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For release on delivery
10 00 a in PST (1 00 p in EST)
January 12, 1998

Statement of
Alan Greenspan
Chairman
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
at a
Community Forum
on
Community Reinvestment and Access to Credit California's Challenge
Los Angeles, California
January 12, 1998

I am pleased to join you this morning to discuss economic development in low- and
moderate-income communities and the roles that depository institutions and the Federal
Reserve play in this important endeavor

As a consequence of the implementation of good,

safe and sound, local business opportunities, there have been impressive improvements in
many neighborhoods throughout the country However, much remains to be done Many
urban, capital poor neighborhoods across America present new and umque challenges for
financial service institutions

The need to better understand these markets and find ways to

support small business development, home ownership, commercial revitalization, and job
creation remains a critical task The question is how will our changing financial institutions
help to address the as yet unmet opportunities

I'd like to touch first on those changes,

describe what the developing data suggest, and identify some challenges

Financial Institutions and Modernization
There have been and will continue to be major changes in the nation's financial
institutions In addition to industry consolidation, both technological advances and financial
innovation will contmue to change the face of banking Rapidly advancing technology is
rendering much bank regulation irrelevant

The reason is that such regulation is inherently

conservative It endeavors to maintain the status quo With technological change clearly
accelerating, existing regulatory structures are being bypassed, freeing market forces to
enhance wealth creation and economic growth, including community development
Perhaps the most profound development has been the rapid growth of computer and
telecommunications technology Advances in such technology have lowered the costs, reduced
the risks, and broadened the scope of financial services, making it increasingly possible for

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borrowers and lenders to transact directly, and for a wide variety of financial products to be
tailored for very specific purposes As a result, competitive pressures in the financial services
industry are probably greater than ever before

Moreover, the continuing evolution of markets

suggests that it will be impossible to maintain some of the remauung rules and regulations
While the ultimate public policy goals of economic growth and stability will remain, market
forces will continue to make it impossible to sustain outdated restrictions, as we have recently
seen with respect to interstate banking and branching I am convinced that this trend will help
assure a broader array of services that can be delivered more efficiently to all communities,
including those of low- and moderate-income

But some worry that industry consolidation will

disadvantage these same communities
To be sure, the banking crisis of the late 1980's, plus ongoing consolidation, have
reduced the total number of banking organizations by more than a third in the past two
decades Nevertheless, we remain a nation characterized not only by some very large
institutions, but also by a large number of smaller community banks This mirrors the business
world, generally, where we observe a small number of very large firms and many small firms
There is, of course, a strong connection between our banking structure and the nature of our
small-business-onented economy

Smaller banks traditionally have been an important source

of credit for small businesses that do not generally have access to securities markets

In turn,

small, new businesses, often employing new technology, account for much of the growth in
employment in our economy

The new firms come into existence often to replace old firms

that were not willing or able to take on the risks associated with high-growth strategies This

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replacement of stagnating firms with dynamic new firms is at the heart of our robust, growthoriented economy, and holds the promise of helping to revitalize areas in need such as South
Central

Mergers and Small Business
One often-expressed concern with bank mergers, and especially with mergers involving
very large banks, is that small business lending will be impaired This concern springs in part
from some research which indicates that, on average, large banks devote relatively modest
portions of their portfolios to small business loans, and that consolidations mvolving large
banking organizations tend to result in reduced small business lending
Such results, however, likely provide a misleading picture of the effects of mergers on
small business lending

A more penetrating evaluation suggests that it is far from clear that

small business lending is, on net, harmed in any significant way For example, a study which
examined the reactions of other banks in markets where mergers occurred found that mcreases

in
any initial negative effects of mergers on small business lending Indeed, when mergers of
large banks are announced, it is quite common to read press reports of other in-market banks'
expectations of taking business away from the newly formed entity
New profit opportumties in small business lending may also encourage the creation of
other new banks In fact, it is not uncommon for some of the loan officers of a merged bank
to leave and form their own new bank Further studies suggest that new banks, regardless of

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why they were formed, tend to lend larger portions of their assets to small businesses than do
even other small banks of comparable size
Over the long term, at least two factors are likely to improve the prospects for small
business finance

First, rapid technological changes applied to the process of loan evaluation

will, in all probability, continue to lower the cost of assessing the creditworthiness of small
businesses Indeed, we see this process at work today in the increasing use of credit scoring
techniques in evaluating the extension of relatively small loans to small businesses
Significantly, credit scoring technology has the potential to allow banks located outside local
markets to compete against within-market institutions for small business lending A second
important factor is the role of nonbank lenders in small business finance

