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FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F ST. L O U I S FEBRUARY 1970 Vol. 52, No. CONTEN TS Real Economic Expansion Pauses................. 2 IL L E Operations of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis — 1 9 6 9 ............................. 8 Monetary and Fiscal Influences on Economic Activity — The Foreign Experience............................... 16 The Administration of Regulation Q ............29 2 Real Economic Expansion Pauses J jV I D E N C E of the last six months indicates that a pause has developed in the prolonged economic expansion that began in early 1961. In the first part of 1967, another pause developed which, like the present one, was preceded by a period of marked monetary restraint. A few months ago the major question about eco nomic policy was when were the effects of the pro gressively more restrictive monetary policy going to appear. Now that the effects of policy are definitely evident in trends of total spending and real output, the major questions are how far will the downturn go, and how long will it last. Production has weakened considerably since mid1969. Real output of goods and services, which rose at a 4 per cent annual rate from 1957 to 1969, increased at only a 2 per cent rate from the second to the third quarter last year and showed no increase in the fourth Page 2 quarter. Industrial production declined at a 5 per cent rate from July to December. Payroll employment rose at only a 1 per cent rate from June to December, com pared with a 3.7 per cent rise in the previous year. Production has responded to a slower growth in de mand. Growth of final sales of goods and services (total sales less those for inventory purposes) de clined from an 8.3 per cent annual rate in the first half of 1969 to a 6.3 per cent rate in the third quarter and to a 5.8 per cent rate in the fourth quarter. Retail sales in the last part of 1969 were rising at about a 1 per cent annual rate, compared with a 4 per cent rate in late 1968 and early 1969. Sales growth has prob ably slowed further in January and early February. The slower sales growth reflects more restrictive public policies. In mid-1968, taxes were raised and growth of Government spending was markedly cur tailed. In early 1969 growth of the money supply slowed from the 7.3 per cent annual rate of the pre vious two years to a 4 per cent rate, and then slowed further to less than a 1 per cent rate from June to December. The more restrictive fiscal and monetary actions were taken with a view to slowing the excessive spending and inflation and, indirectly and ultimately, to reducing the inordinately high interest rates. The general price level, which was nearly stable in the early Sixties, rose 1.7 per cent during 1965, 3.2 per cent from the fourth quarter of 1965 to the second quarter of 1967, 4 per cent in 1968, and 5.1 per cent in 1969. According to our studies, inflationary pressures may continue strong as a result of the excesses o f the 196568 period. During 1970, prices are likely to rise at relatively rapid rates. At the same time, as a result of the delayed effects of the restrictive actions and the consequent effect on total spending in 1969, total real output is not likely to rise in 1970 and may even decline slightly. The rate of unemployment will prob ably show a considerable increase in the last half of the year. F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS To put recent developments into perspective this article reviews briefly the changing character of the eight and one-half year economic expansion from 1961 to mid-1969, and then discusses the evidences of slow down that are appearing in the economy. Economic Expansion 1961-1968: Changing Characteristics In many respects, the early years of the economic expansion were quite different from the more recent years. In the 1961 to 1964 period, most of the spend ing on goods and services was reflected in a rise of real output, while prices remained relatively stable. Dining this period of surging real output and gen erally stable prices, corporate profits before taxes rose at a 10 per cent average annual rate, personal income rose at an average rate of 6 per cent, and wages of production workers in manufacturing industries in creased at an average rate of 3.7 per cent. Since prices remained fairly stable, most of these gains in profits, income, and wages represented real gains for the recipients. In the two-year period from 1964 to 1966, real out put and employment expanded more rapidly than during the previous three years. However, one very noticeable feature of the 1964-66 period was the more rapid rise of prices, compared with the 1961-64 period. In the 1964-66 period the general price index rose at a 2.3 per cent annual rate, considerably above the 1.3 per cent rate of increase over the previous three years. The faster increases in prices offset some of the nominal gains of the recipients of increased profits, personal income and wages. In the following two years, 1966-68, except for a 5-6 month period in early 1967, GNP continued to expand at a rapid rate. However, the economy was now placed under increasing strain to meet the con tinued rapid rise in the demand for real output. Accelerating Prices The most striking feature of the 1966-68 period was the accelerating price level, with the general level of prices rising at a 3.6 per cent annual rate, almost three times faster than during the 1961-64 period. In the later period approximately 50 per cent of the rise in total spending reflected rising prices. Recipients of rising levels of wages and other per sonal income were affected by accelerating prices. FEBRUARY. 1970 For example, though the money wages of production workers rose at a 4.4 per cent average annual rate from 1966 to 1968, considerably faster than the 3.7 per cent rate from 1961-64, their real wages rose at only a 0.9 per cent annual rate from 1966 to 1968. This rate of real increase in wages was less than half as rapid as that during the 1964-66 period. Rapid Rises in Interest Rates Another noticeable distinction between the first part of the 1961-69 period and the last half was the behavior of market interest rates. The 1961-64 period was characterized by stable or slowly declining long term interest rates and slowly rising short-term rates. The last half of the period was characterized by progressively more rapid increases in both long- and short-term interest rates. These rapid rises in the level of market interest rates reflected mainly the acceleration of prices, which resulted from an overly expansionary monetary policy. The “historically high levels of interest rates” reflect not a “tight monetary policy,” but the eventual results of the very expan sionary monetary policy pursued by the Federal Re serve until early 1969. As the economy moved into 1969 the switch in the predominant characteristics of the economic expan sion became even more evident. Over the first half of 1969, although GNP spending continued to expand at a 7.4 per cent rate, real output grew at only a 2.3 per cent rate. Approximately 70 per cent of the expan sion in GNP was price inflation. The accelerating prices and rapidly rising interest rates of the 1965-69 period followed from: (1) the economy having reached and gone beyond an efficient level of resource use; (2) accelerated growth of public expenditures resulting in government deficits and, most importantly, (3) an excessive rate of mone tary expansion. 1969: Progressively Greater Monetary Restraint In the first half of 1969, in contrast with the pre vious two years, policy actions by the Federal Reserve became less expansive. After mid-1969, policy actions exerted a very restrictive effect on the monetary ag gregates. From January 1967 to January 1969 the money stock increased at a 7.3 per cent rate. During the first half of 1969 the growth rate of money was cut to a 4 per cent annual rate. From June to Decem ber there was almost no increase in money balances held by the public. Page 3 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS FEBRUARY. 1970 The progressive slowing in the growth rate of money has reflected a marked reduction in the growth of the monetary base and bank reserves. The base grew at a 3.4 per cent annual rate from January to June 1969, compared with a 6.4 per cent rate from December 1966 to January 1969. From June to Jan uary 1970, base money increased at only a 2.7 per cent rate, less than one-half as rapidly as during „ . , , M o n e y S tock a n d M o n e ta ry B ase R a t io S c a l e Monthly A ve ra ge s o f Doily Figure - Billions of Dollars S S T Federal Budget* Ratio Scale F iscaiYears R atio Scale R a tio S c a l e Billions o f Dolla Source: Bureau o f the Budget. ’ U n ifie d B u dg et b a sis; O u tla y s in clu d e n e t le n d in g . Latest d a to p lo tte d : Fiscal years e n d in g 1970-71 estim o ted by B ureau o f th e Budget 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 •Uses of the m onetory b ase ore member bonk reserves and currency held by the public and nonmember banks. Adjustments are mode for reserve requirement changes ond shifts in deposits am oung classes of bonks. Data are computed by this bonk. Percentages are annual rates of chonge between periods indicated.They ore presented to aid in comporing most recent developments with post "trends." Latest dato plotted: January preliminary Government Spending as a Per Cent of GNP* C a le n d a r Years 1968. Member bank reserves declined at a 2.5 per cent rate from January to December 1969, compared with a 9 per cent rate of increase over the previous two years. The money stock rose sharply in the last half of December. However, this rapid increase in money only reflected temporary technical factors. From the peak in late December, money has declined to an average at the end of January that is the same as the average level from June through November 1969. The Stance of Fiscal Policy The expansionary monetary actions during the 1967-68 period stemmed from accommodation of large Federal budget deficits and, after fiscal policy became restrictive in mid-1968, a desire to cushion an ex pected moderation in total spending growth in late 1968. The Federal budget has shown a slight surplus since 1968, and Government borrowing needs have been greatly below those of the 1966-68 period. Con sequently, the monetary authorities have been spared 4 Digitized for Page FRASER •N a tio n a l Incom e Accounts basis. Source:U.S. D epartm ent o f Commerce [l_A d juste d to a v o id d o u b le -c o u n tin g o f F e d eral g ra n ts -in -a id to state a n d lo co l govern m e nt. Latest d a ta p lo tte d : 1969 p re lim in a ry ; 1970 estim o ted by F ed eral Reserve Bank o f St. Louis FEBRUARY, 1970 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS from rising anticipations of inflation. In 1969 the short-run impact effects of the reduced rate of ex pansion of the monetary base reinforced the upward pressures of price expectations on market interest rates. Consequently, market interest rates rose very rapidly in 1969. A sharp short-run impetus to market interest rates was to be expected to follow from a much reduced rate of expansion of base money. However, as the effects of the reduced growth rate of money continue to result in reduced demand for real output and consequently a reduction in the demand for credit and less upward pressure on com modity prices, there should be easing in credit market interest rates. Total Spending and Components If economic expansion is evaluated solely by the rate of increase of GNP spending, the restrictive ef fect of policy actions has become apparent only in recent months. The expansion of GNP slowed to a 6.2 T a b le 1 GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT PRODUCTION AND PRICES — 1969 ( B illio n s o f d o lla rs ) N o m in a l Q u a rte r GNP 1 $ II III IV l (A n n u a l rates o f ch an g e N o m in a l Q u a rte r GNP the responsibility of financing large Government bor rowing and have been free to pursue a restrictive policy. 