per cent. Over the decade, blacks 1 share of these jobs at the top of the occupational scale expanded from 4.4 per cent to 6.9 per cent. However, the greatest growth occurred in technical fields (especially in fields requiring only moderate skills) rather than in those professions demanding long years of college education or advanced training. Another sub-trend worthy of note is the relatively modest advances \ made by blacks as managers, officials, and proprietors. This category includes the self-employed as well as public and private salaried officials and administrators. In 1960, blacks held 2.5 per cent of the managerial jobs, - 4 and their share had climbed to only 3.6 per cent in 1970. Within the economy at large, the number of self-employed businessmen continued to decline over the decade. When the figures are adjusted for this trend, it is evident that the number of salaried managers expanded appreciably. Blacks shared in this expansion--but to a much smaller degree than was true in the case of professional and technical workers. The figures in Table 1 do not show it, but the steady progress made by blacks during the 1960's was seriously interrupted by the recession of 1970. In fact, between blacks as a group and whites as a group, blacks suffered all of the recession-induced made further job gains. decline in jobs--while whites From the fourth quarter of 1969 through the fourth quarter of 1970, total employment decreased by 66 thousand. This was the net result of a drop of 174 thousand in the number of jobs held by blacks which was partly offset by an increase of 108 thousand jobs held by whites c During the sluggish recovery of 1971, job gains by blacks lagged considerably, and unemployment in the black community continued to rise. Only last year did the rate of job improvement among blacks f resume the pace recorded during the 1960 s. Figures on employment in the main occupational groups in 1973 are shown in Table 1 0 the basic trends noted earlier are still evident. collar jobs held by blacks had risen further. The proportion of white The relative advances by professional and technical workers were again striking. those in the managerial group were also noticeable. For the most part, But the gains by - 5 To a considerable extent, employment advances made by blacks f during the 1960 s were partly the result of the long period of economic expansion culminating in 1969. However, these gains were also partly a reflection of the rising educational level and the acquisition of skills within the black community. Moreover, legislation adopted in 1964 aimed at fostering equal opportunity in employment also played a role. The Campaign for Equal Employment Opportunity Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 created the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), and the Commission began operations on July 2, 1965. However, it was preceded by a generation of essentially voluntary action at both the Federal and State and local level. against this background that EEOC came into being. It was Actually, EEOC was not part of the legislation proposed by President John F . Kennedy in mid1963 which became the Civil Rights Act of 1964. He thought that the inclu- sion of such a controversial provision would further decrease the already unpromising prospect of the bill's passage. Instead, he thought it best to expand further—through executive action—the existing efforts to check job discrimination. As the bill moved through the legislative process, the fair employment provision was added at Congressional initiative. Lyndon Johnson—who had by then succeeded to the presidency—threw his strong support behind the entire measure. - 6 - Nevertheless, EEOC started life with a number of handicaps. In the first place, its start-up was delayed for a full year after the bill was signed. Its coverage was severely limited—being restricted for the most part to private companies in interstate commerce with 25 or more employees. Its actions had to depend on the filing of complaints by« individual workers. This was an extension of the voluntary approach followed at the Federal level during World War II--and despite evidence accumulated in the intervening years under State fair employment programs which demonstrated that the complaint mechanism had not been particularly successful. For the first seven years of its life, the Commission had no enforcement powers of its own. The Attorney General could bring suit when a "pattern or practice" of discrimination was discovered by EEOC. But, for the most part, the Commission was left to rely on education and persuasion--along with the provision of technical assistance—in its efforts to end discrimination in employment. After nearly eight years of effort, the EEOC's authority was strengthened by the 1972 amendments to the Act. The most important of these gave the Commission enforcement powers of its own. Once the new authority was implemented in March, 1973, EEOC could initiate civil actions in Federal Courts to enforce the provisions barring job discrimination and to remedy instances of their violation. Coverage of the statute was extended to employees of State and local governments and their instrumentalities, employees of educational institutions, and firms or labor organizations with 15 or more workers or members. was also provided Federal Government employees. Additional protection - 7 Armed with this new authority and an enlarged budget, EEOC in the last two years has accelerated its drive against employment discrimination-concentrating on sex and language bias as well as on racial barriers• It achieved a landmark settlement of its suit against AT&T in January, 1973, w h i c h will result in cash payments (mainly to blacks and white women) in excess of $50 million in compensation for past discrimination and as bonuses for transferring to better-paying jobs* The Commission has also worked out agreements in the trucking and steel industries which will yield greatly improved job opportunities for blacks in the years ahead. Mixed Pattern of Job Expansion Given the efforts of EEOC to broaden job opportunities for blacks and other minorities (and more recently for women) , one can naturally