View original document

The full text on this page is automatically extracted from the file linked above and may contain errors and inconsistencies.

For Release on Delivery
11-00 a.m E.D T
October 22, 1990

Clearing and Settlement:

Past and Future

Remarks by

Alan Greenspan

Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System

before the

American Bankers Association

Orlando, Florida

October 22, 1990

Good morning ladies and gentlemen.

I welcome this opportunity

to address the American Bankers Association once again.

In my previous

addresses to you, I have stressed the importance of bank capital.
During the past year, as events have unfolded around the world, we have
continually been reminded that capital is critical to the stability and
competitiveness of the banking industry, and indeed to the stability and
competitiveness of all industry.
Today, I would like to discuss another important issue which
will attract our attention in the years ahead

how technology is

changing the banking industry through its influence on clearing and
settlement arrangements.

The topic of clearing and settlement often is

reserved for specialists, but, in fact, it has broad implications for
the safety and efficiency of our financial markets.

A variety of

clearing and settlement arrangements, which provide the foundation for
our financial services industry, are now undergoing change

These range

from traditional banking systems to all kinds of mechanisms for clearing
and settling equities and other securities

I would like to review some

of these developments, and place them in a broader context of analysis
and history.

We can usefully learn from the past as we shape the

future
Long-run Economic Forces
There are a number of long-run forces that are shaping clearing
and settlement arrangements across the spectrum of money and financial
markets
First, the supply and organization of clearing services have
been profoundly affected by the development of electronic technologies.

-2-

The unit costs of clearing large volumes of items have fallen in many
markets, as electronic alternatives to manual processing have become
virtually indispensible

Since computerized processing and

communications systems have grown to become the core of clearing
arrangements, the costs of organizing a modern clearing system are now
dominated by the price and design of electronic technology, not by the
traditional costs of clerical resources and transportation.

Thus, if

the costs of electronic technology continue to fall, as in the past, so
too will clearing costs.

In turn, we might well expect the geographic

scope of electronic clearings, the membership in such arrangements, and
the duration of clearing cycles to be strongly influenced by these
declining costs.
Second, the organization of clearing services has also been
driven by efforts to economize on the use of money and credit.

For

example, the ancient concept of a clearing house is today a familiar
part of banking arrangements, and has long been used to clear checks
The most important financial attribute of a clearing house is that
members typically offset, or net, their clearing debts against one
another on a multilateral basis

This multilateral netting often

dramatically reduces the amount of money and credit needed by members to
complete a clearing and settlement cycle.
Third, financial practices have changed in a number of ways,
with major firms and institutional investors now managing their
portfolios much more actively than in the past

These changes, in turn,

have led to increased turnover in financial markets, and, thus, to
greater demand for clearing services

-3-

History of Check and Securities Clearing
The history of the money and stock markets clearly illustrates
the operation of these three economic forces, especially in New York
City, though many other cities around the country also have rich and
varied histories that have been shaped by these same forces.
Prior to the advent of clearing houses, checks and other
payment instruments were cleared and settled bilaterally between major
banks.

The situation was described in the massive 1912 report of the

National Monetary Commission, which investigated banking and monetary
arrangements in the United States and laid the groundwork for the
creation of the Federal Reserve.

In the early 1600s, on each business

day in New York City, for example, banks would sort checks that had been
deposited, and send messengers with packages of checks to the banks on
which they were drawn.

Chaos would reign when five or six messengers

would arrive at the same bank at the same time

Having at last

presented his checks, a messenger would then move on to the next bank on
his circuit, to repeat the process.

Settlements between pairs of banks

for the gross value of presented checks occurred once a week.

This

created an astounding period between settlements, during which "float,"
or clearing credits, would accumulate.

Contemporary reports suggest

that this form of bilateral clearing was extremely inefficient, and that
the lengthy period of float gave rise to significant abuses.
The technological and organizational response to this
inefficiency was the bankers' clearing house

The first organized

clearing in New York City was conducted in October 1853.

Typically,

-4-

clearings took 15 minutes in the morning, while settlements were made in
the early afternoon.
Not only the physical efficiencies but also the financial
efficiencies of this early clearing house system were remarkable.

The

period of float between the exchange of paper and settlement was reduced
to a matter of hours.

Moreover, for the members of the new clearing

house as a group, the value of balances needed for settlement, in
relation to the value of checks cleared, declined significantly
Since the 1850s, new technologies and organization have
continued to reduce the marginal costs of clearing and settlement for
checks and other paper instruments.

The most significant qualitative

change in clearing house arrangements took place in 1970 when the New
York Clearing House began offering its CHIPS service.