1 Real Product 1 6 .2 $ 4 .6 16.1 3 .6 1 8 .0 3 .9 1 0 .3 -0 .1 fro m th e p re c e d in g q u a rte r) Real Product Prices 7 .5 % 4 .9 % 2 .6 % As currently estimated by the Bureau of the Budget, II 7 .3 2 .0 5 .2 2.2 5 .4 III 8 .0 the Government plans to maintain a small budget — 0.1 IV 1 4 .4 4 .7 surplus through mid-1971. Expenditures are projected 'P relim inary to increase 1.5 per cent rate from fiscal 1970 to fiscal 1971. The budget surplus is not expected to increase, per cent rate in the second half of 1969, somewhat as revenue growth is expected to be slowed by moder slower than over the first half of the year. From the ate advances of income and profits this year; in addi second quarter of 1969 to the third quarter of 1969, GNP rose at an 8 per cent annual rate, then slowed ction, the surcharge expires in June. The recent Congres sional changes in tax structure will also serve to re to a 4.4 per cent rate from the third to fourth quarter. duce the growth of revenue. If cur T a b le II rent budget plans are realized, and CHANGES IN COMPONENTS OF TOTAL SPENDING, 19691 (A n n u a l rates o f ch an g e in p are n th e s e s ) they are still subject to Congressional 4 th Q u a rte r2 2nd Q u a rte r 3 rd Q u a rte r 1st Q u a rte r approval, the stance of fiscal policy 9 .4 ( 6 .6 ) C on su m p tion 1 0 .8 (7 .9 ) 7 .0 ( 5 .0 ) 1 1.3 { 8 .5 ) would allow the monetary authorities 2 .0 ( 6 . 3 ) 2 .0 ( 6 .2 ) Fixed In ve stm e n t 1.9 ( 6 .0 ) 5 .2 (1 8 .0 ) considerable discretion in formulating C hanges in monetary policy. Business In ve n to rie s Interest Rates From 1965 to 1969 the sharp rise of interest rates resulted mainly from the increasing demand for loan funds, which, in turn derived increasingly G o ve rn m e n t S p e n d in g N e t Exports T o ta l S p e n d in g 3 0 .3 3.8 3 .3 ( 6 .5 ) 2 .9 ( 5 .6 ) 4.1 ( 7 .9 ) 0 .3 0.1 1.1 -3 .9 1 6 .2 ( 7 .5 ) 16.1 ( 7 .3 ) 1 8 .0 (8 .0 ) -2 .9 1.9 ( 3 .5 ) —0.1 1 0 .3 (4 .4 ) 1In billions o f dollars P re lim in a ry 3Components m ay not sum to totals because o f rounding. Page 5 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS Using criteria other than the broad yardstick of total spending, there is considerable evidence that the “economic expansion” came to a halt in late 1969. Since mid-1969 the index of industrial pro duction has declined, while real output and payroll employment have both grown at barely a one per cent rate. Although the dollar value of final sales rose at a 6 per cent rate in the last half of 1969, the real volume of final sales showed almost no increase, compared to a 4.2 per cent annual rate of growth in real volume during 1966-68. Personal income rose at about a 5 per cent annual rate in late 1969, down from a 9 per cent rate in the preceding year. Taking the rapid rise in prices into account, increases in personal income during the last four months of 1969 represented no gain in real com mand over goods and services. The slowing in per sonal income growth has been reflected in a decline in the growth of consumption expenditures, which rose at a 5.8 per cent rate over the last half of 1969 com pared to an 8.2 per cent rate over the first half of the year. Gross private domestic investment increased at a 7.4 per cent annual rate during the last half of 1969, compared to a 5.3 per cent rate over the first six months of 1969. This is the only one of the three major components of GNP that showed a sharp ac celeration during the last half of 1969. However, this sharp increase in investment during the second half reflected a large increase in the third quarter. From the third quarter to the fourth quarter, investment spending declined at a 2.5 per cent annual rate. One area of investment spending that has attracted considerable concern is business expenditure on new plant and equipment. New capital equipment spend ing by business in 1969 is estimated to have increased 11 per cent, compared to about a 4 per cent increase in 1968. The most recent survey by the Department of Commerce and Securities Exchange Commission indicates that the business sector plans to increase its spending on new plant and equipment by an additional 9.7 per cent in 1970. When the rise in prices of machinery and equip ment are taken into account, using the wholesale price index for machinery and equipment, the 11 per cent increase in 1969 represents about a 7.8 per cent rise in real terms. This increase in real terms, although quite large, is well below the average rate of increase in real terms of 14 per cent over the two years from 1964 to 1966. Assuming no acceleration in prices of Page 6 FEBRUARY, 1970 machinery and equipment for 1970, the 9.7 per cent projected rise in spending would represent only a 6.4 per cent real increase. The projected rise in spending on new plant and equipment is not evenly spread over all industries. The projected rise in manufacturing industries is only 6.4 per cent, or about 3.2 per cent after an adjustment for a continued rise in prices. Of the twenty-one major industry categories in the Department of Commerce — SEC Survey, respondents in nine o f the twenty-one industry categories project no change or a decrease in capital spending. For example, the motor vehicles and parts industry projects no increase in capital spending, and therefore a decline in real terms. Corporate profits are already beginning to show noticeable signs of the deceleration of the growth in total spending. After rising through the first half of 1969, profits declined after midyear. As the slowing in real personal income continues, as the rate of increase of payroll employment continues to slow, and if a sharp increase in government demand for goods and serv ices does not arise to offset the slowing in real pri vate demand, business will likely revise downward its expectations of future demand for real output. Consequently, a significant part of the anticipated spending by the business sector on new plant and equipment may not materialize as 1970 progresses. A Real Interest Rate Guideline Although market interest rates on long-term capital borrowing rose very rapidly in 1969, they apparently had little effect in dampening the business sectors’ de mand for credit. If, instead of focusing attention on market interest rates, real interest rates are con sidered, then this anomaly of rising market interest rates and rising demands for long-term credit largely disappears. The real costs of long-term borrowing declined slighdy over the first three quarters of 1969. Only in the last part of 1969 did the real cost of borrowing show a significant upward movement. Ceilings and Channels of Credit Flows As credit market interest rates rose to high levels in 1969, the policies of the Federal Reserve, Federal Home Loan Bank Board, and Federal Deposit Insur ance Corporation, which impose ceiling rates on the interest rates commercial banks, mutual savings banks, and savings and loan institutions can pay to attract de posits, favored borrowing by large corporations. Large business borrowers with direct access to the money and capital markets, by issuing bonds and commercial FEBRUARY. 1970 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS paper, were able to competitively bid funds away from savings institutions. In 1969 the outstanding volume of commercial paper averaged $27.3 billion, up from $19.4 billion in 1968, and double the average outstanding volume in 1966. In 1967 and 1968 the household sector reduced its holdings of municipal and corporate securities. However, in the first half of 1969, the household sector increased its holdings of these securities by approximately $9.7 billion. As funds flowed through channels other than the savings institutions, the ability of these institutions to extend credit to specific sectors of the economy, especially housing, was reduced. Although such a process of fund diversion probably did not affect total credit considerably, it had a significant effect on the locus and form of real investment. In mid-January, the Federal Reserve Board, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, and the Federal Home Loan Bank Board raised the maximum rates intermediaries are permitted to pay for funds. Under the amended Regulation Q effective January 21, member banks are permitted to pay 4.5 per cent on passbook savings deposits, up from the 4 per cent ceiling in effect since November 1964. Small certifi cates maturing in one year are permitted to yield 5.50 per cent, and small certificates maturing in two years are permitted to yield 5.75 per cent (See the table on page 29 for all Regulation Q ceilings). Previously, since September 1966, the ceiling on all single matur ity deposits less than $100,000 had been 5 per cent. However, these new ceiling rates are still below the market yields available to many savers on com petitive financial assets. For example, in mid-January the yield on commercial paper and Treasury bills, which are directly competitive with large CD’s, were 8.75 per cent and 7.80 per cent respectively. Seasoned corporate bonds, which are partial competitors for savings deposits, were yielding about 7.90 per cent, compared to the new ceiling rates that savings insti tutions could offer of 5 to 5.75 per cent. Prices If one looks at prices, evidence of the effect of restriction imposed by policy since midyear is not clearly evident. In the second half of 1969 the general price index rose at the same 5.1 per cent annual rate as during the first half of the year. In the fourth quar ter of 1969 the general price index showed a slower 4.7 per cent rate of increase. However, monthly data on consumer and wholesale prices cast some doubt on the degree of reduction of price increases in the last quarter of 1969. From September to December con sumer prices rose at a 6.3 per cent annual rate, slightly faster than over the first nine months