ask just what has been the impact of the campaign. no direct answer can be given. Unfortunately, But the indirect evidence does suggest that the Commission's activities are having generally favorable results. Employers, trade unions and others covered by the statute are required to report the racial and sex composition of their work forces to the Commission at least once each year. So far EEOC has required annual reports from those with 100 or more employees. On the basis of these reports, one can get a fairly good idea of the changing composition of jobs held by blacks compared to others. Table 2 shows total and black employment in EEOC-reporting firms, by major occupational categories, for 1966 and 1973. Corresponding figures for all nonfarm employment - 8 reported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) in the U.S. Department of Labor are also shown. Changes in these job categories between 1966 and 1973 are shown in Table 3. Several conclusions stand out in these data: Black employment in EEOC-reporting firms rose much faster than employment in the economy as a whole. For instance, blacks accounted for 21 per cent of the growth in jobs in EEOC-reporting firms vs. 15 per cent in the total. However, within the white collar category, only clerical workers and sales workers recorded relatively larger gains on EEOC-reported payrolls (34 per cent vs. 22 per cent and 10 per cent vs. 8 per cent,respectively). In the case of professional and technical workers, EEOC figures show blacks getting 10 per cent of the increase in jobs vs. 14 per cent for black professionals and technicians in the economy at large. managers and officials. cent of the expansion; The lag was especially noticeable among In the country as a whole, blacks accounted for 14 per their share in EEOC reporters was only 7 per cent. contrast, blacks got a much larger share of the new craft and service jobs in EEOC-reporting firms--e.g., 26 per cent of craft jobs v s . 12 per cent for all firms and 31 per cent of service jobs vs. 10 per cent for all employers combined. The relative gains were about the same in the case of operatives (56 per cent). In the case of laborers, blacks in EEOC firms accounted for a smaller proportion of the rise in employment--18 per cent vs. 45 per cent. On the basis of these figures, I conclude that the companies reporting under the EEOC requirements are opening jobs to blacks at a rate much faster than is true for all employers in the country as a whole. In - 9 At the same time, however, it appears that the expansion is much slower in the upper reaches of the occupational scale than it is among job categories at the lower end. Thus, the task of occupational upgrading for blacks remains considerable. The EEOC data also enable one to get a feeling for the extent to which blacks have not made headway in gaining employment in specific types of firms. In response to my request, the Commission prepared special tabulations showing the number of firms which have black employees and those which do not. the number of shown. The number of total employees and blacks on the payroll of each group of firms are also The tabulations for 1973 covered 50 industry groups and 145,877 firms—which had 31,838,867 employees. (or 10.8 per cent) were black. Of the latter, 3,448,535 Of the total number of firms, 106,624 (or 73.1 per cent) had 28,502,748 employees. In these companies, 3,448,535 blacks were employed, representing 12.1 per cent of the total. The remaining 39,253 firms (26.9 per cent of the total) had 3,336,119 employees--10.5 per cent of the total. None of these was black. Some idea of the distribution of firms with and those without black employees in 1966 and 1973 can be gotten from the figures reported in Table 4 . In 1966, the data are based on the experience of 117,600 establishments and total employment of 25,571,000—of whom 2,097,000 (or 8.2 per cent) were black. in the table, securities 1 Among the 22 industry groups identified and commodities 1 brokers in 1973 had the largest proportion of firms (53 per cent) with no black employees. - 10 Jobs in these firms represented 18 per cent of total industry employment Eating and drinking places with no black workers accounted for 32 per cent of the f i r m s — b u t for 23 per cent of the j o b s — i n that industry. The insurance industry also had a sizable proportion of firms with no black workers on their payroll—e.g., 34 per cent of insurance carriers and 38 per cent of agents and brokers. On the other hand, the percentage of firms without black employees in 1973 was substantially smaller in all but a few industry groups than was the case in 1966. In the latter year, almost half (47 per cent) of the EEOC reporters had no black workers. Among credit agencies, insurance firms, and securities'and commodities' brokers, the proportion in that year was in the neighborhood of three-quarters of the reporters. So, from these data, a general conclusion emerges: while blacks are making considerable headway in finding new job opportunities, there remains many doors on which they must still knock! A substantial number of these are to be found in the banking and finance industry. Geographical Pattern of Black Employment In tracing trends in black employment, I also wanted to know the extent to which significant differences are observable in various geographical areas of the country. Figures for EEOC reporters showing regional patterns of black employment in 1966 and 1973 are given in Table 5. The details in this table underscore a number of regional differences, but only the highlights can be mentioned here. Perhaps the most striking change over these years is the sharp expansion in - 11 white collar jobs held by black workers in the South. These relative gains were largest in the technical, sales, and clerical categories. However, noticeable improvement also occurred among professional workers and managerial personnel. In the Northeast and Mid-West, blacks also made significant gains in white collar employment, but the strides were proportionately less dramatic than those observed in the South. An even more graphic picture of geographic differences in blacks 1 employment status emerges when the proportion