Such lenders have

traditionally played an important role in small business finance, and in the future, such firms
are likely to be an mcreasingly important source of funds for small businesses
In the area of community lending, studies of the effects of mergers comparable to the
studies done for small business lending as yet do not exist However, I suspect that mergerslarge or small~do not have negative effects on community lending Given prior commitments
often made by acquirers, mergers may even have a positive effect

If there are profitable

opportunities--as I believe there are in community lending--it seems reasonable to expect that
those same market forces that provide for small business loans would also operate in the
market for community lending after mergers In addition, the core of a bank's CRA
evaluation is the adequacy of its community-based lending programs, the record of which is
reviewed frequently and especially whenever a bank is involved in a merger

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Small Business Lending
As a result of the revisions to the CRA regulations, new information is now publicly
available on the geographic distribution of small loans to businesses and farms throughout the
country

Because small businesses and small farms are more likely than larger ones to borrow

small amounts, the CRA data on small loans to businesses provide new means to gauge the
flow of credit to communities with differing economic and demographic characteristics
These data do not include all small business lending by depository institutions, as the
reporting rules pertain only to larger commercial banks and savings associations

Nonetheless,

the data do account for about two-thirds of the number and dollar amount of all bank and
savings association small business lending It is also important to keep in mind that small
businesses borrow from many nondepository institution sources mcluding finance companies,
suppliers of goods, and friends and relatives

Depository institutions, however, are the

primary source of small business loans
The Federal Reserve has recently completed an analysis of the new CRA data
results are published in the January 1998 Federal Reserve Bulletin

The

That analysis found that,

nationally, the number and dollar amount of small business loans orginated and purchased by
CRA-reporting institutions are distributed in a manner that parallels the distribution of
population and businesses across the country and that this relationship holds across
neighborhoods with differing incomes For example, low income neighborhoods include about
4 9 percent of the U S population and 5 6 percent of all U S businesses, and they received
4 7 percent of the number and 5 6 percent of the total dollar amount of small business loans in
1996

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The small business lending data for California, as a whole, follow the national pattern,
although, relative to their share of businesses, low-income areas in California received a
somewhat greater share of the business loan dollars in 1996 While low-mcome areas in the
state have 5 4 percent of the population and 7 5 percent of the businesses, they received 6 6
percent of the number and 8 7 percent of the total dollar amount of small business loans
Data for the Los Angeles Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) also follow the national
pattern fairly closely Low-mcome neighborhoods in Los Angeles have 9 percent of the MSA
population, 10 1 percent of the businesses, and received 9 2 percent of the small business
loans and 12 3 percent of the small business loan dollars All together, the Los Angeles MSA
received more than 75,000 small business loans, for a total of $4 5 billion in 1996
Our review of small business lending activity in the 98 census tracts that comprise the
10 zip code South Central area, however, finds that these neighborhoods received only 1 6
percent of the loan dollars Since South Central neighborhoods contain roughly 2 5 percent of
Los Angeles businesses, the pattern, at least on the surface, is less encouraging than either the
nationwide or Los Angeles MSA data Of course, without investigating the nature of the firms

in South Central, their credit needs, and the role of nonbank sources of finance, it is

difficult

to draw useful conclusions
Home Mortgage Lending
Analysis of 1995 and 1996 Home Mortgage Disclosure Act data provide an opportunity
to compare changes in total home lending activity for the nation as a whole, for the state of

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California, for the Los Angeles MSA and for South Central Los Angeles The HMDA data
indicate that the home lending market in California, as a whole, was stronger than the national
market in 1996, while the Los Angeles market was less strong than the state market, but as
strong as the national market Total home lending in California increased 28 percent from
1995 to 1996, while both the national market and the Los Angeles MSA increased 22 percent
Home lending in South Central was strong, increasing more than 28 percent from 1995

Mergers and Branching
But what about the effect of mergers on the number of banking offices? Economists at
the Federal Reserve have explored the recent relationship between mergers and acquisitions
and bank branching patterns

From 1985 to 1995, there was a slight decline nationally in the

number of commercial bank and savings association offices, with areas showing the greatest
declines tending to have relatively high levels of merger and acquisition activity

However,

suggesting that technology and competitive pressures were reducing the need for very heavy
branch concentration, these areas, exhibiting the greatest declme in offices in the past decade,
also tended to have the greatest number of offices per 10,000 residents in 1985 For example,
areas with relatively high rates of within-market mergers and acquisitions since 1985 had on
average between 1 and 2 more bank branches per 10,000 residents in 1985 than areas with
relatively low within-market merger and acquisition rates Similar, although less dramatic,
differences were observed when all mergers and acquisitions were considered

