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For release on delivery
9:00 p.m. E D T.
Tuesday, June 10 1997

Remarks by
Alan Greenspan

Chairman
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
at the
Woodrow Wilson Award Dinner
of the
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars
New York, New York
June 10, 1997

The Embrace of Free Markets
On November 9, 1989, the Berlin Wall came down, symbolizing
the end of an experiment in economic and social policy that began
more than four decades earlier with the division of the states of
Western and Central Europe into market economies and those
governed by state central planning

At the end of World War II,

as Winston Churchill put it, "From Stettin in the Baltic to
Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain
Continent "

descended across the

Aside from the Soviet Union itself, the economies on

the Soviet side of the "curtain" had been, in the prewar period,
similar to the market-based economies on the western side

Over

four decades both types of economies developed with limited
interaction across the dividing line

It was as close to a

controlled experiment in the viability of economic systems as
could ever be implemented.
The results, unequivocal in favor of market economies, have
had far reaching consequences

The long-standing debate between

the virtues of economies organized around free markets and those
governed by centrally planned socialism is essentially at an end.
To be sure, there are still a few who still support the old
fashioned socialism--but for the vast majority of professed
socialists it is now a highly diluted socialism, an amalgam of
social equity and the efficiency of the market, often called
market socialism

The verdict on rigid central planning has been

-2rendered, and it is generally appreciated to have been
unequivocally negative.
Over the last seven years, with the Soviet bloc books now
open, we of course have learned much about how communist
economics worked, or, more to the point, did not

But the

biggest surprise is what the aftermath of the four-decade
experiment has been teaching us about how and why our own western
economies and societies function, or, perhaps more exactly,
refreshing our own long dormant memories of the process.
Economists have had considerable experience this century in
observing how market economies converted to centrally planned
ones, but until recently have had virtually no exposure in the
opposite direction.

Ironically, in aiding in the process of

implementing the latter, we are being forced to more fully
understand the roots of our own system
Much of what we took for granted in our free market system
and assumed to be human nature was not nature at all, but
culture

The dismantling of the central planning function in an

economy does not, as some had supposed, automatically establish a
free market entrepreneurial system

There is a vast amount of

capitalist culture and infrastructure underpinning market
economies that has evolved over generations

laws, conventions,

behaviors, and a wide variety of business professions and

-3practices that have no important functions in a centrally planned
economy
Centrally planned economic systems, such as that which
existed in the Soviet Union, had great difficulty in creating
wealth and rising standards of living.
extent m

In theory, and to a large

practice, production and distribution were determined

by specific instructions—often in the form of state orders—coming
from the central planning agencies to the various different
producing establishments, indicating from whom, and in what
quantities, they should receive their raw materials and services,
and to whom they should distribute their final outputs

The work

force was assumed to be fully employed and wages were somewhat
arbitrarily predetermined
Without an effective market clearing mechanism, the
consequences of such a paradigm, as one might readily anticipate,
were both huge surpluses of goods which, while produced, were not
wanted by the populace, and huge shortages of products that
consumers desired, but were not produced in adequate quantities
The imbalance of demand over supply inevitably required rationing
or its equivalent, standing in queues for limited quantities of
goods and services
One might think that the planning authorities should have
been able to adjust to these distortions

They tried

But they

faced insurmountable handicaps in that they did not have access

-4to the immediate signals of price changes that so efficiently
clear markets in capitalist economies.

Just as important, they

did not have the signals of finance to adjust the allocation of
physical resources to accommodate the shifting tastes of
consumers
In a centrally planned system, banking and finance play a
decidedly minor role

Since the production and distribution of

goods and services are essentially driven by state orders and
rationing, finance is little more than record keeping.