of jobs held by blacks in each occupational category is viewed on the basis of data relating to metropolitan areas. This is done in Table 6, showing the situation in the United States as a whole and in 13 standard metropolitan statistical areas (SMSA's). These are New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, D.C., Detroit, Chicago, St. Louis, Atlanta, New Orleans, Dallas, Houston, Los Angeles and San Francisco-Oakland. The situation is put in even sharper focus when blacks 1 representation in a given occupation in a given SMSA is related to blacks of total employment in the area. Occupational Integration follows: (1) blacks 1 11 1 proportion For this purpose, an "Index of was calculated. The index was derived as share (percentage) of total employment and their share of employment in each occupational group in each metropolitan area was calculated. (2) Next, blacks 1 (These are the same data shown in Table 6.) share (percentage) in each occupation group was divided by their share (percentage) of total employment. "Index of Occupational Integration." The result is the An index number of 100 indicates -12equality; an index number less than 100 indicates an occupational deficit, and an index number greater than 100 indicates a surplus or over-representation of blacks in a particular occupation. Indexes were calculated for the United States as a whole and for each of the 13 SMSA's. The results are shown in Table 7. Several conclusions stand out in these data: In the country at large, blacks have a white collar job deficit of 48 per cent. But the biggest deficit (75 per cent) is evident in the managerial category--followed by professionals (70 per cent), salesworkers (53 per cent), and technical workers (31 per cent). The closest blacks come toward occupational equality is in the clerical c a t e g o r y (where the deficit is 21 per cent). In contrast, blacks are heavily over- represented in blue collar jobs—except in the case of craft workers (where there is a deficit of 40 per cent). In the case of operatives, the index was 143, and it was 192 for laborers. Among service workers, it was 229. The degree of occupational integration enjoyed by blacks in f individual SMSA s in broad job categories in 1973 was as follows: Total White Collar (Deficit) 1. Dallas 2. New Orleans 3, Atlanta 4 . Baltimore 5. Houston 6. Detroit 7. Chicago 8. Phila. 9 . St. Louis 10. Wash., D.C. U . Los Angeles 12. S.Fo-Oakland 13. New York 63% 63% 55% 55% 55% 53% 48% 47% 44% 39% 35% 31% 23% Professional 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8„ 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. (Deficit) Dallas New Orleans Detroit Chicago Houston Baltimore Atlanta Phila. Wash.,D.C. S.F.-Oakland Los Angeles New York St. Louis 89% 80% 80% 77% 76% 76% 76% 74% 70% 69% 67% 60% 23% Total Blue Collar (Surplus) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. Dallas Wash., D.C. Atlanta Chicago Houston New Orleans Detroit Baltimore Phila. S.F.-Oakland Los Angeles New York St. Louis 58% 48% 48% 44% 41% 40% 39% 36% 3:0% 29% 28% 18% 14% Craft Workers (Deficit) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. Detroit St. Louis At lanta Baltimore Houston S.F.-Oakland Phila. Chicago New York New Orleans Dallas Wash., D.C. Los Angeles Several comments can be made with respect to this array. In general, the cities in the South and Southwest are the farthest behind in the integration of blacks in white collar jobs. On the other hand, only a handful of cities in the North and West are doing appreciably better than the national average. The deficit in black employment in jobs is enormous all over the country. Likewise, every area recorded a surplus of blacks in blue collar occupations—except in the case of craft workers, where all areas reported deficits. clear: Here also the lesson is blacks all over the country still have a long way to go before they achieve occupational equality in the better-paying jobs. Much of the current deficit undoubtedly reflects the legacy of racial discrimination and exclusion suffered by blacks in the past. The effects 57% 51% 47% 42% 38% 35% 32% 30% 30% 30% 30% 27% 21% - 14 are observable not only in the large deficit in white collar jobs but also in the skilled crafts—where trade union practices have frequently kept blacks out of those fields. On the other hand, the lack of skills has prevented blacks from taking advantage of many opportunities which have emerged—especially in recent years. The task of remedying this deficit in skills should be high up on the agenda of the black community in the years ahead. Employment Opportunities in the Public Sector While I have dwelt on the employment status of blacks in private industry, we must not overlook the still unsatisfactory situation in public service. Historically, a larger proportion of employed blacks (especially of those in professional positions) has been on the public payroll than has been true for the population as a whole. For example, while blacks represented about 10 per cent of total employment in nonfarm occupations in private industry in 1973, they accounted for nearly 16 per cent of all civilian employees in the Federal Government (Table 8). Moreover, while Federal employment absorbed 3.0 per cent of the total civilian labor force, about 4.8 per cent of the blacks in civilian jobs were on the Federal payroll. Behind these overall statistics is an even heavier reliance by blacks on the public sector for a disproportionate share of the better jobs they hold. The extent of this reliance was fully documented in the 1960 and 1970 Census of Population. In 1960, employment in public administration at the Federal, State and local level accounted for about 4.9 per cent of total employment. The percentage of blacks so employed was roughly the same, 5.0 per cent. However, while just 6 per cent of all professional and technical workers were employed by public agencies, 7.3 per cent of black workers in the same occupations were employed by such agencies. By 1970, public administration represented 5.5 per cent of total employment, but the proportion for blacks had risen to 6.6 per cent. The much greater reliance of blacks on the public sector for better-paying