Therefore,

there was a convergence in the number of banking offices per capita, with high merger areas

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seeing their bank office levels come more in line with branching levels in other areas on a per
capita basis
The analysis also suggests that low- and moderate-income areas followed this trend and
were not disproportionately effected by high merger and acquisition activity

As in the overall

sample, low- and moderate-income areas with high merger rates had more offices per capita
than other areas in 1985 and by 1995 had branching levels similar to other areas

Further

these areas had branching trends and levels that were very similar to the trends and levels of
banking observed in middle- and upper-income areas In sum, the relationship between
banking office patterns and merger and acquisition activity appears to be consistent across
areas with different relative incomes
But these national figures can, of course, mask serious local problems In recent
decades, South Central Los Angeles, for example, has consistently had very low numbers of
banking offices per 10,000 residents

While the national average in 1995 was 3 4 offices per

10,000 residents, the average in South Central Los Angeles was only 0 3.

Safety and Soundness Issues
The question is often raised of whether loans to low- and moderate-income borrowers
have caused safety and soundness problems for banks A few studies suggest that the
delinquency experience is not materially different from our experience with all borrowers
Beyond that, anecdotal information seems to suggest that loans to low- and moderate-income
people perform, with respect to repayment, as well as loans to others, though some studies

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have suggested that delinquency rates on some types of affordable mortgage loans are higher
Aside from the issue of repayment, there is also the issue of profitability

The more successful

programs involve credit counseling and other activities that add to cost, and this, of course,
can adversely affect the level of profits The quality of these loans must be watched carefully
But, on the broader question, there is little or no evidence that banks' safety and soundness
have been compromised by such lending, and bankers often report sound business
opportunities
To help insure the safety and soundness of community development loans, the Federal
Reserve has an extensive Community Affairs program Community Affairs is an educational
and informational program which provides instruction and technical assistance to a broad
range of constituents on community reinvestment, community economic development, fair
lending, and related issues For example, the Community Affairs Officers and staff in each of
the twelve Federal Reserve Banks hold conferences, workshops, and seminars, develop
publications, and provide technical assistance to aid bankers, community organizations and
others in the provision of credit to low- and moderate-income communties Activities range
from publications and videos on community reinvestment and fair lending to technical
workshops for bankers and community organizations on how to package safe and sound loans
using credit enhancements to leverage private dollars In this way Community Affairs
programs help fill information gaps and facilitate the functioning of traditionally underserved
markets
During 1996, Community Affairs staff sponsored or cosponsored more than 200

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conferences, seminars, and workshops attended by over 10,000 participants

Staff made over

270 speeches and presentations, conducted more than 1,400 outreach meetings, and responded
to 700 requests for in-depth technical assistance and advice

Challenges
What lies ahead? Several challenges remain and certain issues need additional
investigation

For example, historically, community development lending has relied heavily

on public subsidies These credit enhancements include the use of federal, state and local
dollars which are provided at zero or very low interest rates, which when blended with
private, market-rate funds can significantly reduce the cost of a project

These funds have

made the "undoable" deals, "doable" In the short term, this type of funding has resulted in

millions of dollars of commumty development projects in low-income neighborhoods, which
otherwise may not have come to fruition

However, a cautionary note is needed Heavy

commumty development dependence on public subsidies, while possibly beneficial in the short
term, can engender project defaults and displacements, should that stream disappear
subsidies are subject to political and budgetary whims and forces

Public

Sustainable community

development should not be hostage to unreliable long-term financing

The challenge to the

industry is to find alternate methods of packaging safe and sound commumty development
deals, which do not depend on the continued existence of significant quantities of public
money

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The drive to stretch traditional loan underwriting criteria is intensifying, and this, too,
must be handled carefully

Many lenders are now regularly experimenting with new,

innovative ways to assess and mitigate risk for borrowers who in the past might have been
considered uncreditworthy
payment requirements

This is creating new mortgage products with ever-lower down

Acceptable loan-to-value ratios and debt-to-mcome ratios continue to

rise Some lenders are even offering loan products that will provide home-secured financing
far exceeding a home's value
Recently, there has been a boom in so-called "subprime" lending, offering a variety of
types of mortgage and other loans to borrowers who have imperfect credit, such lending is
priced for risk and securities backed by subprime loans have found acceptance with investors.
A few lenders have announced plans to offer home owners with impaired credit a credit card
secured by home equity, with part of the rationale being that responsible use of such credit
cards could help such consumers repair their credit ratings And some lenders are
aggressively marketing loans in the form of checks that can be cashed to activate the credit
line
Improved access to credit for consumers and especially these more recent developments
reflect a good news/bad news story The good news is that market specialization, competition
and innovation have vastly expanded credit availability to virtually all income classes