While

there are pro-forma payment transfers among state-owned
enterprises, few if any actions are driven by them

Payment

arrears, or even defaults, are largely irrelevant in the sense
that they are essentially transactions among enterprises owned by
the same entity, that is, the state

Under central planning

there are no credit standards, no interest rate risks, no market
value changes, that is, none of the key financial signals that
determine who gets credit, and who does not, and hence who
produces what, and sells to whom, in a market economy

In short,

none of the financial infrastructure which converts the changing
valuations of consumers into market signals that direct
production for profit are available
Soviet-bloc economies.

But it didn't matter in the

Few decisions in those centrally planned

systems were affected by the lack of a developed financial
system

-5That centrally planned economies, as a consequence, were
highly inefficient is best illustrated by the fact that energy
consumed per unit of output was as much as five to seven times
higher in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union than in the
West

Moreover, the exceptionally large amount of resources

devoted to capital investment, without contributing to the
productive capacity of these economies, suggests that these
resources were largely wasted.
Regrettably, until the Berlin Wall was breached, and the
need to develop market economies out of the rubble of Eastern
Europe's central planning regime became apparent, little
contemporary thought had been given to the institutional
infrastructure required of markets.

Nonetheless, in the years

immediately following the fall of the Berlin Wall many of the
states of the former Soviet bloc did get something akin to a
market system in the form of a rapid growth of black markets that
replicated some of what seemingly goes on in a market economy.
But only in part

Black markets, by definition, are not

supported by the rule of law

There are no rights to own and

dispose of property protected by the enforcement power of the
state

There are no laws of contract or bankruptcy, or judicial

review and determination again enforced by the state
essential infrastructure of a market economy is missing

The

-6Black markets offer few of the benefits of legally
sanctioned trade

To know that the state will protect one's

rights to property will encourage the taking of risks that create
wealth and foster growth.

Few will risk their capital, however,

if there is little assurance that the rewards of risk are secure
from the arbitrary actions of government, or street mobs
Indeed, today's Russia is striving to rid itself of a
substantial black market intertwined with its evolving market
economy

Law enforcement in support of private property is

uneven in its application.

Private security forces, to a large

extent, have taken over protection, with results sometimes less
than satisfactory.

The shift of vast real resources from the

defunct Soviet state to private parties, whose claims in many
instances are perceived as dubious, has not enhanced public
support for the protection of such claims by official
authorities
Some, but not all, would argue with the Russian academic who
last month told the Washington Post that "The state thinks . .
private capital should be defended by those who have it

.It's

a completely conscious policy of the law enforcement authorities
to remove themselves from defending private capital."
Certainly, if generations of Russians have been brought up
on the Marxist notion that private property is "theft," a
breakdown of the Soviet central planning infrastructure is not

-7going to automatically alter the perceived moral base of its
social system.

The right to property in market economies, on the

other hand, is morally rooted in its culture.
Indeed, the presumption of property ownership and the
legality of its transfer must be deeply embedded in the culture
of a society for free market economies to function effectively.
In the West and especially under British common law and its
derivatives, the moral validity of property rights is accepted,
or at least acquiesced in, by virtually the whole of the
population

Accordingly, a very small proportion of contracts

have to be enforced through actions in the courts

Moreover,

reflecting a strong commitment to property rights, a surprisingly
large number of contracts, especially in financial markets, are
initially oral, confirmed only at a later date, and at times
after much price movement, by a written document
The differing attitudes and views toward property ownership
are passed from generation to generation through family values
and education systems

Hence, the process of full transition

from the so-called collective rights of socialist economies to
the individual property rights of market economies and legal
certainties can be expected to be slow

One prominent young

Russian reformer of my acquaintance thinks the transition is
moving quickly among those under forty years of age, much less so
among their elders.

Altering what a nation teaches its children

-8is a profoundly difficult task, and clearly cannot be
accomplished overnight.
profit is not simple

Changing attitudes toward property and
These attitudes derive from the deepest

values of personal worth people hold
Aside from property rights enforced by an impartial
judiciary, for a market economy to function effectively, there
must also be widespread dissemination of timely financial and
other relevant information.

This enables market participants to

make the type of informed judgements that foster the most
efficient allocation of capital.