white collar jobs is particularly noticeable. For instance, in 1960 about 1 in 8 of all salaried managers (both black and the total) worked for public institutions; by 1970, the ratio had declined to under 10 per cent for the t o t a l — b u t it had risen to 16 per cent for blacks. Nearly one-fifth of the black engineers worked for government bodies in 1960 and 1970 compared with only 8 per cent for all engineers. For accountants, the ratios were roughly one-third for blacks and only 13 per cent for all accountants in both years. Some 18 per cent of black lawyers were employed by public agencies in 1960, compared with only 12 per cent of all lawyers. By 1970, the proportion of all lawyers employed in public administration had risen to 18 per cent, but for blocks the figure was 26 per cent. Clerical workers provide the most striking example of all. In 1960, about two-fifths of all black women employed as secretaries, stenographers, and other classes of clerical workers were on the public payroll. Only 14 per cent of the white women employed as clerical - 16 workers were on the public payroll. Moreover, while black women represented less than 4 per cent of all women with such jobs, they accounted for 10 per cent of those employed in the public sector. 1970, these proportions had changed very little. By Black women still constituted only 3.6 per cent of all clerical workers—but 10 per cent of those in public administration. And 30 per cent of all black female clerical workers were on the public payroll. Although the details obviously have changed since 1970, the broad conclusions probably still hold. While private industry has greatly accelerated its hiring of blacks in recent years, so has the public sector. For example, as shown in Tables 8 and 9, in 1963, blacks constituted 13 per cent of total employment in the Federal Government; by 1973, the ratio had risen to almost 16 per cent of the work force. In the ten-year period, the number of blacks employed by the Federal Government rose from 302 thousand to 395 thousand, a gain of 93 thousand—representing 41 per cent of the increase in total Federal civilian employment. However, while great strides have been made in the employment of minority groups in the Federal Government, the vast majority of blacks is still concentrated in the low- and middle-grade jobs. Again, as Table 8 shows, of the 395 thousand blacks employed by the Federal Government in 1973, two-fifths (162 thousand) were in the regular civil service grades, and three-fifths were in the postal field service or held blue collar (wage board) jobs. Moreover, in regular civil service categories, blacks are heavily concentrated in the low- to middle-salary grades. - 17 The employment status of blacks in State and local governments appears to be generally less favorable than it is in the Federal Government. The extent to which this is the case cannot be determined because of a lack of comprehensive information. However, a survey conducted in 1967 by the U.S. Civil Rights Commission casts considerable light on the situation. The Commission collected information on government employment in seven major metropolitan areas—representing 628 governmental units. The areas were San Francisco-Oakland, Baton Rouge, Detroit, Philadelphia, Memphis, Houston, and Atlanta. involved. In all, nearly 250,000 jobs were About one-fourth of these jobs were held by blacks. Of the black workers in State and local governments, more than half were on the payrolls of central city governments. The distribution of black and other minority group employment in the seven central cities is shown in Table 10. In four of these areas (San Francisco, Philadelphia, Detroit, and Memphis), the percentage of total city jobs held by blacks was equal to--or exceeded--their proportion of the population. In both Baton Rouge and Oakland, the city employment rate for blacks was roughly one-half of their representation in the population. The data from the survey also show that blacks are heavily concentrated in the low-skill, low-pay occupations in all of the central cities listed. In fact, in each of the cities (except San Francisco and Oakland), blacks held 70 per cent or more of all laborer jobs. In three of the cities (Philadelphia, Detroit, and Memphis), they made up 18 about one-third of all service workers. In only two cities—Philadelphia and Detroit—did the number of blacks in white collar positions come near to reflecting their proportion of the population. On the basis of these results from the survey, one must share the Commission's conclusion: State and local governments have fallen far short of meeting their obligation to assure equal employment opportunity to all of their citizens. Consequently, the quest for job equality must still be pressed at city halls and in State capitals— as well as in the Federal Government. On the other hand, I am personally convinced that blacks would do well to look more to the private sector—and less to public payrolls—for expanded job opportunities in the years ahead. This is especially true of the Federal Government--where the expansion of employment is likely to be quite sluggish. Outlook for Black Employment: Selected Occupations Over the next decade, job prospects for blacks will be especially g o o d — i f they have marketable skills and can take advantage of the unfolding opportunities. According to projections published by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the civilian labor force is expected to expand as follows out to 1985: Category Actual 1973 Total civilian labor force (millions) 88.7 10.2 Black labor force (millions) 11.5 Per Cent of Total 1975 90.1 10.5 11.6 Projected 1980 98.0 11.9 12.1 1985 104.4 13.2 12.6 - 19 Thus, by 1985, more than 13 million black workers will be holding jobs or seeking work. Between 1973 and 1985, the black labor force will expand substantially faster than the civilian labor force as a whole. As a consequence, their share of the total will rise from 11.5 per cent to 12.6 per cent. Moreover, the demand for skills over the next decade will strengthen considerably, and workers with few skills—whites as well as blacks—will find the competition for jobs especially keen. Aside from trying to get an appreciation for the general outlook for black employment in the years ahead, I have attempted to assess the prospects in those fields which may be of particular interest to the black community. in Table 11) was used. For this purpose, a combination of data (shown Blacks' share of employment in selected occupations was obtained from the 1970 Census of Population. An assessment of employment prospects in particular occupations was derived from the Bureau of Labor statistics 1974-75 Edition. 