of 1969. The rate of increase of wholesale prices also rose in the last three months of 1969, increasing from an annual rate of 4.6 per cent over the first nine months to a rate of 5.4 per cent from September to December. The rate of increase of wholesale prices of industrial commodities accelerated to a 5 per cent rate, com pared to a 3.6 per cent rate from December 1968 to September 1969. Conclusions If, instead of a myopic concentration on the rapid increase in prices, analysis o f current economic con ditions is broadened to take into account lags between policy actions and their effects on policy goals such as the growth of real output, production, employment and real income, then a downward turn in economic activity has begun. Now that the restrictive effects of policy actions are definitely evident in the real sector of the economy, attention should be focused on the questions of how far and how fast will the downturn go, and when should the Federal Reserve move to a moderately easier policy? Prices have shown very little sign of slowing their rapid rates of increase, and market interest rates re main at very high levels. However, economic theory and empirical evidence indicate that after a prolonged period of inflation, a downward adjustment of prices and interest rates follows only slowly after real out put, real income, and employment adjust downward. Given the difference between the lags of adjustment of prices and interest rates to a restrictive monetary policy and real output and employment, a policy of “waiting to see the whites of the eyes” of the inflation enemy manifested in prices and interest rates, can have considerable unnecessary adverse consequences for real output, income, and employment. One step that monetary policy should avoid is a sharp reversal to a very expansionary policy such as oc curred dining the 1967 pause in economic activity. However, if a restrictive policy is pushed too far too fast, by creating a large rise in unemployment, such a policy may lay the groundwork for just such a sharp reversal. If after mid-1970 policymakers face a 5.5 or 6.0 per cent unemployment rate, then it may be very difficult to avoid a sharp reversal of policy. In such a case, the chance of throwing all the hard-won effects of monetary restraint to the winds becomes very great. Page 7 Operations of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis-1969 T HE FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ST. LOUIS is one of twelve banks which, along with the Board of Governors in Washington, D. C., make up the Fed eral Reserve System. The St. Louis Bank’s geographic responsibility, the Eighth Federal Reserve District, includes Arkansas and portions of Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Mississippi, Missouri, and Tennessee. Branches in Little Rock, Louisville, and Memphis aid the St. Louis bank in its operations. The operations of each Federal Reserve Bank can be divided into three major classes. First, it provides a variety of services for commercial banks (mainly member banks), the Federal Government, and the public. Second, it supervises certain banks in the Eighth District. Third, it aids in the formulation of national monetary policy. This report of the past year’s operations discusses these three areas and re lated functions. Service Operations Each Federal Reserve Bank provides five major service operations: lending money to member banks; furnishing currency and coin for circulation; main taining facilities for the collection and clearing of checks; maintaining the legal reserve accounts of Page 8 member banks; and acting as a fiscal agent of the U. S . Treasury. The volume of most service opera tions at this bank’s four offices increased in 1969, reflecting growth in economic activity in the Central Mississippi Valley. The increased volume of opera tions is reflected by an increase in employment in this bank’s four offices from 1,193 on January 1, 1969 to 1,289 on January 1, 1970, an increase of 8 per cent. Lending Federal Reserve Banks are “bankers’ banks.” For example, under certain circumstances, com mercial banks borrow from the Reserve Banks in much the same way that individuals and corporations borrow from their banks. This is done through ad vances and discounting. Although advances are the usual means by which credit is extended, a custom has developed of calling these loans discounts and the interest charged the discount rate. Lending through this mechanism is initiated by the borrowing bank, but the frequency and amount of borrowing by any one member bank is limited by the Federal Reserve Banks. Daily borrowing from the St. Louis Federal Re serve Bank averaged $42 million in 1969, compared with $17 million in 1968, $6 million in 1967, and $32 million in 1966. In 1969, 22 per cent of the member D is c o u n t R ate Loans to M e m b e r B anks M illio n s o f D o lla r s ®<nlyAverag#Ouuiandmg) M illio n s o f D o lla r s F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS Table FEBRUARY, 1970 1 VOLUME OF OPERATIONS1 D o lla r A m o u n t ( M illio n s ) Checks C o lle cte d 2 N oncash co lle ctio n items C oin co un ted C urrency co unted Transfers o f fu n d s U. S. S avings Bonds h a n d le d 3 O th e r G o ve rn m e n t securities h a n d le d 3 U. S. G o ve rn m e n t coupons p a id Per C ent C ha n g e 1969 1 96 8 1 4 0 ,3 4 8 .6 1 3 5 ,7 3 7 .9 1 9 6 8 -6 9 4 5 0 .7 5 5 6 .2 — 1 9 .0 21.1 3 .4 % 7 0 .5 5 8 .2 1 ,7 1 5 .9 1 ,5 7 7 .5 8.8 2 4 4 ,6 4 8 .5 1 6 9 ,1 7 3 .1 4 4 .6 5 9 5 .4 6 0 0 .2 2 1 ,8 3 9 .0 2 0 ,2 5 0 .3 7 .8 1 7 2 .3 1 5 7 .2 9 .6 Num ber (T h o usa n d s) -0 .8 Per C ent C ha n g e 1969 1968 1 9 6 8 -6 9 3 4 4 ,0 6 8 31 1 ,4 1 6 1 0 .5 % 914 882 3 .6 C oin counted 6 3 6 ,3 1 7 5 3 9 ,1 6 2 1 8 .0 C urrency co unted Transfers o f fu n d s 2 3 6 ,8 4 2 300 2 1 9 ,2 9 7 2 68 1 1 .9 Checks co lle cte d 2 N oncash co lle ctio n item s U. S. Savings Bonds* h a n d le d 3 8.0 1 1 ,2 1 9 1 0 ,6 0 8 5 .8 O th e r G o ve rn m e n t securities h a n d le d 3 953 690 38.1 U. S. G o ve rn m e n t coupons p a id 736 724 1.7 In 1969, coin handling contin ued the sharp rise of the past several years, demonstrating fur ther recovery from the severe coin shortage which occurred in the mid-1960’s. The demand for coins nationally has been fed in part by the inflation o f recent years, and there has probably been some positive influence from the increasing use of coin-oper ated vending machines. The num ber of pieces counted at the Bank rose from 227 million in 1964 to 636 million in 1969, an average annual increase of 23 per cent. Meanwhile, the dollar value in creased from $25 million to $71 million. A total of 237 million pieces of currency was handled in 1969, 8 per cent above the previous year. The dollar value of currency han dled amounted to $1.7 billion, an increase of 9 per cent from a year earlier. The increase in currency probably reflects the increase in personal income and the related rise in transactions, along with the increase in the price level. JTotal fo r the St. Louis office and the Little R ock, Louisville, and M emphis branches. 2ExcIudes Governm ent checks and m oney orders. 3Issued, exchanged, and redeemed. • banks in the district borrowed from the Federal Re serve, compared with 13 per cent in 1968. While market interest rates rose rapidly in 1969, the dis count rate was raised only once — on April 4, from 5% to 6 per cent.1 Incentive to borrow from the Fed eral Reserve was increased with the enlarged spread between the market rate and the discount rate. Coin and Currency Operations Just as businesses and individuals obtain coin and currency from commercial banks, commercial banks obtain them at Federal Reserve Banks. Member banks withdraw directly from the Federal Reserve Bank, while nonmember banks withdraw from mem ber banks or with permission from the accounts of member banks at the Federal Reserve Bank. When banks receive an excess of coin and currency from their customers, it is deposited with the Federal Reserve Bank. There it is sorted and counted, the usable money is held for redistribution, and the nonusable money is destroyed. 1Under present law, when a member bank borrows from its Reserve Bank on collateral that does not meet certain “ eligibility” requirements, it must pay interest at a rate onehalf of 1 per cent higher than the Reserve Bank’s normal discount rate. The Board of Governors has recommended leg islation that would permit a member bank, in appropriate cir cumstances, to borrow on any collateral satisfactory to its Reserve Bank, without the necessity of paying a “penalty” rate o f one-half o f 1 per cent. Page 9 As of February 1, 1970 Chairman of the Board and Federal Reserve Agent M. P e i r c e , Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, General American Life Insurance Company, S t. Louis, Missouri F r e d e r ic D eputy Chairman of the Board S m i t h D. B r o a d b e n t , J r ., Broadbent Hybrid Seed Co., Cadiz, Kentucky B r a d f o r d B r e t t , President, The First National Bank of J a m e s P. H i c k o k , Chairman of the Board, First National Mexico, Mexico, Missouri Bank in St. Louis, St. Louis, Missouri S a m C o o p e r , President, HumKo Products, Division of E d w a r d J . S c h n u c k , President, Schnuck Markets, Inc., Kraftco Corporation, Memphis, Tennessee St. Louis, Missouri C e c i l W. C u p p , J r ., President, Arkansas Bank and Trust S h e r w o o d J. S m i t h , Vice President, D /P Computer Company, Hot Springs, Arkansas Services, Inc., Evansville, Indiana M a r k T o w n s e n d , Chairman of the Board, Townsend Lumber Company, Inc., Stuttgart, Arkansas L IT T L E ROCK BRANCH Chairman of the Board A l P o l l a r d , President, Brooks-Pollard Company, Little Rock, Arkansas F r e d I. B r o w n , J r ., President, Arkansas Foundry Com E d w a r d M . P e n i c k , President and Chief Executive pany, Little Rock, Arkansas Officer, Worthen Bank & Trust Company, Little Rock, Arkansas J a k e H a r t z , Jr., President, Jacob Hartz Seed Co., Inc. E l l i s E . S h e l t o n , President, The First National Bank of Stuttgart, Arkansas Fayetteville, Fayetteville, Arkansas L o u i s E. H u r l e y , Chairman and Chief Executive Officer W a y n e A. S t o n e , Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, The Exchange Bank & Trust Company, El Dorado Simmons First National Bank of Pine Bluff, Pine Arkansas Bluff, Arkansas LO U ISV ILLE BRANCH Chairman of the Board H a r r y M. Y o u n g , J r ., Farm er, H erndon, K entucky G. B e a m , President, Thomas Industries Inc., Louis ville, Kentucky P a u l C h a s e , President, The Bedford National B a n k , Bedford, Indiana J. E. M i l l e r , Executive Vice President, Sellersburg State Bank, Sellersburg, Indiana John E . R e i t m e i e r , President, Catalysts and Chemi cals Inc., Louisville, Kentucky H u g h M . S h w a b , Vice Chairman of the Board, First National Bank of Louisville, Louisville, Kentucky J a m e s C. Z i m m e r m a