Although Fedwire

had been operating for some time, CHIPS was the first private clearing
house arrangement that permitted a real-time exchange of electronic
payment information

Net balances were settled the next morning

In a

precedent setting change-over in October 1981, CHIPS began same-day
settlement through a special account at the New York Federal Reserve
Bank.

Again, technology and organization reduced the marginal costs of

clearing and settlement.

As a further consequence, overnight and

weekend float were driven from the CHIPS system.

Only daylight float,

or daylight credit, now remains.
In securities markets, bilateral clearing methods also have
largely been replaced by clearing house arrangements.

In comparison

with payment clearing, however, the process has been slow and
incremental.

The New York Stock Exchange, for example, was unable to

-5-

introduce a successful clearing house until 1892, one hundred years
after the formation of the first organized stock market in New York.
Until a clearing house was formed, it was necessary for Exchange members
to settle each and every stock transaction bilaterally through the
delivery of certificates to the office of a buyer, in exchange for
payment in the form of a certified check
Settlement by this method required a veritable army of clerks
and messengers.
credit.

Even more important, it required large sums of bank

For example, a firm buying stock seldom had sufficient money

balances to complete the required payments.

Instead, it relied on its

bank for daylight credit—a "morning loan" in the language of the day
As New York Stock Exchange volume grew rapidly in the years following
the Civil War, banks and their regulators became alarmed at the amount
of daylight credit being extended to support securities transactions
In the end, the 1884 failure of the Marine National Bank
resulted in disclosures about abuses of the daylight credit system and
the magnitude of the credit risks to the banks involved.

Interestingly,

it appears to have been pressure from bank regulators and the New York
Clearing House Association that induced the Stock Exchange to form a
clearing house and to compel its members to join.
Because a securities clearing house typically handles both
money payments and many different issues of securities, its operation is
inherently more complex than a check clearing house

When the clearing

house of the New York Stock Exchange first began operations, it simply
netted stock deliveries on a multilateral basis, issue by issue.

As a

-6-

consequence, the amount of money a net buyer of stock would need to pay
for the securities was also netted issue by issue, along with the stock.
In 1920, the clearing house took on quasi-banking functions, as
part of a major reorganization.

Deliveries of stock continued to be

made to the office of the net buyer of each issue.

However, messengers

delivering stock were now given "delivery receipts" in exchange for
securities.

At the end of a day's activity, clearing house credits and

debits that reflected these receipts would be subjected to a grand
multilateral netting, and all of a member's trades would be settled by
the delivery or receipt of a single check.

The effect of this overall

payment netting on the amount of money and credit necessary to complete
a clearing cycle was dramatic.

By 1925, the value of certified checks

necessary to complete a typical daily stock settlement had declined by
80 to 90 percent
The next critical step in the evolution of clearing
arrangements for stocks took place in the late 1960s.

The average daily

trading volume on the New York Stock Exchange doubled between 1964 and
1957, spawning a "paperwork crisis."

Errors and delays in completing

securities deliveries not only infuriated investors but, beginning in
1969, forced over 100 brokerage firms into liquidation

The solution

involved the combination of new organization and electronic technology.
Securities were immobilized in a new depository where stock ownership
could be transferred through an electronic book-entry system, a process
which the New York Stock Exchange had initiated in 1968, with the
establishment of its Central Certificate Service.

In 1973, the

-7-

Depository Trust Company, a user-owned cooperative, was created to serve
as the central depository in the United States for shares of stock.
Current Policy Concerns
Overall, the development of clearing organizations has sharply
reduced costs.

It is important to recognize, however, that in the

process, clearing houses themselves may extend significant amounts of
credit, especially on an intraday basis.

As these organizations have

multiplied and the volume of financial transactions has grown, public
concern has focused on the potential losses and liquidity pressures that
could result from defaults on settlement obligations by key participants
in clearing systems.

The potential for default by a major participant

in the settlement systems for stocks and stock index futures and options
arguably posed the greatest threat to the financial system during the
October 1987 crash

Earlier this year, the failure of the Drexel

Burnham Lambert Group seriously disrupted settlements in some segments
of the mortgage-backed securities market
Fortunately, these concerns have been translated into concrete
actions to strengthen our clearing and settlement arrangements.

In the

stock and stock derivatives markets, clearing organizations have
strengthened their individual risk management systems in ways that have
reduced the chances that a participant's default would disrupt
settlements in these and other markets, or undermine general confidence
in the payment system.

The Group of Thirty, a private-sector group

concerned with the working of the international financial system, has
identified further steps to be taken in the U S. and other countries'
securities markets that would strengthen and harmonize settlement

-8-

procedures internationally.

In the United States, thi3 would involve

compressing the interval between the trading and settlement of stocks to
three business days, and substituting same-day funds transfers for traditional settlement payments made by certified check.
The Federal Reserve also has sought to promote improvements in
risk management by clearing organizations.