1 Occupational Outlook Handbook, The specific occupations were grouped under 10 headings- beginning with those which appear central to the solution of some of the most pressing problems facing the black community (health, education, social services, urban improvement and protection) and fanning out into fields more related to the economy as a whole. In drawing up this array, however, I must stress the fact that I am not suggesting that blacks who pursue occupations in categories I through IV should work o n l y — o r even primarily—in the black community. Rather, I am suggesting - 20 that young blacks who place special emphasis on service to the black community may well find it rewarding to consider those lines of career development. Although the annual incomes one might expect in those fields may not be as high as in some other areas of specialization, many young people may still find them attractive. The information in Table 11 indicates that job opportunities in the health field are likely to be very good out to 1985. With the spread of pre-paid medical care, the demand for health personnel is likely to be quite strong. So while the supply of workers with such skills will also grow appreciably, the number of job openings may expand even faster. In contrast, the demand for school teachers is expected to be quite weak. The supply of college graduates going into education is expected to slacken somewhat, but a sizable surplus of teachers is expected to prevail for some time. The field of social services (including both recreation and social workers) is expected to offer good job prospects. This is a field into which blacks have gone in considerable numbers in the past, and undoubtedly many will continue to find it attractive. I would especially urge young blacks to consider opportunities in the area of urban improvement and protection. The need to rebuild or rehabilitate urban facilities will give rise to strong demands for architects, urban planners, and other professionals with similar skills. But even more strongly, I would urge young blacks to examine the prospects for careers involved with protection. The persistent high crime rates in the black community (in which blacks are the principal victims) - 21 clearly call for an increased number of blacks interested in fighting crime and improving the security of the community. So far, the representation of blacks in most city police departments is proportionately quite small. In most State police forces, the situation is much worse. Among the other occupations identified in Table 11, I would call attention particularly to those associated with electronic computers and banking and finance. Undoubtedly, the computer will continue to transform the techniques for controlling the production and distribution of goods in the economy. Moreover, further inroads will be made in the handling of financial and other service transactionsincluding the provision of medical care. Blacks have already established a toehold in computer-related occupations, and considerable scope will exist for broadening these. The demand for workers in the banking and financial field will also remain strong. Here, too, blacks can expect to find better-than-average career opportunities. these will be at the officer—rather than clerical — level; Many of they will also involve lending as well as community relations functions. In the final analysis, however, the extent to which blacks can take advantage of the widening opportunities on the horizon will depend as much on them as on the continuing efforts by Government and business to eradicate the legacy of racial discrimination and deprivation which still restricts blacks 1 chances for economic development. - 0 - Table 1. Employed P e r s o n s by M a j o r O c c u p a t i o n Group and C o l o r , 1960, 1970, 1973 (Numbers in thousands) Total Employment; 1960 Total Black 1/ Percentage Percentage Number Distribution Number Distribution Per Cent bv Occupation Total Employment: 1970 Total Blacks 1/ Percentage Percentage Distribution Distribution Number Number 100. 0 9,,131 100.,0 10. 8 27.9 9.1 3.5 13.2 2.1 6.,2 6.,5 3.,6 8.,1 3.,7 4 0 ,,386 11,,777 3,,644 ,548 5,,415 47. 8 14.,0 10. 2 17. 2 6 .,4 2,,840 901 374 1,,356 209 31.,1 9..9 4 .,1 14.,9 2. 3 7. 0 7. 7 4.3 9. 3 3. 9 3,,561 692 2.,004 866 42.2 8.2 23.7 10.3 12.,8 6.,8 14.,4 23.,2 29,,869 11,,288 14,,269 4,,312 3 5 .,4 13. 4 16. 9 5. 1 3.,721 809 2,,030 883 4 0 .,8 8.,9 22.,2 9.,7 12. 5 7. 2 14. 2 20. 5 12,.4 2.,0 10..4 2,,199 652 1 ;,546 26.0 7.7 18.3 22.,6 4 1 .,8 19.,0 11,,128 1,,353 9.,775 13. 2 1. 6 11. 6 2,,314 520 1;,794 25,,3 5.,7 19..6 20. 8 38.4 4 18. 4.,0 2..2 1,,8 328 87 241 3.9 1.0 2.9 10.,5 5.,0 17.,6 3,,027 I,,664 1,,363 255 62 193 2.,8 0.,7 2..1 8 .4 3. 7 14. 2 100.0 6,927 100.0 10,.5 White Collar Workers Professional & Technical M a n a g e r s , Officials & P r o p . Clerical Workers Sales W o r k e r s 28,522 l 7 ,4o > 7,067 9,762 4,224 43.3 11.4 10.7 14.8 6.4 1,113 331 178 503 101 16.1 4.7 2.5 7.3 1.5 3..9 4..4 2..5 5..2 2..4 37,,997 11,,140 8,,289 13,,714 4 ,,854 48.,3 14.2 10., 5 17..4 6.,2 2,,356 766 297 1,,113 180 Blue Collar Workers Craftsmen & Foremen Operat ive Nonfarm Laborers 24,057 8,554 11,950 3,553 36.6 13.0 IS.2 5.4 2,780 415 1,414 951 40.1 6.0 20.4 13.7 11,.6 4,.8 11..8 26,.8 27,,791 10,,158 13,,909 3,,724 35.,3 12.,9 17.,7 4.,7 Service W o r k e r s Private Household Other Service W o r k e r s 8,023 1,973 6,050 12.2 ;\o 9.2 2,196 982 1,214 31.7 14.2 17.5 27,.4 49,.8 20,.1 9,,712 I,,558 8,,154 Farm W o r k e r s Farmers 6c Farm Managers Farm Laborers & Foremen 5,176 2,776 2,400 7.9 4.2 3.7 841 219 622 16.,2 7.,9 25..9 3,126 1,,753 1,,373 1/ Negro and other r a c e s . Source: I .S. Department of L a b o r , Manpower Report of the P r e s i d e n t , A p r i l , 1974, Tables A - l l , p . 