n , Executive Vice President, The Owensboro National Bank, Owensboro, Kentucky R onald MEMPHIS BRANCH Chairman of the Board President, Huffman Brothers Lumber Company, Blytheville, Arkansas C. W h i t n e y B r o w n , President, S. C . Toof & Company, W a d e W . H o l l o w e l l , President, The First National Memphis, Tennessee Bank of Greenville, Greenville, Mississippi J a m e s R. F i t z h u g h , Executive Vice President and Cash L e w i s K . M c K e e , Chairman of the Board, National Bank ier, Bank of Ripley, Ripley, Tennessee of Commerce, Memphis, Tennessee W i l l i a m L . G i l e s , President, Mississippi State Uni J. J. W h i t e , President, Helena National Bank, Helena, versity, State College, Mississippi Arkansas Digitized forPage FRASER 10 A l v i n H u f f m a n , Jr., Member, Federal Advisory Council j M o r g a n , Chairman of the Board, The First National Bank of Memphis Memphis, Tennessee A llen D a r r y l R . F r a n c is , D a l e M . L e w is , President First Vice President H o w a r d H . W e ig e l , Senior Vice President W o o d r o w W . G il m o r e , Vice President Jo se ph C. W o t a w a , Senior Vice President G e o r g e W . H ir s h m a n , General Auditor H om er Jones, W il b u r Jerry Senior Vice President Vice President Vice President F. G arland Vice President W il l is L . J o h n s , Assistant Vice President N orm an N. Bo w sh er, Vice President R u s s e l l , Jr., Vice President, General Counsel, and Secretary of the Board Vice President M a r v in L . B e n n e t t , G erald T . D u nne, Jo h n W . M enges, Vice President L e o n a ll C. A n d ersen , Jo rd an , S t e p h e n K o p t is , Senior Vice President H . Isb e ll, L. Assistant Vice President Assistant Vice President R ic h a r d 0 . K a l e y , L . T e r r y B r it t , Assistant Vice President M ic h a e l W . K e r a n , M. K e it h E a r l H . C h a p in , E d g ar H . C r is t , W. G eorge John W. G a r b a r in i, B. L uttrell, Assistant Vice President J . M o r e , Assistant Counsel and Assistant Secretary of the Board Assistant Vice President W il l ia m R . M u e l l e r , Assistant Vice President P aul Salzm an , Assistant Vice President Assistant Vice President H arold E. U t h o f f , W . E. W a lk e r , Assistant Vice President Assistant General Auditor Assistant Vice President C h a r l e s E . S il v a , Assistant Vice President J o h n J. H o f e r , Assistant Vice President K athryn Assistant Chief Examiner D e n n is o n , J. M . G e i g e r , C l if t o n Assistant Chief Examiner D r u e l in g e r , P. Jo s e p h Assistant Vice President Carlson , Chief Examiner Assistant Vice President L IT T L E ROCK BRANCH Joh n F. Breen, M ic h a e l John K. W ard, T. M o r ia r t y , Vice President and Manager Assistant Vice President and Assistant Manager Assistant Vice President D onald W . M o r ia r t y , Jr., Assistant Vice President LO U ISV ILLE BRANCH D onald L. H en ry, Jam es R obert E. Harlow , E. C onrad, Senior Vice President and Manager Assistant Vice President and Assistant Manager Assistant Vice President G eorge E. R e i t e r , J r ., Assistant Vice President MEMPHIS BRANCH Eugene A . L eonard, P a u l I . B l a c k , J r ., R uth A . Bryant, Assistant Vice President Senior Vice President and Manager Assistant Vice President and Assistant Manager A nthony C . C r e m e r iu s , Jr., Assistant Vice President Page 11 FEBRUARY. 1970 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS Page 12 Check Clearing Federal Reserve Banks participate in collecting checks and provide a mechanism through which commercial banks settle for checks collected. The four offices of this bank receive checks from district member banks, other Federal Reserve Banks, and Government agencies for collection. A Federal Re serve Bank also sometimes receives checks directly from member banks in other Districts to increase the speed of collections. Checks received are drawn either on banks in the Eighth District which remit at par, par remitting banks in other districts, or the United States Treasury. The dollar volume of checks collected rose from $136 million in 1968 to $140 mil lion in 1969, an increase of 3.4 per cent. The number of checks collected rose from 311 million in 1968 to 344 million in 1969, an increase of 10.5 per cent. The number of checks collected in all of the banks in the Federal Reserve System increased 10 per cent from 1968 to 1969. The fact that the number of checks col lected has increased more rapidly than the dollar amount probably indicates that more people are using checks for purchasing. Two possible reasons for the F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS FEBRUARY. 1970 increased popularity of paying by check are that many banks have eliminated or lowered service charges on demand deposits. M illio n s Transfers of Funds 700 Wire transfers of funds are largely movements of member bank balances among Federal Reserve Banks. Such transfers result primarily from trans actions in the Federal Funds market, check collection settlements, and transfers in connection with U. S. Treasury obligations. The number and dollar value of such transfers have risen sharply in recent years. This Bank was party to 300 thousand transfers in 1969, 12 per cent above the 268 thousand transfers in 1968. Dollar value was $245 billion, up 45 per cent over 1968. U.S. S a v in g s B o nd s Issued, E x c h a n g e d , a n d R ed ee m ed M illio n s s 650 600 600 Dollar Volume 550 500 500 450 450 400 0 M ill ons ~ , ~ r , ~ ~ i ~~ , 400 ~r 2 o M i ion s 11.5 11.5 11.0 10.5 10.5 Fiscal Agency Operations 10.0 9.5 Each Federal Reserve Bank acts as a depository and fiscal agent of the United States Treasury. In this capacity the Federal Reserve Banks carry the prin cipal checking accounts of the Treasury, issue and 9 .0 8.5 8 .5 Number of Pieces 8 .0 8 .0 7 .5 7 .0 =;r 0 19 57 <Dther B illie ns __ „ 1959 „ 1961 7 .0 _ 1963 1965 19 69 1967 G o vernm e nt Securities Issued, Servicec and Retired Bi , ions 2 5.0 2 5.0 22.5 22.5 20.0 20.0 17.5 17.5 Dollar Vol ume 15.0 15.0 12.5 12.5 10.0 10.0 0 Thou sa nd s ~ , ~~ , ~~ 1 ~ , ~F s 0 Thous ands 1200 1200 1000 1000 800 / Number ol Pieces 600 400 800 600 400 -------^ 200 200 . 1957 * 1959 1961 1963 1 1965 . 0 1967 19 >9 Page 13 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS FEBRUARY. 1970 redeem Government securities, administer the Treas ury tax and loan accounts with commercial banks, and perform various other Government financial duties. The four offices of this bank in 1969 issued, ex changed, and redeemed 11 million U. S. Savings Bonds valued at $595 million. The number of bonds handled rose 6 per cent from 1968, while the dollar value declined 1 per cent. Other government securi ties issued, serviced, and retired totaled 953 thousand, 38 per cent above a year earlier, while dollar value was up 8 per cent to $22 billion. Supervision and Examination The Federal Reserve System, along with state authorities, exercise supervision over state-chartered banks which are members of the Federal Reserve Sys tem, with the objective of fostering and maintaining a sound banking system. Supervision includes annual examinations which provide the information for eval uation of the assets, operations, policies, and manage ment of the banks subject to review. This enables the supervisory authorities to help prevent or correct situations that might adversely affect the soundness of the banks, and the public interest. All state mem ber banks in the district were examined in 1969.2 Other supervisory functions of the Federal Reserve System include admission of state banks to member ship in the System, approval for the establishment of domestic and foreign branches, approval for merger or absorption of other banks by state member banks, and permission to establish registered bank holding companies and for such companies to acquire stock in banks. Much of the investigation involved in these supervisory functions is conducted by the Federal Reserve Banks. Research The research staff of the bank performs two major roles. One is to analyze national and regional financial situations with a view to formulation of monetary policy recommendations. These recommendations are used by the President of the Bank in the delibera tions of the Federal Open Market Committee. The second function of the research staff is to pro vide economic information to the public, principally through the monthly Review and other recurring re leases. The research staff also provides data and analyses which facilitate other operations of the Sys tem; for instance, research into the structure of bank ing markets aids in determining the advisability of mergers and holding company applications. Statements Total assets of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis were $3.2 billion on December 13, 1969, an increase of 9 per cent from a year earlier. Most of the rise in assets was due to increased holdings of U. S. Government securities, which resulted from the operations of the System Open Market Account. These open market operations, which are the major instru ment of monetary policy, are authorized by the Fed eral Open Market Committee and are undertaken at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York by the T a b le III COMPARATIVE STATEMENT OF CONDITION ASSETS G o ld c e rtific a te cash of Banks by Type E ighth D istrict 1 2 /3 1 /6 9 U n ite d States 1 2 /3 1 /6 8 E ighth D istric t 1 2 /3 1 /6 8 N a tio n a l 4 ,6 6 9 348 4 ,7 1 6 350 S ta te M e m b e r 1 ,2 0 3 117 1 ,2 6 7 124 S ta te In su re d N onm em ber 7 ,5 9 6 891 7 ,5 0 4 1 ,0 1 9 adva n ce s 198 16 197 16 2Four agencies have the authority to supervise private com mercial banks. The Comptroller of the Currency’s major supervisory responsibility is National Banks; the Federal Reserve, for the most part, examines state member banks; the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation mainly supervises state insured nonmember banks; and the state supervisory authorities examines all state banks (including both insured and noninsured). Digitized for Page FRASER 14 . . . . item s . . . . . . . O th e r a s s e t s ............................................... T o ta l D ecem ber 3 1 , 1968 3 4 5 ,2 8 9 3 5 2 ,9 5 5 2 9 ,3 4 7 3 3 ,0 1 0 9 ,8 2 8 2 4 ,5 8 9 1 5 ,2 0 0 770 2 ,1 0 5 ,5 2 4 1 ,8 6 8 ,8 2 9 6 2 1 ,6 5 8 5 7 3 ,7 6 8 9 3 ,9 6 5 9 5 ,4 3 8 A s s e t s ......................................... 3 ,2 2 0 ,8 1 1 2 ,9 4 9 ,3 5 9 LIABILITIES A N D CAPITAL ACCO UNTS Federal Reserve notes S tate N o n in s u re d . U. S. G o v e rn m e n t se curitie s U nco lle cted U n ite d States 1 2 /3 1 /6 9 . ................................................ D iscounts a n d Number reserves F ederal Reserve notes o f o th e r b an ks O th e r T a b le II (T h o usa n d s o f D o lla rs ) Decem ber 3 1 , 1969 ( n e t) . 