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For release on delivery
9 30 a m EST
Monday, March 13, 1995

Testimony by
Alan Greenspan
Chairman
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Committee on Finance
United States Senate
March 13. 1995

I

am pleased to appear here today to address some of the

issues surrounding the adjustment of federal programs for movements in
the cost of living

For the current fiscal year, roughly 30 percent

of total federal outlays are indexed to movements in consumer prices,
with social security, SSI, veterans* pensions, military retirement,
and civilian pensions accounting for the bulk of this spending

On

the tax side, indexation is largely confined to the individual income
tax

which accounts for about 45 percent of federal receipts

Congress explicitly intended, in enacting the indexation of these
spending and tax programs, to insulate those affected individuals from
the consequences of increases in the cost of living

The vehicle

chosen for making these adjustments was the Consumer Price Index, and
the issue at hand is whether that price index is appropriate for the
task
If it is not, there are significant implications for the
budget deficit, and there is the potential for considerable unintended
transfers of wealth

As I noted in testimony earlier this year

if

annual inflation adjustments to indexed programs and taxes were
reduced by one percentage point--and making the admittedly strong
assumption that there are no other changes in the economy--the annual
level of the deficit would be lower by about $55 billion after five
years, including the effects of lower debt levels

The cumulative

deficit reduction over this period would be nearly $150 billion, and
these savings would continue to grow in subsequent years
I believe the evidence suggests that some adjustment to our
indexing procedures is warranted

I am certain that many of the

technical details will be elaborated in your discussions later this
morning, but let me briefly outline some of the conceptual issues

To

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b e g m , a review of the legislative history surrounding indexation does
not reveal a full appreciation for the important distinction between
the CPI and a true measure of the cost of living

The CPI is

constructed to measure price changes for a fixed market basket of
goods and services

At present

that market basket--at least at the

higher levels of aggregation--is fixed to spending patterns that
prevailed in 1982 to 1984 Economic theory indicates that changes in

a fixed-weight price index such as the CPI form an upper bound to
changes in the cost of living, even if all of the individual prices
used in the index are measured without error

The reason is that the

use of fixed weights is appropriate only if there is no possibility
for consumers to offset any of the consequences of increased prices
for some goods by substituting others

While the degree of

substitutability among products may be open to question, it is
undeniable that such substitution does indeed occur
Other technical aspects to the construction of the CPI also
suggest it may overstate cost - of- living changes

Researchers at the

BLS have found that an interaction between the use of fixed weights at
the most disaggregated level and the manner in which new samples of
retail outlets are linked into the index may be resulting in an
overstatement of price increases

In January, the Bureau implemented

procedures that should alleviate this so-called "sample rotation bias"
at grocery stores, but the problem likely remains for other
categories

More generally, the BLS is experimenting with a geometric

weighting scheme that offers broader relief from this technical
problem
Over the postwar period, there has been a marked tendency for
consumers to shift purchases from high-priced full-service stores to
lower-priced discount retailers

The BLS uses surveys of consumer

-3-

buying patterns to keep abreast of these developments

On the basis

of these surveys, a new sample of retail outlets is drawn for roughly
one-fifth of U S

cities each year

Thus, with some lag, innovations

in retailing are captured in the CPI
outlets are rotated into the sample

However, at the time when new
if prices are found to be lower

at the new establishments than at those being rotated out of the
sample, the differential is, in effect, attributed to lower quality
rather than to lower prices

Even granting that the quality of

service and ambience may differ between the new and old outlets,
presumably some of the shift in shopping patterns reflects the fact
that consumers can purchase the same goods at lower prices
Consequently, some of the price declines associated with the growing
importance of discount retailers may not be fully captured by our
statistics
In sum, the fixed-weight nature of the CPI and other aspects
of its construction point in the direction of an overstatement of
increases in the cost of living

Even if this upward bias were only a

fraction of a percentage point per year, the relentless compounding of
such a discrepancy ultimately would have budgetary consequences
meriting serious attention
There are, however, reasons for suspecting that weighting and
construction are not the only factors leading the CPI to overstate
changes in the cost of living

A more difficult, but to my mind no

less important, issue concerns making adequate adjustment for the
improvement in the quality of goods and services over time

I would

note that the BLS does make adjustments for quality changes in the
CPI

What is at issue is whether the implemented procedures, or for

that matter any practical procedures that could be established in the
foreseeable future, can be expected to account fully for quality

-4-

changes across the vast array of goods and services available in our
economy
In many respects, the issue of price measurement has as its
mirror image the fundamental problem of defining with precision a unit
of output

If this conundrum could be resolved, not only would we

have more accurate price measures, but we would have correspondingly
better measures of output and productivity

But defining a unit of

output is an exceptionally difficult task when the characteristics of
products and services are changing rapidly and along many dimensions
Under these circumstances, disentangling price change from quality
improvement presents a formidable challenge
Nowhere are these challenges more acute than in the area of
medical care

What is the appropriate unit of

price procedures, treatments, or cures9

output?