267 and A - 1 2 , p . 2 6 9 . Per C e n t by Occupation 84,,409 65,778 12.1 3.2 8.9 Total Employment: 1973 Total B l a c k 1/ Percentage Percentage Distribution Number Distribution Number 10.,7 Total Employed 78 j,527 Per Cent by Occupation 100.,0 8,,445 100.0 y. 6 I., 9 I. 9 Table 2. Total and EEOC-Reported Employment, 1966 and 1973 (Number in Thousands) 1973 1966 Total Employment 1/ Black Per cent Total Number of total EEOC-Reported Employment 2/ Black Per Cent Total Number of total Total Employment 67,325 6,487 9.6 25,571 2,097 8.2 80,029 8,356 10.4 31,839 3,439 White Collar Professional and tech. Professional Technical Managers and officials Sales workers Clerical workers 33,068 9,310 1,644 551 5.0 5.9 7.0 7.7 2.8 3.0 6.3 2.6 2.4 1.3 4.1 0.9 2.4 3.5 2,840 901 207 138 748 286 69 22 47 18 43 150 40,386 11,777 7,405 4,541 11,812 10,996 2,833 1,692 1,141 2,083 1,802 4,277 8,644 5,415 14,548 374 209 1,356 4.3 3.9 9.3 15,061 4,143 2,703 1,440 3,066 2,745 5,108 843 194 86 108 83 140 434 Blue Collar Craftsmen Operatives Laborers 26,950 9,589 13,829 3,532 3,300 600 1,782 918 12.2 6.3 12.9 26.0 12,613 3,630 6,506 2,477 1,362 131 702 525 10.8 3.6 10.8 21.2 29,869 11,288 14,269 4,312 3,721 809 2,030 883 12.5 7.2 14.2 20.5 14,287 4,173 7,221 2,894 1,986 271 1,112 599 7,308 1,544 21.1 1,961 453 23.1 9,775 1,794 18.4 2,491 615 Occupation Service Workers Total Employment 1/ Black Per Cent of total Number Total 1./ Excluding private household and farm workers, 2/ Reported to U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission by firms with 100 or more employees. Components may not add to totals because of rounding. Source: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Manpower Report of the President, April, 1974, Tables A-ll, p. 267 and A-12, p. 269, and U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. EEOC-Reported Employment 2/ Black Per Cent Total Number of total 10,.8 .6 /. 1\4 7 i\ JI ,2 7,.5 2,,7 5,,1 8..5 13.,9 6,,5 15,,4 20,,7 24,. 7 Table 3. f OCCUPATION —— y Changes in Total and EEOC-Reported Employment, 1966-1973 (Numbers in Thousands) Total Total Employment Black Percent of Number Total Total EEOC-Reported Employment Black Percent of Total Number Tocal Employment 12 ,704 1,869 14 .7 6,268 1,342 21 .4 Whit§. Collar 7 ,318 1,196 16,.3 4,065 557 13,.7 Professional and technical Professional Technical 2 ,467 350 14,.2 1,310 1,011 299 125 64 61 9. 5 6,.3 20,.4 Managers and officials Sales workers Clerical workers 13,239 874 ,736 23 167 71 608 13.,5 8.,1 22. 2 983 943 831 65 97 284 6,.6 10..3 34.,2 23 ,919 421 14.,4 1,674 624 37. 3 Craft workers Operatives Laborers 1, 699 440 780 209 248 350 12.3 56.4 44.9 543 715 417 140 410 74 25.,8 57.3 17. 7 Service Workers 2,467 250 10. 1 530 162 30. 6 Blue Collar Source: Table 2 - — — - - Table 4. Black Employment and Firms with NO Black Employees, Selected Industries, 1966 and 1973 Black Employment as Per Cent of Total Employment 1/ Percentage of Firms with No Black Employees 1973 1966 Firms Per Cent of Total Employment 1966 1973 All Industry 8.2 10.8 47.1 26.9 10.5 Banking and Finance Banking Insurance Insurance carriers Agents and brokers Securities, commodity brokers Credit agencies 4.4 3.3 -— 2.4 2.4 9.1 31.9 77.8 21.8 6.7 8.1 6.2 6.2 7.1 75.5 71.3 34.0 38.0 52.6 18.4 12.9 18.5 18.2 5.6 Communication 4.3 9.9 40.9 14.9 5.6 Construction (Heavy const, contractors) 12.7 13.7 47.0 20.3 8.8 Manufacturing Food/Kindred product Printing and publishing Primary metals Transportation equipment Machinery, non-electrical Electrical machinery 11.1 4*8 12.3 9.1 4.3 5.4 13.0 6.6 12.8 12.8 6.8 8.4 39.0 32.7 23.5 27.7 37.4 26.0 31.0 24.0 18.9 23.2 26.7 21.7 14.5 10.3 6.9 4.2 10.3 6.6 8.0 7.2 25.5 22.1 7.3 4.2 3.8 6.5 7.4 23.3 25.3 16.4 6.4 7.4 8.7 8.6 14.4 19.5 16.0 50.3 48.4 62.5 33.4 28.4 13.4 17.8 20.8 28.9 26.7 28.4 32.4 19.6 21.5 5.1 11.2 12.1 10.7 22.8 11.9 8.4 Railroad Transportation Air Transportation Electric, Gas, Sanitary Service Wholesale Trade Retail: General Merchandise Stores Eating, Drinking Places Hotels, Lodging Places Medical, Health Services 1/ Reported to EEOC by firms with 100 or more employees. Source: Special Tabulation by Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. TabLe 5. Year and Region 1966 United States New England Middle Atlantic East North Central West North Central South Atlantic East South Central West South Central Mountain Pacif ic 1973 United States New England Middle Atlantic East North Central West North Central South Atlantic East South Central West South Central Mountain Pacific Source: Total Employed (thousands) 25,571 Black: Total Number Employed Percent of (thousands) Total 2,097 8.2 Total 2.6 WHITE COLLAR WORKERS Managers & Tech. Prof. Officials 1.3 4.1 .9 BLUE COLLAR WORKERS Sales Workers Clerical Workers Total 2.4 Craft Workers Operatives Laborers SERVICE WORKERS 3.5 10.8 3.6 10.8 21.2 23.1 1.8 4.1 3.6 2.0 5.5 4.6 3.7 .7 2.8 4.6 9.5 12.5 5.6 15.0 12.4 13.8 1.9 7.1 6.7 16.8 16.3 9.0 44.1 32.9 33.1 4.2 10.0 9.0 21.5 22.2 15.7 39.5 38.9 33.1 8.8 14.0 1,786 5,322 6,338 1,773 3,550 1,368 1,762 695 2,977 59 397 540 79 510 168 183 16 140 3.3 7.5 8.5 4.4 14.4 12.3 10.4 2.2 4.7 1.3 3.6 2.7 1.4 3.1 2.2 1.7 .8 2.1 .7 1.8 1.2 .9 2.0 1.6 1.1 .4 1.0 2.0 5.1 3.8 2.8 5.6 6.1 4.3 1.2 3.2 .4 1.1 .9 .4 1.3 1.2 .7 .2 .6 .9 2.8 2.6 1.3 3.7 2.5 1.7 .7 2.0 1.9 5.3 4.1 1.6 3.6 1.8 1.7 1.2 3.0 4.1 9.3 11.0 5.2 18.4 14.6 14.5 2.0 6.1 31,839 3,439 10.8 5.6 3.2 7.5 2.7 5.1 8.5 13.9 6.5 15.4 20.7 24.7 4.5 11.5 8.5 4.4 U.l 8.0 8.0 2.7 6.2 5.3 U.l 12.8 6.4 24.9 20.5 18.8 3.0 7.0 2.9 6.0 5.7 3.4 11.2 9.7 8.7 2.0 4.3 6.3 12.0 15.0 7.3 25.8 20.4 20.7 3.1 8.4 6.4 16.9 16.4 8.4 41.4 35.2 30.7 4.6 8.4 10.0 25.2 22.5 14.8 41.7 37.8 35.7 9.6 12.7 2,043 6,327 7,412 2,177 4,804 1,849 2,499 1,031 3,697 91 639 764 125 917 310 351 33 219 U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Regional Pattern pf Black Employment, By Major Occupation Group, 1966 and 1973 4.5 10.1 10.3 5.8 19.1 16.8 14.0 3.2 5.9 2.9 7.2 5.5 3.4 8.0 6.2 5.8 1.9 4.2 1.8 4.0 2.8 3.4 4.9 4.2 3.1 1.2 2.2 3.7 8.7 7.1 5.0 10.9 10.7 9.1 2.4 5.6 1.4 3.1 2.8 1.7 3.8 3.1 2.5 1.0 2.0 2.3 