1 ,7 9 6 ,5 7 9 1 ,6 7 6 ,6 4 9 M e m b e r b a n k s — reserve accounts 8 2 4 ,0 9 0 7 8 3 ,5 7 0 U. S. Tre a sure r — g e n e ra l account 6 7 ,9 9 8 599 1 5 ,8 6 6 1 6 ,0 8 6 4 4 9 ,5 7 5 4 1 4 ,7 6 2 D ep o sits: D eferre d a v a ila b ilit y cash item s . O th e r lia b ilitie s a n d accrued d iv id e n d s 2 1 ,0 2 1 1 3 ,6 9 3 T o ta l c a p ita l a c c o u n t s ........................... 4 5 ,6 8 2 4 4 ,0 0 0 T o ta l L ia b ilitie s a n d C a p ita l A c c o u n t s ........................... 3 ,2 2 0 ,8 1 1 2 ,9 4 9 ,3 5 9 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS FEBRUARY, 1970 Committee’s agent. Although the securities remain at the New York Bank, each Reserve Bank participates in the holdings and earnings of the System Account. T a b le IV COMPARATIVE PROFIT AND LOSS STATEMENT (T h o usa n d s o f D o lla rs ) 1969 1 96 8 Per C ent C hange 1 9 6 8 -6 9 T o ta l e a rn in g s .................................. N e t e x p e n s e s .................................. . 1 1 7 ,8 7 7 . 1 5 ,5 1 5 9 7 ,6 4 9 1 3 ,9 6 2 2 0 .7 11.1 C u rre n t n e t e a rn in g s N e t a d d itio n ( + ) o r d e d u ctio n s (— ) . 1 0 2 ,3 6 2 8 3 ,6 8 7 2 2 .3 + — N e t e a rn in g s b e fo re p a ym e n ts to U. S. Tre a sury D is trib u tio n o f N e t E a rn in g s: D iv id e n d s ......................................... In te re st on Federal Reserve n o t e s * ......................................... T ra n sfe rred to surplus . — 2 291 . 1 0 2 ,3 6 0 8 3 ,9 7 8 2 1 .9 1,351 1 ,2 7 3 6.1 . 1 0 0 ,1 6 8 841 8 1 ,0 5 5 1 ,6 5 0 2 3 .6 — 4 9 .0 . 1 0 2 ,3 6 0 8 3 ,9 7 8 2 1 .9 Net earnings before payments to the United States Treasury increased to $102 million in 1969, up 22 per cent from a year earlier. This sharp rise in earnings was due to larger holdings of loans and securities, as well as higher interest rates on these assets, while expenses increased only moderately. After dividends to member banks and increases in surplus, the re maining portion of net earnings are transferred to the U. S. Treasury as interest on Federal Reserve notes. Such transfers totaled $100 million in 1969, up 24 per cent from a year earlier. * Incom e transferred to Treasury Publications of This Bank Include: Weekly U. S. FINANCIAL DATA Monthly REVIEW MONETARY TRENDS NATIONAL ECONOMIC TRENDS SELECTED ECONOMIC INDICATORS - CENTRAL MISSISSIPPI VALLEY Quarterly FEDERAL BUDGET TRENDS U. S. BALANCE OF PAYMENTS TRENDS TRIANGLES OF U. S. ECONOMIC DATA GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT Annually TRIANGLES OF U. S. ECONOMIC DATA RATES OF CHANGE IN ECONOMIC DATA FOR TEN INDUSTRIAL COUNTRIES (QUARTERLY SUPPLEMENT) Copies of these publications are available to the public without charge, including bulk mailings to banks, business organizations, educational institutions, and others. For information write: Research Department, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, P. O. Box 442, St. Louis, Missouri 63166. Page 15 Monetary and Fiscal Influences on Economic Activity: The Foreign Experience by MICHAEL W. RERAN The November 1968 and November 1969 issues of this R e v i e w included articles which developed and explained in some detail a procedure for testing the relative importance of monetary and fiscal in fluences on economic activity in the United States. The conclusions reached in those articles were that (except for the years covering World War II) monetary influences had a stronger, more predictable, and faster impact on economic activity than fiscal influences. This article presents additional empirical evidence on the monetary - fiscal issue on the basis of data from eight foreign countries. The analysis of this foreign experience tends to confirm the results obtained for the United States. Because the test procedure is identical with that used and described in some detail in the previous articles, this article is devoted mainly to presenting and describing the empirical evidence. O n e OF THE major current debates among econ omists and policymakers in the United States and abroad deals with the relative importance of monetary and fiscal influences on economic activity. This de bate reflects a growing awareness of the importance of monetary policy in any stabilization program. In part, this awareness stems from the intellectual re surgence of the quantity theory of money as an explanation of short-run movements in economic activity. In the main, however, it is probably due to the surprising number of recent historical experiences in which monetary actions have seemed to be effec tive and fiscal actions have seemed to be ineffective. The two episodes best known to the American pub lic are the tight money-easy fiscal policy combina tion of 1966 which preceded the mini-recession in early 1967, and the easy money-tight fiscal policy combination of the last half of 1968 which was fol lowed by continued economic boom in 1969. Similar experiences have occurred in other countries. In early 1968, for example, the United Kingdom had an easy money-tight fiscal policy combination and experienced a continued economic boom in the second half of 1968 and through early 1969. This Review has recently published two articles analyzing the relative impact of monetary and fiscal influences on economic activity in the United States.1 iLeonall C. Andersen and Jerry L. Jordan, “ Monetary and Fiscal Actions: A Test of Their Relative Importance in Economic Stabilization” in the November 1968 issue of this Review, pp. 11-24; and Michael W . Keran, “ Monetary and Fiscal Influences on Economic Activity — The Historical Evi dence,” in the November 1969 issue of this Review, pp. 5-24. 16 Digitized forPage FRASER The conclusions reached in both articles were that monetary influences have had a larger, more predicta ble, and faster effect on economic activity than fiscal influences. If the relationship observed in the United States reflects an important and stable underlying phenomenon, then one would expect that similar re lationships would exist in other countries with roughly similar economic institutions. The intent of this article is to investigate comparable monetary and fiscal in fluences on economic activity for a selected group of foreign countries. According to many authorities, the most desirable quality of any empirically-estimated equation is its accuracy in forecasting the future. According to Christ,2 “the ‘future’ should be interpreted to include anything unknown to the forecaster when he did his work.” Thus, a significant test of the equation de veloped with respect to the United States would be to subject it to tests using data from other countries. With this in mind, this article should be viewed as an attempt not only to increase our understanding of monetary and fiscal relations in particular foreign countries, but also to provide an independent test of the “forecasting ability” of equations developed for the United States. 2Carl F. Christ, Econometric Models and Methods, (John W iley and Sons, Inc., 1966). “ Thus, a person might forecast some aspect of nineteenth century behavior by means of theory and data derived solely from the twentieth century,” page 5. “ Is there any truth in the maxim that prediction provides the acid test? The answer is yes. ( If ) . . . we con front the model with an entirely new set of data which we were not familiar with when the model was chosen,” page 547. F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS This article will deal with these issues in the follow ing order: first, a brief consideration of the test pro cedures; second, consideration of the data problems in making empirical tests of foreign countries; third, presentation of the statistical results; fourth, testing various propositions; and finally, some general obser vations on the role of monetary influences on eco nomic activity. FEBRUARY, 1970 both the Modern Quantity theory and the Keynesian Income-Expenditure theory would imply are the best measures of the impact of monetary and fiscal actions. Because this approach omits direct consideration of the channels through which the monetary or fiscal effects operate, it cannot be used to answer questions about the underlying structure of the economy. Foreign Data Problems The Test Procedure The basic form of the equation used to test the relative impact of monetary and fiscal influences on economic activity is the same as that used in the previous articles in this Review. The general form of the test equation is: AY = ao + aiA M + a2A F , where: AY is a measure of changes in economic activ ity; AM is a measure of changes in monetary influ ences; AF is a measure of changes in fiscal influences; ai and aa are symbols which represent the magnitude of the impact of monetary and fiscal influences, re spectively, on economic activity; and a0 represents the average impact of all other influences on eco nomic activity during the same period. The earlier articles presented a detailed discussion of the relative advantages and disadvantages of this “single equation” approach as opposed to alternative approaches to measuring monetary and fiscal influ ences.3 That discussion will not be repeated here. The procedure employed in this article is to test two variables which are usually considered to be under the control of the monetary and fiscal policy makers to see which variable has the dominant impact on economic activity. These variables are not neces sarily those which are consciously controlled by policy makers. Rather, the variables tested are those which 3One point should be emphasized. The “ single equation” approach used here does not provide any direct evidence about whether the Keynesian Income-Expenditure theory or the Modern Quantity theory is the most appropriate explana tion of national income. The reason for this is because the “ single equation” test used in this article does not discrimin ate between the behavioral assumptions of the two theories. See Keran, pp. 6-8 for further discussion of this and re lated issues. It is theoretically possible to have a strong and prompt monetary influence on economic activity in a Keynesian model. Such a model was estimated empirically by J. Ernest Tanner in “ Lags in the Effects of Monetary Policy,” American Economic Review, December 1969. A single equation test of behavioral assumptions of The Quantity Theory and Income-Expenditure Theory, was made by Milton Friedman and David Meiselman in “ Relative Stability of Income Velocity and Investment Multiplier in the United States, 1868-1960,” Stabilization Policies, Prentice Hall, 1963. The September 1965 issue of the American Economic Review is devoted to a searching discussion of the Friedman-Meiselman results. When American researchers attempt to colleot data on some facet of the American economy, they are doubly blessed. First, the United States publishes more statistics in greater detail and generally of greater accuracy than other countries. Second, expert knowledge of the sources and reliability of the data are readily available. In general, neither the quantity nor quality of foreign data are as good as that