Efficient in the sense that our

physical resources are directed at producing those goods and
services most valued by consumers

This requires a free press

and government data information systems that are perceived to be
free of hidden political manipulation
Government censorship in any form renders information
suspect.

Such information will be disregarded by market

participants as virtually useless, requiring individuals to rely
on rumor, and other dubious sources of information

This leads

to misjudgements about the changing patterns of consumer demand
and hence significantly eviscerates the market's effectiveness
and its role in directing real resources to their optimum uses.
Most other rights that we Americans cherish, protection
against extra-legal violence or intimidation by the state,
arbitrary confiscation of property without due process, as well

-9as freedom of speech and of the press, and an absence of
discrimination, are all essential to an effective, functioning
market system
Indeed a list or bill of rights enforced by an impartial
judiciary is, and I hesitate to use the analogy, what substitutes
for the central planning function as the guiding mechanism of a
free market economy

It is these "rights" that enable the value

judgements of millions of consumers to be converted through a
legally protected free market into prices of products and
financial instruments; and it is, of course, these market prices
that substitute for the state orders of the centrally planned
economies
We depend on government in a free society to ensure those
market "rights."

Perhaps of greater importance, those rights can

also be viewed as a list of prohibitions delimiting the actions
of government.

Thus, the more effective the list is in

constraining the arbitrary actions of government officials, the
less it matters what they do

The tighter the proscription on

government officials' discretion, the less arbitrary government
power is available to the highest bidder
The democratic process, of course, is needed to ensure that
the "list of market rights" has the continued sanction of the
people

Since any bill of rights specifies the limits to which

government officials can infringe on the rights of individuals,

-10the rational self interest of the populace is always to protect
and broaden individual rights.

The self interest of those

officials who have the power to exert discretionary power in
areas not specifically delimited by a bill of rights, is, too
often, to broaden that scope

Hence, authoritarian societies,

even benevolent ones, are biased to restraining the rights of
individuals generally, and property in particular
Clearly, not all democracies protect the private right of
property with the same fervor.

Indeed, they vary widely

Nor is

it the case that all societies with firmly protected property
rights, bend invariably to the majority will of the populace on
all public issues.

Certainly in its earlier years Hong Kong did

not have a democratic process but a "list of rights" protected by
British common law and Britain's democracy

Singapore, from a

similar heritage, does protect property and contract rights, the
crucial pillars of market efficiency, but does not have some of
the other characteristics of western democracies with which we
are familiar

There are those who argue however that as this

remarkable city-state evolves, increasing wealth will push it
toward broader freedoms.
To summarize then, the ideal state of affairs for a
centrally planned economy is one in which there is continuous
production of the same type of goods, of the same quality, of the
same design, obediently purchased in repetitive quantities, with

-11cash wages backed as necessary by rationing coupons.

Centrally

planned economies are frozen in time. They cannot readily
accommodate innovation, new ideas, new products, and altered
specifications
In sharp contrast, capitalist market economies are driven by
what Professor Joseph Schumpeter, a number of decades ago, called
"creative destruction."

By this he meant newer ways of doing

things, newer products, and novel engineering and architectural
insights that induce the continuous obsolescence and retirement
of factories and equipment and a reshuffling of workers to new
and different activities

Market economies in that sense are

continuously renewing themselves

Innovation, risk taking, and

competition are the driving forces that propel standards of
living progressively higher
Thus, the bold, if unintended, experiment in economic and
social systems, which began after World War II in Europe, did not
come to a full resting place with the fall of the Berlin Wall in
1989.

Despite the ebb and flow of governments of differing

persuasions, the face of the world economy continues to edge
toward free market-oriented societies

This is especially the

case as increasing numbers of transition economies prosper and
emerging market economies wedded to free market paradigms grow
impressively

-12There has been, to be sure, much pain and periodic
backtracking among a number of the nations that discarded the
mantle of central planning.

There will doubtless be more

But

the experience of the last half century clearly attests to how
far the power of the idea of market freedom can carry