5.2 4.9 2.7 8.5 6.5 6.2 1.8 3.9 Table 6. O C C U P A T I O N GROUP Total Employment United States New Y o r k , N.Y. 31,839 1,870 O c c u p a t i o n a l Pattern of Black Employment In Major M e t r o p o l i t a n Areas , 1973 Philadelphia , Pa. 797 Baltimore, Md. 353 Washington, D.C. 362 Detroit , Mich. 752 W h i t e Collar W o r k e r s Professional Technical M a n a g e r s & officials Sales w o r k e r s Clerical w o r k e r s 15,061 2,703 1,440 3,066 2,745 5,108 1,267 229 80 228 194 536 414 80 40 79 66 149 177 31 17 34 33 62 236 54 22 36 46 79 352 65 34 77 62 114 Blue Collar W o r k e r s Craft w o r k e r s Operatives Laborers 14,287 4,173 7,221 2,894 430 159 173 98 322 III 149 62 145 48 69 29 79 32 29 17 349 94 205 49 Service W o r k e r s Black Employment: Total W h i t e Collar W o r k e r s Professional Technical M a n a g e r s & officials Sales w o r k e r s Clerical w o r k e r s Blue Collar W o r k e r s Craft w o r k e r s Operatives Laborers Service W o r k e r s Chicago, 111. St. Louis, Mo. Atlanta, Ga. New O r l e a n s , La. Dallas, Tex. Houston, Tex. Los A n g e l e s , Cal. San Francisco Cal. 480 321 158 353 391 1 ,217 510 757 118 61 147 150 280 235 44 20 48 48 75 179 24 11 34 47 62 75 12 7 15 15 25 202 34 22 39 37 70 208 42 24 41 34 68 687 141 59 125 113 249 316 63 27 55 46 125 598 167 294 137 203 65 101 37 117 37 58 22 68 28 25 15 129 37 69 24 152 66 58 28 438 167 193 79 154 57 69 28 1,458 2,491 173 61 31 48 52 103 43 25 14 22 30 91 39 3,439 267 113 74 89 132 217 64 60 39 45 61 104 43 843 194 86 108 83 140 139 13 12 10 14 90 31 3 5 3 17 17 2 2 2 3 8 35 4 4 3 7 18 29 2 3 3 5 15 58 4 5 5 9 35 18 4 2 I 3 6 15 1 1 I 4 8 7 1 1 I 2 3 10 1 2 I 2 5 15 2 3 1 3 7 38 4 4 3 6 21 18 2 2 1 2 11 434 1,986 271 1,112 73 16 32 24 59 11 29 19 41 6 22 14 29 6 13 10 85 7 65 13 128 18 70 40 31 4 17 9 32 4 16 12 23 5 9 9 26 3 16 7 34 6 16 11 48 11 26 11 17 3 8 5 599 55 22 16 25 18 31 15 13 8 9 13 18 8 10.8 14.3 14.1 20.9 24.6 17.6 5.6 3.2 7.5 2.7 5,1 3.5 :i.o 5. / 15.1 4.4 7.1 16.8 7.5 3./ 12.0 3.5 6.0 11.3 9.3 5.0 14.2 4.6 8.4 13.6 15.0 7.4 13.6 .1 14.5 22.6 4.2 3.6 \S 4.3 7.3 13.5 Black as Per Cent of A l l Employees Total Employment W h i t e Collar W o r k e r s Professional Technical M a n a g e r s & officials Sales w o r k e r s Clerical workers 13.3 18.6 24.7 12.7 15.7 8.5 8.4 7.7 3.4 8.: 3.5 6." 12.3 7..i 10.2 12.2 2.9 5.9 8.6 8.3 4.9 9.5 3.8 7.7 12.4 9.2 4.9 10.8 4.4 11.8 12.3 4.7 1.4 7.0 2.0 4.6 7.2 7.1 3.7 11.4 2.7 8.0 9.9 5.5 2.8 7.4 2.6 4.9 8.4 5.8 2.6 8.4 2.4 5.0 8.6 14.9 Blue Collar W o r k e r s Craft w o r k e r s Operatives Laborers 13.9 6.5 15.4 20.7 16.9 10.0 18.6 24.8 18.4 9.6 19.6 31.3 28.5 12.2 31.7 48.0 36.5 18.0 43.9 58.5 24.4 7.6 31.7 25.8 21.4 10.5 23.8 29.2 15.2 6.5 17.3 24.9 27.5 9.9 28.5 54.6 34.6 17.3 36.6 63.8 20.1 8.9 22.7 30.1 22.2 9.7 27.9 40.2 10.9 6.7 13.4 13.8 10.8 5.5 12.2 18.1 Service W o r k e r s 24.7 32.0 36.7 50.4 52.4 35.6 29.7 35.7 50.2 59.6 42.5 41.9 19.8 20.9 : Special tabulation by U . S . Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Table 7. Indexl/of Occupational Integration in Major Metropolitan Areas, 1973 WHITE COLLAR WORKERS Sales Managers & Workers Tech. Officials BLUE COLLAR WORKERS Operatives Laborers SERVICE WORKERS 60 143 192 ">29 118 70 130 173 224 65 80 136 130 58 68 152 139 230 222 260 59 92 148 73 178 238 213 24 41 77 139 43 180 147 202 60 23 40 83 144 70 160 196 199 77 92 22 44 65 114 49 130 187 268 45 26 51 20 41 67 148 53 153 293 270 New Orleans 37 20 44 18 48 50 140 70 148 258 241 Dallas 37 11 55 16 36 57 158 70 179 237 335 Houston 45 24 73 17 51 63 141 62 178 256 267 Los Angeles 65 33 87 31 58 99 128 79 158 162 233 San Francisco 69 31 100 29 60 102 129 65 145 215 249 Metropolitan Area Clerical Workers Total Total Prof. United States 52 30 69 25 47 79 129 New York City Baltimore 77 40 106 31 50 117 Philadelphia 45 53 24 26 68 85 22 25 40 43 Washington, D.C. 61 30 76 33 Detroit 47 20 56 Chicago 52 23 S t . Louis 56 Atlanta 1 If The index is calculated as follows: (1) Blacks' share (percentage) of total employment and of employment in each occupation group in each metropolitan area is calculated. (2) Blacks' share (percentage) in each occupation group is divided by their share (percentage) of total employment. An index number of 100 indicates equality. An index number of less than 100 indicates an occupational deficit, and an index number greater than 100 indicates an over-representation in a particular occupation. Source: Calculated from Table 6. Craftsmen 241 Table 8. Minority Group Employment in the Federal Government 1973 PAY SYSTEM Total Full Time Employees Minority Groups Percent Number of Total Black Percent Number of Total Spanish Surnamed Percent of Total Number American Indian Percent Number of Total Total: All Pay Systems 2,524,968 515,129 20.4 395,409 15.7 78,243 3.1 20,266 .8 Total: General (or similar) Schedule 1,330,581 217,346 16,3 162,203 12.2 29,984 2.3 13,229 GS-1 thru 4 GS 5 thru 8 GS-9 thru 11 GS-12 thru 18 314,999 386,860 314,738 313,984 89,045 79,354 31,552 17,395 28,3 20,5 10.0 5.5 69,051 62,585 20,339 10,228 21.9 16.2 6.5 3.3 11,082 9,880 5,822 3,200 3.5 2.5 1.8 1.0 GS-12 thru 15 308,267 17,193 5,6 10,087 3,3 3,164 129,814 100,582 49,100 28,771 8,204 5,104 2,487 1,398 6..3 5-1 5.1 4..9 4,928 3,100 1,334 725 3.3 3.1 2,1 2.5 5,717 202 3.5 141 4,055 1,190 472 146 41 15 3.6 3,4 3.2 104 27 10 GS-12 GS-13 GS-14 GS-15 GS-16 thru 18 GS-16 GS-17 GS-18 Source: U.S. Civil Service Commission, Press Release, March 4 , 1974. Oriental Percent Number of Total All Other Percent Number of Total 21,211 .8 2,009,839 79.6 1.0 ,930 .9 1,113,235 83.7 6,805 3,595 1,885 944 2.2 .9 .6 .3 2,,107 3.,294 3,,506 3 ;,023 .7 .8 1.1 1.0 225,954 307,506 283,186 296,589 o79.5 1.0 936 .3 3,,006 1.0 291,074 94.4 1,547 892 445 280 1.2 .9 .9 1.0 457 265 139 75 .4 .3 .3 .3 1,,272 847 569 318 1.0 .8 1.2 1.1 121,610 95,478 46,613 27,373 93.7 94.9 94.9 95.1 2.5 36 .6 8 .1 17 .3 5,515 96.5 2.6 2.3 2.1 21 10 5 .5 .8 1.1 7 1 0 .2 .1 0 14 3 0 .3 .3 0 3,909 1,149 457 96.4 96.6 96.8 90.0 94.5 Table 9. Pay C a t e g o r y Total F u l l Time Employees Minority Group Employment in the Federal Government 1963 M i n o r i t y Groups Per Cent Number of Total Black Number Spanish Surnamed