for the United States. Furthermore, the American research worker is un likely to be as familiar with the sources of foreign data as with domestic data. Apparently, only four countries besides the United States have quarterly GNP data: Canada, Germany, Japan, and the United Kingdom. For reasons dis cussed in the Appendix, GNP results for the United Kingdom are not used in the main body of this article. For the United Kingdom and the other coun tries in our survey group, for which quarterly GNP data were not available, namely, Belgium, France, Italy, and the Netherlands, economic activity was measured on the basis of a proxy variable. The proxy variable for economic activity is equal to the scaled product of the seasonally adjusted industrial produc tion index and the consumer price index4 times GNP in the base years of those indexes. As is shown in the Appendix, the proxy variable gives substan tially the same implications for monetary and fiscal actions as the GNP measure in those countries in which both measures are available. Using GNP data where available, and the proxy where GNP data was not available, provides quar terly measures of economic activity for eight of the major foreign industrial countries which have reason ably decentralized economic systems, and therefore come closest to paralleling the American economic system. For purposes of comparison, updated results from earlier studies on the United States are also presented. ^The consumer price index is not seasonally adjusted. The exact formula is presented in the Appendix. Page 17 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS The measure of monetary influence used for each country was the money stock as defined by the Inter national Monetary Fund (IM F ) in its International Financial Statistics. This was the only monetary vari able which was available quarterly on a consistent basis for all countries.5 However, it would be desira ble in future research to try other monetary variables, such as the monetary base or total reserves of the banking system. The most serious data problems were encountered in developing an appropriate fiscal variable. Possible measures of the fiscal influence are total Government spending ( including transfer payments as well as pur chases of goods and services), high-employment tax receipts, the differences between government spend ing and high-employment tax receipts,6 and changes in the national debt. Data on high-employment tax receipts and on the national debt were not available for any of the countries. O f necessity, therefore, the only measure of fiscal influences used in this paper is total Government spending culled from Treasury sta tistics on cash outlays including transfers to Govern ment corporations. The Government component of the National Income Accounts could not be used for two reasons: 1) it included only purchases of goods and services; and 2) it included expenditures at all levels of government. Even on this basis, fiscal meas ures were available for only three countries. By co incidence, they were the same countries which had GNP data: Canada, Germany, and Japan.7 This limited measure of fiscal influence may not be as serious a liability as it appears. Experience with United States data indicates that Government spend ing is the best measure of fiscal influences.8 However, it does mean that further research on fiscal influences could possibly change the results presented in this article. For Belgium, France, Italy, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, no consistent quarterly fis cal variable was available. For these countries only monetary * influences on economic activity were measured. 5It could be argued that different definitions of the money stock would be appropriate for different countries because of different institutions. This is a reasonable proposition. H ow ever, a consistent IMF definition of money was used for two reasons: (1 ) the author is not familiar enough with the in stitutions in each country to reformulate the money stock definition; (2 ) the author did not want to be accused of choosing the data source on the basis of that which best supported his hypothesis. “Actual Government spending need not be adjusted for the high-employment concept because the differences would be conceputally small. On the other hand, the difference be tween actual and high employment tax receipts can be conceptually large. See Keith Carlson, “ Estimates o f the HighEmployment Budget,” this Review, June 1966. 7Fiscal data were available for the United Kingdom from 1962 but are not included here for reasons given in Ap pendix II. 8Andersen and Jordan, pages 17 and 18. Page 18 FEBRUARY, 1970 The results reported in this article are based on the data and sources described. However, it is conceiv able that some sources of data may have been over looked which could have improved, or perhaps modi fied, the results presented.” Statistical Results The summary results of the regression analysis in both first and central difference form, using the Almon distributed lag technique,10 are presented in Tables I and II. In the case of first differences, the quarter-toquarter change from period ( t-1) to period ( t ) is labeled as the change at period (<)• In central dif ference form, the average change from (t-1 ) to ( t+ 1 ) is labeled as the change at period (t). Al though the first difference form is the usual method of presenting “change” data, the central difference form more closely approximates the economic con cept of “change” at a point in time.11 Table I includes those countries in which economic activity is measured by GNP and in which the fiscal influence is measured by total central Government spending. Table II includes those countries in which economic activity is measured by the proxy variable and in which a fiscal variable was not available. In the Appendix, the validity of the proxy variable is discussed and it is shown that it gives substantially the same result as when GNP is used to measure economic activity. For those who are unfamiliar with interpreting statistical results as presented in Tables I and II, a description of the Canadian first difference 9The sources of all data used in this article are listed at the end of the Appendix. ,uIn each test the form of the equation was estimated with money alone, fiscal alone, and a combination of the two. Alternative time lags between (t-1) and (t-6) were tried. The form of the equation selected and the time lags to represent each time period were chosen on the basis of minimum standard error of estimate adjusted for degrees of freedom. The Almon lag technique, by constraining the distribution of coefficients to fit a polynomial curve of (n ) degree, is de signed to avoid the bias in estimating distributed-lag co efficients which may arise from multicollinearity in the lag values of the independent variables. The theoretical justi fication for this procedure is that the Almon constrained estimate is superior to the unconstrained estimate because it will create a distribution of coefficients which more closely approximates the distribution derived from a sample o f in finite size. In order to minimize the seventy o f the Almon constraint, the maximum degree of the polynomial was used in each case. The maximum degree is equal to the number of lags plus one of the independent variables up to five lags. Following the convention established by Shirley Al mon, “ The Distributed Lag Between Capital Appropria tions and Expenditures,” Econometrica, (January 1965), if there are (n ) lags, ( t + 2 ) and ( t-n-1) are both con strained to zero. The regressions were also run without constraining the beginning and ending values to zero, and the results are virtually identical. 11For a further description and justification of central differ ences, see John Kareken and Robert Solow, “ Lags in Mone tary Policy,” page 18, in Stabilization Policies, Prentice Hall, 1963. FEBRUARY, 1970 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS results in Table I is provided.12 Others may proceed to the sec tion tided “Presentation of Results.” How to Read the Statistical Results — The time period ( I I / 1953-IV/1968) for Canada indi cates the period during which the dependent variable (AGNP) is explained by the monetary and fiscal variables. The lag (t-6) indicates that it takes the contemporary and six lagged quarters for the monetary and fiscal influences to have their full effect on the economy. T a b le I MONETARY AND FISCAL INFLUENCES ON AGNP AGNP = Time P eriod C o u n try ao + a iA M -j- a2AE Lags* C o n s ta n t Term ao M o n e ta ry Influences ai (s u m ) Fiscal Influences 02 (su m ) R2 D -W (F irs t D ifferences - B illio n s o f N a tio n a l C u rre n cy) C anada 1 1 /1 9 5 3 - I V / 1 9 6 8 t- 6 .3 3 ( 3 .2 7 ) 4 .2 7 ( 5 .7 5 ) — 1 .4 5 ( 1 .3 8 ) .4 3 2 .2 0 G e rm a n y 111/1961 t-3 -3 .2 6 ( .7 6 ) 8 .8 8 ( 2 .8 5 ) .6 8 ( .4 1 ) .3 9 2 .2 7 - 111/1968 Ja p a n 1 /1 9 5 6 - 111/1968 t-2 .0 3 ( .2 5 ) 2 .7 8 ( 5 .2 6 ) .81 (1 7 5 ) .5 6 1 .9 4 U n ite d States 1 /1 9 5 4 - 111/1969 t-4 3 .1 9 ( 4 .2 2 ) 5 .5 0 ( 8 .3 0 ) .01 (02) .6 7 1.82 — 2 .1 3 ( 2 .8 0 ) .6 7 1 .48 (C e n tra l D ifferences - B illio n s o f N a tio n a l C urre n c y ) C anada 1 1 /1 9 5 3 - IV /1 9 6 8 t- 6 G e rm a n y 111/1961 t-3 - 111/1968 .3 2 ( 4 .9 1 ) — 4 .2 0 4 .8 2 ( 9 .3 2 ) 1 0 .4 4 .3 3 .5 4 At the top of Table I is an ( 4 .8 4 ) ( .2 3 ) 1 .7 0 (1 -3 1 ) equation similar to that de Ja p a n 2 .6 8 t-2 -.0 4 1 .4 6 .6 6 1 /1 9 5 6 - 111/1968 .7 4 ( 2 .9 6 ) (-3 7 ) ( 4 .7 7 ) scribed on page 17. Changes in 3 .1 4 .7 9 U n ite d States 1 /1 9 5 4 - 111/1969 t-4 5 .3 5 .11 Gross National Product ( AGNP) ( 5 .6 4 ) (1 0 .7 9 ) (47) 1 .1 7 is the variable to be explained. N o te : Regression coefficients are the top figures ; their “ t ” statistics appear below each coefficient, enclosed by parentheses. R 2 is the percent o f variation in the dependent variable which Changes in the money stock is explained by variations in the independent variables. D -W is the D urbin-W atson statistic. (A M ) and changes in Govern ♦Lags are selected on the basis o f m inimum standard error, adjusted fo r degrees o f freedom . ment expenditures ( A E ) are the variables which are postulated to explain AGNP.13 aj is the symbol for the measured ficantly different from zero, and a “t” statistic smaller influence of AM on AGNP, holding AE unchanged, than 1.96 is not significantly different from zero at the 95 per cent confidence level. The convention and a2 is the symbol for the measured influence of AE in economics is to make the 95 per cent confidence on AGNP holding AM unchanged, a0 represents the interval the boundry between acceptance or rejection estimated trend value of all other influences on AGNP. of the coefficient as significantly different from zero. The columns of numbers in Table I under ai and Thus, in the case of Canada, the statistical results in a2 represent the statistically