Access

to credit is essential to help families purchase homes, deal with emergencies and obtain goods
and services that have become staples of our daily lives Home ownership is at an all-time
high, and the number of home mortgage loans to low- and moderate-income families has nsen

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at a rapid rate over the last 5 years Credit cards and instalment loans are available to the vast
majority of households
The bad news is that under certain circumstances this expanded access may not be
entirely good, either for consumers in general, or for lower-income communities Along with
unprecedented credit access, some problems are beginning to surface that should alert us all to
potential dangers While every potential problem doesn't result in disaster, it's important to
recognize the risks and take protective steps
As one example, some loans to low- and moderate-income families with multiple
underwriting flexibilities, layered subsidies and high loan-to-value ratios have been showing
unfavorable delinquency trends Large mortgage lenders, secondary market agencies, and
private mortgage insurers are conducting studies of their portfolios to determine how more
relaxed underwriting standards are affecting delinquencies and defaults

Although more study

is required to determine which risk factors are most important in particular lending situations,
the results of these portfolio studies bear watching

Community Reinvestment
This year large bank examinations were begun under revised CRA rules that emphasize
performance over process While many have criticized the new CRA regulations, they are
probably the best that could have been crafted given all the competing considerations

When

conducted properly by banks who are knowledgeable about their local markets, who use this
knowledge to develop suitable products, and have adequately promoted these products to the

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low- and moderate-income groups, community development lending can be a safe, sound, and
profitable business Increased focus on such lending has helped financial institutions discover
new markets that may have been underserved before
We, at the Federal Reserve, have stressed this market aspect of CRA in the past and
will contmue to do so in the implementation of the new regulations This is crucial

If CRA

is perceived by banks as a tax or credit allocation, it will fail in the long run Activities
developed by banks to meet credit needs in low- and moderate-income neighborhoods should
be well-planned and thoughtfully implemented within their overall business plans

Banks

should not try to throw money at a problem or "just write the check"~that's not to anyone's
advantage That type of activity will not be sustainable over the long haul Banks are not
philanthropic institutions They are for-profit businesses with obligations to their stockholders
who require competitive rates of return, and are subject to a regulatory apparatus which
protects their depositors from losses owing to unsound practices
Although it's clear that actual performance, not procedures, should be the major
emphasis in CRA, the regulatory agencies must not cross the line into credit allocation By
this I mean taking into their own hands the decisions about the best use of credit to meet the
needs of localities Certainly this is done by the Congress from time to time-for example,
through the tax code and credit subsidies But this is not, and should not be, the role of
banking supervision Despite its problems, CRA has not been a bureaucratic, Washington
driven, program that substitutes decision making by faraway, unelected officials for the give
and take of local community control

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Further quantifying CRA may be viewed as an improvement in some quarters in that it
would add some certainty for bankers on their rating, and better allow community groups to
assess performance

It would also make our examiners' lives much easier by removmg the

need for them to make judgments on "how much is enough" However, complete
quantification could do more harm than good by removmg mcentives for creativity in the
implementation of projects

By allowing considerable judgment to remain, it increases the

chances that banks will look more closely at the specific needs of their communities, as they
are influenced by local groups, and develop innovative solutions for addressing those needs
A laundry list of allowable activities may preclude certain distinctive projects

It would be

most unfortunate if unique and well thought out projects remain unfunded because they aren't
on some list that we in Washington have devised

Conclusion
In conclusion, it is clear that the financial industries are undergoing major changes
Many of these changes will be positive for the markets and for the consumers

Technological

advances will increase access to banking services for much of the population, and increase the
ability of banks to safely measure risks Increased competition will cause the banks to
continue the search for new and expandmg markets, making credit available to previously
untapped consumers

Increased rigor in the CRA examination process, through the shift to

performance over process, should improve exams

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Meanwhile a few cautionary notes must be sounded More research and information is
needed concerning the performance of community development loans, and the industry must
continue to seek out new methods of underwriting deals without excessive use of unrehable
subsidies
Public discussions, like the one being held today, are also important for identifying the
challenges that face us, and I appreciate the opportunity to appear before you