Per Cent N u m b e r of T o t a l Per Cent of Total 19 Total: A l l Pay S y s t e m s T o t a l : G e n e r a l (or Similar) Schedule GS-1 GS-5 GS-9 GS-12 thru 4 thru 8 thru 11 thru 18 All O t h e r Per C e n t Number of T o t a l 2,298,808 374,321 16.3 301,889 13.1 51,682 2.2 10,592 0.5 10,158 0.4 1,924,487 1,103,051 125 j, 596 11,.4 101.,589 9,,2 15,292 1.4 5,315 0.5 3,,400 0.,3 977, ,455 88.6 78,,170 33 j,851 10,,433 3,,142 22,,0 10..7 4,.3 1,,7 18,,6 8.,4 2,,9 1,.0 7,520 4,809 2,178 785 2.1 1.5 0.9 0.4 3,373 1,311 481 150 1.0 0.4 0.2 0.1 1,, 108 1,,279 758 255 0.,3 0.,4 0.,3 0.,1 277., 159 281,,352 232,,892 186,,052 a95.7 355,329 315,203 243,325 189,194 66,, 169 26.,452 7.,016 1 ;,952 2/ S u r v e y e d only in C a l i f o r n i a , O r e g o n and W a s h i n g t o n in 1 9 6 3 . U . S . Civil S e r v i c e C o m m i s s i o n , "Study of M i n o r i t y G r o u p Employment in the F e d e r a l Government," 1963, Oriental-^ Per Cent N u m b e r of Total 6 3 1/ S u r v e y e d only in A r i z o n a , C a l i f o r n i a , M o n t a n a , New M e x i c o , North C a r o l i n a , Oklahoma and South Dakota in 1 9 6 3 . Source: A m e r i c a n Indian- 1/ Per Cent N u m b e r of Total 83. 98.3 Table 10, Minority Group Employment as a Percentage cf Total Employment by Occupation, Selected Central Cities, 1967 (Full Time Noneducational Employees) All City and Race Occupations White Collar Total White Officials Professional Collar & Managers & Technical Blue Collar Office & Clerical Total Blue Collar Craftsmen 6c Operatives Laborers San Francisco - Oakland Service Workers 3.8 6,850 18.7 9.5 1.4 7.8 256 4.7 3.9 0.0 0.8 4,357 19.8 9.5 1.5 8.8 2,237 18.2 10.2 1.6 6.4 5,206 29.5 24.4 3.2 1.9 3,947 27.8 23.0 2.8 2.0 1,257 34.6 28.7 4.2 1.7 7,689 32.3 21.0 1.1 9.C 28,075 40.6 9,092 34.3 863 21.9 5,070 27.6 3,159 48.3 5,847 71.7 3,319 56.6 2,528 91.7 13,136 31.2 26,448 40.1 7,206 30.5 800 14.4 3,028 22.3 3,378 41.6 8,370 57.1 5,259 42.7 3,111 81.5 10,872 33.4 6,001 32.1 884 3.6 65 0.0 397 4.5 422 3.3 2,997 53.0 1,450 16.7 1,547 87.0 2,120 14.5 8,417 19.1 8,7 2,060 11.0 4.4 6.6 313 10.5 6.1 4.5 751 9.3 4.0 5.3 996 12.3 4.2 8.1 2,683 61.9 47.9 14.1 1,295 33.4 23.7 9.7 1,388 88.5 70.5 18.1 3,674 12.4 6.3 6.1 Total Number Black (%) 10,729 41.7 2,783 20.9 433 2.8 1,311 32.5 1,039 14.0 3,980 65.8 1,486 13.9 2,494 96.7 3,969 32.2 Baton Rouge Total Number Black (%) 1,990 16.4 597 0.9 97 0.0 230 2.2 252 0.0 702 41.6 401 20.0 301 70.4 709 4.2 Total Number Minority (70) Black (%) Spanish American (%) Oriental <%) 19,745 26.8 17.9 2.0 Philadelphia Total Number Black (%) Detroit Total Number Black (7o) Atlanta Total Number Black (%) Houston Total Number Minority (%) Black (%) Spanish-American (%) 27.8 Memphi s Source: U. S. Commission on Civil Rights, "For All the People...By All11 the Teople: on Equal Opportunity in State and Local Government Employment, 1969. A Report Table 11. Occupation I. II. Health Occupations Physicians Dentists Registered Nurses Medical Technologists Education Elementary School Teachers Secondary School Teachers College & University Teachers III. Social Services Recreation Workers Social Workers IV. V. Urban Improvement and Protection Architects Policeman (local) Urban & Regional Planners Social Scientists Economists Psychologists Sociologists V I . Scientific & Technical Chemists Engineers Engineering 6> Scientific Technicians Statistical Clerks Til. Computer & Related Electronic Computer Operating Personnel Programmers System Analysts VIII.Banking, Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate Bank Officers Bank Tellers Insurance Agents and brokers Insurance underwriters Real Estate Salesworkers Securities Salesworkers IX. Administration & Related Accountants Lawyers Purchasing Agents X . Co—unicatlons & Related Editors & Reporters Newspaper Reporters Radio & TV Announcers Source: Employment Outlook in Selected Occupations, 1972-1985 Employment: 1970 Black Per Cent of total otal NUmber Employment: 1972 Total Women as Per Cent of Total Employment Outlook: 1985 Job Opportunities Demand for Workers (Demand v s . Supply) Beginning Average 279,658 92,563 835,797 6,002 2,363 65,224 2 3 8 316,500 105,000 850,000 75,000 7 2 99 80 strong very strong very strong moderate very good very good good good $16,700 13,996 8,100 7,694 $44,000 34,000 10,000 9,520 1,428,831 993,548 134,,537 65,,540 9 7 1,,300,000 1,,100,000 85 50 weak very weak poor very poor 7,,357 7j»357 9,823 10,460 491,707 16 j,284 3 620,000 25 weak very poor 10,,662 13,813 50,106 218,281 ,923 34,,169 14 16 55,000 185,000 45 63 very strong very strong good good 7,,200 7,,320 9,520 9,800 56,284 355,924 1,,315 22,,750 2 6 60,000 370,000 4 3 very strong very strong good good 7,,800 9,,500 14,975 10,750 9,130 478 5 12,000 10 strong very good 9,,000 11,667 66,271 28,388 1,364 1,,550 1,,213 142 2 4 10 70,000 57,000 15,000 6 25 15 moderate strong very strong good good good 7,,694 11,,000 11.,500 17,200 16,000 14,000 110,060 1,233,148 3,,854 14,,343 3 1 134,ooa 1,,300,000 10 1 moderate very strong good good 9,000 10,,700 15,600 16,600 819,714 244,918 26,273 17 ,971 3 7 700,000 300,000 12 65 very strong moderate good good 13,028 163,766 82,478 355 6 ,108 2 ,571 3 4 3 15,000 186,000 100,000 15 25 10 strong strong very strong very good good good 313,338 251,110 4,509 10,491 1 4 220,000 250,000 17 86 atrong strong good good 459,237 13,675 3 10,000 12,000 6,630 u ,,800 6,,604 8,,500 9,204 11,000 15,700 7,980 3,328 25,,000 5,,824 5,,200 385,000 60,000 90 90 moderate moderate poor good (commission) 8,140 14,,000 13,,500 261,300 98,135 4,573 1*260 2 1 110,000 90 moderate good 7,200 21,,000 711,363 263,745 162,256 16,246 3,406 2,981 2 1 2 '720,000 300,000 180,000 25 5 10 strong moderate moderate excellent good good 9,100 11,614 8,000 14,650 25,000 15,000 148,112 3,328 2 21,705 527 2 n.a. 39,000 17,000 n.a. 40 6 n.a. moderate moderate n.a. good poor n.a. 5,200 8,840 n.a. 12,000 11,336 -- — 1970 Employment: 1970 Census of Population, "Occupational Characteristics," PC(2)7A. Employment 1972 aad Outlook, 1985: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Occupational Outlook Handbook, 1974-75 Edition. Annual Earnings, 1972
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