estimated value of the dicate that the monetary influence is positive and average relation between the monetary or fiscal influ highly significant. ence and AGNP for various countries. In the case The estimated coefficient for the fiscal influences of Canada, 4.27 is the estimated monetary coefficient, for Canada is —1.45. The implication is that for every which implies that on the average, for every $1 in $1 increase in Government expenditures, there will crease in the money stock, there will be a $4.27 in be a $1.45 decrease in GNP after six quarters. This crease in GNP over the current and six following negative relation is contrary to the generally assumed quarters. The number below, enclosed by a paren relation between Government spending and GNP. theses (5.75), is the “t” statistic, which is a measure However, the “t” statistic of (1.38) indicates the esti of the statistical confidence one may have that the mated fiscal coefficient is not statistically different estimated coefficient has the same sign as the “true” from zero, and consequently this result is not persua coefficient relating AM to AGNP. The larger the “t” sive evidence that Government expenditures are per statistic, the greater our confidence in the value of verse in their effect on economic activity. The R2 is the estimated coefficient. In general, an estimated the coefficient of determination adjusted for degrees coefficient with a “t” statistic larger than 1.96 is signi of freedom.14 It is .43 for Canada. This means that 12It should be kept in mind that this description is highly simplified. Those who are interested in a more complete and rigorous explanation of statistical hypothesis-testing should consult any elementary textbook in statistics. 13AE rather than AF is used here as a symbol of the fiscal influence because the specific measure used in this case is changes in Government expenditures. AF was a surrogate for any measure of fiscal influence. HThe degrees of freedom of an equation are equal to the number of observations of the dependent variable minus the number of independent variables, including the con stant term. In the Canadian case, there were 63 observa tions of AGNP from 11/1953 to IV /1968 and there were 7 independent money variables ( one contemporary and six lagged), and 7 independent fiscal variables plus one con stant term, so that the degrees of freedom equalled 48. Page 19 FEBRUARY. 1970 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS 43 per cent of the variation in AGNP can be ex plained by variation in the monetary and fiscal vari ables, AM and AE. Considering that the statistical estimates were made on the basis of quarterly first differences, which mag nifies the random elements in the data, an R2 = .43 is considered to be reasonably high. D -W ( the DurbinWatson statistic) is a measure of randomness in the error term of the estimated equation. An acceptable range for the D -W statistic in these equations would be roughly between 1.25 and 2.75.15 Presentation of Results — Table I shows the sum mary regression results for Canada, Germany, Japan and the United States, using changes in quarterly GNP as a measure of economic activity. In each case the results are presented in both first difference and central difference form. Central difference data are, in effect, a two-term moving average of first difference data. Thus, central differences have con sistently higher R2 than first differences because some of the random movements which are so promi nent in first difference data have been averaged out. This also has the effect of reducing the randomness of the error term and thus reducing the value of the Durbin-Watson statistic.10 The regression results in Ta ble I give substantially consist ent implications with respect to monetary influences. In every country the coefficient for the monetary variable is positive and statistically significant in both first and central difference form. On the other hand, the fiscal variable does not exert an influence which exhibits any systematic pattern for the vari ous countries. For Canada the 15This is based on the assumption of 40 observations and 5 independ ent variables. One could reject auto correlation in the error term (lack of randomness) if the DurbinWatson statistic is in the range 1.79-2.21. The inconclusive range goes as low as 1.25 and as high as 2.75. The inconclusive range would be narrowed with more observa tions and widened with more independent variables. 1(iThere seems to be a systematic trade-off between first and central differences, with the latter having higher R2 s ( which is desirable) and lower D -W statistics ( which is sometimes undesirable). Digitized forPage FRASER 20 fiscal variable is insignificant in first differences and negative and significant in central differences. For Germany and the United States, it is statistically in significant in both first and central difference form. For Japan, the fiscal variable is statistically insignifi cant in first differences and positive and statistically significant in central differences. These results contrast sharply with those for the monetary variable where, for each country, and for both first and central dif ferences, the monetary coefficient is positive and statistically significant. The other countries in this study do not have quar terly GNP estimates which can be used as a measure of economic activity. For those countries economic activity is measured by the proxy variable defined above and justified in the Appendix. In Belgium, France, Italy, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom (before 1962), acceptable meas ures of fiscal influence are not available. For these countries, it was only possible to measure monetary influences on economic activity. This is done in Table II with quarterly observations from 1953 to 1968, using both first and central difference form. T a b le II MONETARY INFLUENCES ON A PROXY MEASURE OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY (A Y ) A C o u n try y Tim e Period = a o -(- a j A Lags* m C on sta n t Term ao M o n e ta ry Influences a i (Sum ) R2 Dummy V a ria b le D -W (F irs t D ifferences - B illio n s o f N a tio n a l C urre n c y ) B elgium 1 1 /1 9 5 3 - IV /1 9 6 8 t-3 3 .0 0 ( 1 .0 2 ) 2 .5 7 ( 3 .0 8 ) 2 3 .6 0 ( 3 .1 9 ) .2 8 2 .3 6 France 1 1 /1 95 3 - I V / 1 9 6 8 t-2 3 .1 7 ( 1 .3 1 ) 2 .0 9 ( 2 .5 5 ) 9 8 .8 1 (1 5 .5 8 ) .8 2 1 .4 4 Ita ly 1 1 /1 9 5 3 - IV /1 9 6 8 t-3 .1 9 ( 1 .9 6 ) 1 .8 7 ( 5 .6 1 ) .4 2 2 .3 7 N e th e rla n d s 1 1 /1 9 5 3 - I V /1 9 6 8 t-5 .01 .0 4 ) 6 .0 2 ( 5 .3 1 ) .3 3 1 .6 4 .21 ( 3 .1 2 ) 1.41 ( 2 .6 3 ) .3 5 1 .9 9 ( U n ite d K ing d o m 1 1 /1 9 5 3 - IV /1 9 6 8 Belgium 11 /1 9 5 3 - IV /1 9 6 8 t-3 1 .0 5 ( .5 5 ) 3 .1 7 ( 5 .8 3 ) 1 7 .7 7 ( 3 .7 6 ) .4 6 1 .3 6 France 1 1 /1 9 5 3 - IV /1 9 6 8 t-2 — .0 2 (01) 3 .2 5 ( 3 .4 0 ) 3 4 .1 6 ( 4 .3 9 ) .3 6 1 .6 5 Ita ly 1 1/1 95 3 - IV /1 9 6 8 t-6 .1 9 ( 3 .1 4 ) 1 .75 ( 7 .9 2 ) .6 6 1 .7 5 N e th e rla n d s 1 1 /1 9 5 3 - IV /1 9 6 8 t-5 — .0 7 ( -3 2 ) 6 .6 2 ( 6 .6 9 ) .4 2 .81 U n ite d K ing d o m 1 1 /1 95 3 - IV /1 9 6 8 t- 6 .2 0 ( 4 .3 1 ) 1 .4 6 ( 3 .8 6 ) .48 .91 (C e n tra l D ifferences t-6 B illio n s o f N a tio n a l C urre n c y ) N o t e : Regression coefficients are the top figures ; their “ t ” statistics appear below each coefficient, enclosed by parentheses. R2 is the per cent o f variations in the dependent variable which i s explained by variations in the independent variable. D -W is the D urbin-W atson statistic. ■“Selected on the basis o f m inimum standard error o f the estim ate adjusted fo r degrees o f freedom . F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST L O U IS FEBRUARY, 1970 In the case of Belgium and France, dummy varia bles were added to account for major nation-wide strikes.17 In Belgium, there was a nation-wide strike in December 1960 and January 1961 which closed down most major industries. To account for this non monetary influence on economic activity, a dummy variable was included which assumed the value of —1 in IV/1960 -1/1961 and a value of + 1 in 11/1961. For all other periods the dummy variable had a value of zero. In France, there was a nation-wide strike in May 1968 which shut down virtually all industry. As monetary influences would not be expected to explain this phenomenon, a dummy variable was included which assumed the value of — 1 in the second quarter of 1968 and +1 in the third quarter of 1968. The dummy variable assumed a value of zero for all other quarters. For France the statistical significance of the dummy variable was substantial in first differences and much less so in central differences, because the impact of the strike was partially averaged out in central difference data. Consequently, the high R2 for French first difference results (.82) should be partially discounted. Although the monetary influence is statistically sig nificant for every country in this study, there is a substantial degree of variation in the estimated value of the monetary influence between countries. For ex ample, in first-difference form the monetary variable for Germany is 8.88, and for the United Kingdom it is 1.41. This range of values is largely due to varia tions in institutional factors in each country, such as the level of per capita income, the traditional pay ment period for workers, and the number and avail ability of money substitutes. T a b le III M o n e ta ry In flu e nce ( a i) V e lo c ity ( G N P /M ) G e rm a n y U n ite d States C anada Ja p a n 8 .8 8 5 .5 0 4 .2 7 2 .7 8 6 .6 0 4 .5 6 5 .1 4 3 .6 0 N e th e rla n d s B elgium France Ita ly U n ite d K ing d o m 6 .0 2 2 .5 7 2 .0 9 1 .8 7 1.41 4 .2 2 2 .8 5 2 .9 6 2 .2 3 2 .7 0 These institutional factors can substantially influ ence the amount of money stock required to induce a given change in economic activity. One rough meas ure of the institutional differences between countries is the observed ratio of the money stock to income 17There were undoubtedly random events in other countries which could have been accounted for with dummy variables. (the income velocity of money). As can be seen in Table III, the estimated value of the monetary in fluence for each country ( a i) , is closely associated with the income velocity of money. The monetary influence values are derived from first-difference results in Tables I and II. The values for velocity (G N P /M ) are calculated on the basis of annual GNP and money stock data for 1968. These results indicate that the monetary influence values are substantially influenced by the institutional fac tors which determine velocity in each country. How ever, as these institutional factors seem to change only slowly over time, the monetary influence values are relatively stable within each country. The results presented in Table II, where monetary influences alone are measured, are consistent with the results in Table I in which both monetary and fiscal influences are measured. The monetary