In June 1989, as part of a

broad set of proposals aimed at further reducing risks in the payment
system, the Board issued policy statements that deal with private bookentry securities clearing systems and with offshore dollar clearing
arrangements.

These policy statements address the minimum credit,

liquidity, and operational safeguards that the Federal Reserve expects
of systems that seek to settle directly or indirectly over the books of
the Federal Reserve Banks.

The policy statement on book-entry systems

has been applied in evaluating applications for Federal Reserve
settlement services from the recently established Government Securities
Clearing Corporation and Participants Trust Company, a depository for
Government National Mortgage Association securities.

The Depository

Trust Company is working with the Federal Reserve to ensure that when
stocks_and other instruments are settled in same-day funds, safeguards
are in place that conform to the policy statement.
The policy statement on offshore dollar clearing and netting
systems was developed as an interim policy, while the Federal Reserve
awaited the conclusion of a thorough study of such systems by the
central banks from the Group of Ten countries.

The Federal Reserve's

interim policy statement recognized the need for international
cooperation in dealing with offshore clearing and netting systems, along

-9-

with the need for setting out principles to guide the design and
operation of these arrangements.

The results of the study by the G-10

central banks should be available shortly.
The Future
After reviewing the history of efforts to reorganize clearing
arrangements, I am intrigued by the implications for the future, as
technology continues to advance and clearing costs continue to fall
One possibility is that declining costs and further efforts to reduce
risk, or to economize on money and credit, will begin to encourage
clearing houses of various types to shorten settlement cycles.

In most

cases, this would require settlements to be completed more than once per
business day.

Ultimately, of course, the pattern of financial trading

during a day, along with the costs of reorienting financial markets,
could limit such steps
The Federal Reserve's proposed policy to price daylight
overdraft credit may also have an impact on clearing cycles.

In the

past, daylight credit has essentially been treated as a free good, with
no need to economize.

In the future, clearing cycles may well be

adjusted to take into account the costs of daylight credit, in relation
to the urgency with which payments and securities need to be delivered.
Shorter cycles may be one outcome.
Although recent attention has—rightly—focussed on clearing
house arrangements, I wonder whether these organizations are the
ultimate means for clearing securities and some other obligations.

For

example, if technology continues to advance, could real-time systems for
trading securities be linked to real-time "clearing" systems for

-10delivering securities against payments of money?

The trend in

technology suggests that such arrangements may eventually become
economically viable in markets other than those for U.S. government
securities, in which the Fedwire system provides such a service.
Indeed, part of the elegance of real-time delivery versus payment
systems is that they would mimic the oldest of clearing and settlement
arrangements, in which goods and securities are simultaneously exchanged
for payment in legal tender, or currency.
The major questions about widespread real-time delivery versus
payment operations concern the required financial and banking
organization.

Picture a world in which virtually all banking and

securities transactions are processed, accounted for, and settled on a
"flow basis," as they occur during a day; in essence, a world of realtime banking and finance.

To be sure, for some categories of

transactions, and for some customers, banks already operate in this
fashion.

However, the rigorous application of these concepts is just

beginning.
Little is really known about how the economics of technology
will interact, in the future, with the economics of daylight finance to
shape the banking and clearing arrangements on which we will all depend.
However, change will continue to occur under the pressure of technology.
Thus, I also believe that in our discussions and planning, we should
begin to reorient our thinking, and to take more seriously than in the
past concepts like real-time banking and daylight accounting.
I also wonder about the wider effects of technology on banking.
As others have noted, technology may greatly increase the competition

-11-

between banks and other industries.

The creation and delivery of

financial services appear to depend to a greater and greater extent on
technology that will not be the exclusive preserve of any single firm or
industry.

Thus, although U S. banks have traditionally had strong

advantages in technology, these advantages alone may not be sufficient
over the long run.

Instead, it may well be the condition of the capital

base of the banking industry that is decisive in shaping competition
If competing industries offer technologically based financial services,
business may well flow to firms that can combine these services with
efficient and low cost access to credit and credit markets

This in

turn will require a strong capital base
Conclusion
My conclusion about the future of clearing arrangements is that
we lack a far reaching view of the economics of ideas like real-time
banking, accounting, and delivery versus payment.

However, history does

suggest that both technology and efforts to economize on financial
resources will continue to be important forces for change.

It is also

striking that discussions about the uses of technology in banking,
usually conducted among specialists, hold potentially broad implications
for the future character and structure of the industry.

Thus, beyond

concerns of the moment, it may be developments in technology, in a
variety of forms, that provide critical forces for change in banking and
finance.

With wise management—and higher levels of capital, my theme

of the last two years—banks may be in a strong position to take
advantage of these forces