Should one

Should the comfort or

satisfaction of the patient be accounted for in price measurement?
The past century has witnessed astonishing improvements in medical
care

Cures and preventive treatments have become available for

previously untreatable diseases

Medical advances have also led to

new treatments that are more effective and that have increased the
speed and comfort of recovery
Technological innovations have been exceptionally rapid in
the medical field

A case study of CAT scanners documented the

dramatic and swift improvements in quality that occurred after their
initial introduction in the early 1970s
in scan time, resolution

Substantial gains were made

and the speed of image reconstruction

These characteristics, in turn

have a direct bearing on the comfort

and convenience of the patient and the quality of the diagnosis
provided by the doctor

Conventional price measures will almost

surely miss much of this type of quality improvement because of the

-5-

enormous complexity involved in defining the output that is being
consumed and measuring the corresponding unit price of that output
Although medical care is perhaps the most striking example of
rapid--and difficult to measure-- quality improvement, similar problems
occur across a broad range of goods and services

Research has found

that quality improvement may not be adequately captured for goods and
services ranging from complicated capital equipment to power tools to
consumer appliances to the simple consumption of household lighting
To be sure, there are offsets to unmeasured increases in
quality

The downward adjustment made to measured auto prices for the

cost of mandated pollution control devices is one example cited in a
recent CBO study

Although this equipment may provide a benefit to

society, the owner of the automobile likely captures little of the
direct benefit associated with his or her increase in outlays

Other

products may be made more poorly in ways that escape detection in our
price statistics

But given the perpetual advance of knowledge and

technology, these cases are surely overwhelmed by a tendency for the
quality of goods and services to rise over time in a manner that is
difficult to define and measure

Those who remember with fondness the

products of yesteryear are probably suffering from either fading
memories or excessive sentimentality
The difficulties confronted in price measurement are not
confined to the quality advances of existing products

The continual

introduction of new goods and services onto the markets of our dynamic
economy creates additional challenges for price measurement

In some

cases, a new good may be similar to an improved version of an old
good

In other cases, new products may deliver services to consumers

that effectively were not available before--for example, personal
computers, video cassette recorders, and cellular phones

New goods

-6-

and services are incorporated in our price measures, but only with a
lag

This lag can create an upward bias because new products often

experience their largest price declines early in the product cycle
The more spectacular examples involve consumer electronics

such as

computers and communications equipment, but the enormous entry of new
products onto the markets every year makes this a more pervasive
problem than is commonly understood

While any one product may not

figure prominently in household budgets, the totality of new products
and the often large price declines that occur before they are
incorporated in our price measures suggest this problem may not be
trivial
These difficulties should not be read as a blanket
indictment of our current statistical procedures
Index is a fundamentally sound statistical program
the years

The Consumer Price
The BLS has, over

made frequent and significant improvements in the CPI and

further improvements should be, and are, on their agenda

Updated

market baskets, experimentation with alternative indexing formulas,
and ongoing research on the application of hedonic indexes offer the
possibility of better measurement in the future
But even the implementation of improvements in the CPI can
lead to distortions when this measure is used directly as a cost-ofliving escalator

For example, the BLS made a significant change in

how it calculates the CPI in 1983, when it shifted from a method in
which the price index for housing was constructed as if each household
was paying the current home price and mortgage rate on its residence
to one that is a more realistic measure of the cost of home occupancy
Because of the run-up in house prices and interest rates between the
1960s and early 1980s, the official CPI rose about 9 percent more than
indicated by the newer, superior measure

By the time the index was

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changed, this overstatement had added substantially to the level of
outlays in the large indexed federal programs

Once the additional

interest outlays required to finance the cumulatively higher federal
debt are added in, a rough estimate suggests that, all else equal, the
deficit for FY1994 would have been smaller by $50 billion had the
overindexing not occurred
The fundamental problem is that we have legislated a
mechanical procedure to implement cost-of-living adjustments where-given the problems inherent in any statistical measure of aggregate
prices --there is a need for the application of sound judgment

If

indexation had prevailed for only a short period of time, the
discrepancy between the CPI and a true measure of the cost of living
would not have resulted in any appreciable problem

But left in place

over long periods of time, as has now occurred and is envisioned
continuing in the future, the discrepancy will compound in a manner
that cumulates to very substantial magnitudes
For this reason, I suggest that Congress give careful
consideration to the establishment of an independent national
commission to set annual adjustment factors for federal receipt and
outlay programs

The members of this commission could review the

available price statistics, taking into account the differences
between these measures and the concept of a true measure of the cost
of living

In addition

periodic review would allow the discrepancy

to be adjusted for improvements in the available statistics as well as
for insights developed from outside research

Careful consideration

could be given to the establishment of a special cost-of- living
adjustment for retirement benefits to reflect the buying patterns of
the affected population

The replacement of a mechanical procedure by

the informed judgment of experts would best ensure that the original

-8-

intent of the legislation would be fulfilled--to insulate taxpayers
and benefit recipients from the effects of changes in the cost of
living
The issue that we are discussing today demonstrates clearly
the long-lived consequences of having allowed inflation to increase in
the late 1960s and 1970s

Had the inflation environment of the 1950s

and early 1960s been maintained, no widespread application of
indexation would have emerged, there simply would have been no need
for it
inflation

Indexation was viewed as a way of mitigating the effects of
It succeeded in many respects, but we have also seen

another example of the operation of the "Law of Unintended
Consequences" in the enlargement of our budget deficit

I believe

that. If the Federal Reserve can maintain a proper direction for
monetary policy, we shall make this whole matter moot

But in the

Interim, we should at least attempt to refine our indexation
procedures so as to ensure that the distortions are minimized