influence is positive and statistically significant in all countries considered in both first and central difference forms of the equation. The R2’s are sufficiently high to infer that monetary influences explain a significant amount of the change in economic activity in these countries. Every substantial movement in money is followed by a roughly proportional movement in economic activity. The results presented in Tables I and II indicate that in nine of the major industrial countries of the world, monetary influences play an important role in determining the short-run movements in economic activity. Testing Propositions Three propositions with respect to monetary and fiscal influences were tested in earlier articles on the basis of United States results. These propositions con sidered whether monetary or fiscal actions were (1 ) stronger, (2 ) more predictable, and (3 ) faster-acting. The conclusion reached with respect to the United States was that monetary actions dominated fiscal actions in each proposition. These same propositions will be tested for foreign countries in which both monetary and fiscal measures are available; that is, Canada, Germany, and Japan. In addition, updated results for the United States will be presented as a basis for comparison. Which is stronger? — To measure the relative strength of monetary and fiscal influences during the test period we need to know which has had the largest impact on economic activity. If the monetary Page 21 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS FEBRUARY, 1970 T a b le IV BETA COEFFICIENTS1 C o u n try M o n e ta ry Influences (S um ) Fiscal Influences (S um ) First D ifferences C anada G e rm a n y Japan U n ite d States 1 .0 8 * .7 0 * .6 6 * .9 4 * — .61 .3 0 .3 2 .0 0 C e n tra l D ifferences C anada G e rm a n y Japan U n ite d States 1 .2 1 * .8 8 * .5 4 * .9 6 * — .5 8 * .0 9 .3 6 * .0 4 1 Beta coefficients are equal to the estimated coefficient tim es the ratio o f the standard deviation o f the independent variable over the dependent variable. * Statistically significant at the 95 per cent o r higher level o f confidence. and fiscal measures had the same dimension and the same average degree of variation, the test could be made by directly comparing the size of the estimated coefficients of the monetary and fiscal variables. As these conditions are not satisfied, the estimated co efficients cannot be used directly for this test. How ever, when the estimated coefficients are “normalized” by being converted into beta coefficients, they can be compared.18 The “sum” beta coefficients for Can ada, Germany, Japan, and the United States are presented in Table IV for both first and central dif ference form. The results indicate a considerable degree of con sistency between countries. In every country for both first and central differences, the beta coefficients for the monetary variable are substantially larger than that for the fiscal variable. In every case the sign of the monetary variable is positive (a change in money leads to a change in GNP in the same direction), and the values are statistically significant. The sign of the beta coefficient for the fiscal variable varies between countries and is statistically significant only for Canada and Japan in central difference form. However, the values of the fiscal coefficients in these two countries are opposite in sign, indicating a lack of cross-country consistency. Clearly, for the time periods and coun tries considered, monetary influences have had a stronger impact on economic activity than have fiscal influences. W hich is more predictable? — The best-known measure of the predictability of the monetary and fiscal influences on economic activity is the “t” statistic. 18Beta coefficients are equal to the estimated coefficient times the standard deviation of independent variable over the standard deviation of the dependent variable. See Arthur S. Goldberger, Economic Theory, (John W iley and Sons, 1 9 6 4 ), p p . 197-98 . Digitized forPage FRASER 22 As indicated above, the “t” statistic is a statistical indicator of the confidence one may have that the “true” relationship between the independent and the dependent variables has the same sign as that of the statistically estimated relationship between those vari ables. The larger the “t” statistic, the more confidence one may have that the monetary and fiscal variables are predictably related to economic activity. The sum “t” statistics of the monetary and fiscal coefficients included in Table I are reported separately in Table V for both first and central differences. Again, the results are remarkably consistent between countries. In every case the “t” statistic for the monetary co efficient is larger than the “t” statistic for the fiscal coefficient. As a crude indicator of the relative preci sion of coefficient estimates, the absolute value of the average “t” statistic of the monetary variable is 4V2 times larger than that of the fiscal variable. Thus, for the four countries considered, the monetary varia ble is substantially more predictable in its effect on GNP than the fiscal variable. T a b le V “ t " STATISTICS M o n e ta ry Influences (S u m ) C o u n try Fiscal In fluences (S u m ) First D ifferences C anada 5 .7 5 G e rm a n y 2 .8 5 .41 Japan 5 .2 6 1 .7 5 8 .3 0 .0 2 U n ite d States -1 .3 8 C e n tra l D ifferences C anada 9 .3 2 G e rm a n y 4 .8 4 .2 3 Ja p a n 4 .7 7 2 .9 6 1 0 .7 9 .4 7 U n ite d States N o te : A “ t” value is a statistical indicator o f may have that the “ true relationship” pendent and dependent variable has the statistically estimated coefficient o f that — 2 .8 0 the confidence one between the inde same sign as the relationship. Which works faster? — The relative speed of mone tary or fiscal influences can be measured by observing which variable has the shorter time lag in influencing economic activity. For comparability, the quarterly patterns of the estimated beta coefficients are used. The beta coefficient results were derived from the same set of statistical results summarized in Table I. Only the first difference results are plotted in Chart I. Almost identical patterns of beta coefficients are obtained with the central-difference form. Again, the quarterly pattern of the monetary influence on economic activity is remarkably stable for different countries. In contrast, the quarterly pattern of fiscal influence on economic activity varies substantially be- FEBRUARY, 1970 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS between countries. For each country, the effects of the monetary influence substan tially outweigh the effects of the fiscal influence in the contemporary quarter, except for the case of Japan. In Japan, where the fiscal influence has had the largest overall positive association of any of the countries considered, the monetary influence outweighed the fiscal influence in the first and second lagged quarters. The general impression from observing the quarterly pattern of the beta coeffi cients is that monetary influences tend to have a faster impact on GNP than fiscal influences for these four countries. C h a rt I Beta Coefficients of M o n e t a r y a n d Fiscal Influences F irs t D iffe re n c e s .6 .5 .4 .3 .2 .1 0 The results of testing these three prop ositions about monetary and fiscal influ ences on economic activity for Canada, Germany, and Japan are consistent with the results obtained from earlier studies on the United States. -.1 -.2 -.3 .6 .5 Additional Observations in the Money-Economic Activity Relation .4 .3 Two points should be kept in mind in interpreting these results: .2 .1 1) Monetary influences have a large and systematic influence on economic activity. Because policymakers can con trol the money stock, monetary policy should play a oentral role in any success ful stabilization policy. 0 -.1 -.2 -.3 N o te -. B e ta c o e f fic ie n ts a r e f o r c h a n g e s in th e m o n e y s u p p ly (AM ) a n d G o v e r n m e n t e x p e n d it u r e s (A E ). T h e s e b e ta c o e ffic ie n ts a r e c a lc u la t e d a s th e 2) The high degree of statistical as p r o d u c ts o f th e re g r e s s io n c o e ffic ie n ts f o r th e r e s p e c t iv e v a r ia b le s a n d sociation between monetary influences th e r a tio o f th e s ta n d a r d d e v i a t i o n o f th e in d e p e n d e n t v a r ia b le s to th e and economic activity should not be s t a n d a r d d e v ia t io n o f th e d e p e n d e n t v a r ia b le s (A G N P ). L a g s w e r e taken to imply that there are no other s e le c te d o n th e b a s is o f th e m in im u m s ta n d a r d e r r o r o f th e e s tim a te a d ju s te d fo r d e g r e e s o f fr e e d o m . systematic influences operating on eco nomic activity. Economic activity can be influenced by a wide range of factors which are stable as measured by the quarter^to-quarter changes independent of monetary influences. A demonstration in the money stock. With the exception of a moderate of this fact is that the degree of variation in economic deceleration in 1959 and 1960, no cyclical pattern can be observed in the money stock. Economic activity activity, explained by monetary influences is less than perfect. during the 1954-64 period also exhibited a relatively stable growth rate. However, there were several mod Both of these points can be highlighted with exam erate fluctuations with cyclical troughs in 1958, 1960, ples from three countries. and 1962. Yet only the trough in 1960 was associated Germany — Chart II illustrates that from 1954 to with restrictive monetary influences. Although none 1964, German monetary influences were relatively of these cyclical movements in economic activity Page 23 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS FEBRUARY, 1970 C h a rt I! G e rm a ny C e n tra l D iffe re n ce s B illio n s o f D eutsche M a rk B illio n s o f D eutsche M a rk 2 8 1--------------------------------- --------------------------------- ---------------- ----------------- 28 to fears of domestic inflation, although in the main it was due to concern over deterioration of the German international trade position.-0 This restrictive mone tary policy was followed by a substantial deceleration in economic activity in late 1966 and 1967. As the international trade position improved, monetary pol icy was eased, and the money stock accelerated in 1967 and 1968. Economic activity responded promptly, resuming the rapid growth rates of earlier years. The 1966-67 business cycle trough was widely recog nized in Germany as a period of recession, and its cause can be clearly traced to the actions of the monetary authorities. German postwar experience illustrates two things: first, stable monetary influences do not exclude the possibility of cyclical instability in the economy; and second, fluctuating monetary influences seemingly in duce fluctuations in economic activity. 1953 1955 1957 1959 1961 1963 1965 1967 1969 Q u a rte rly d a ta a t a n n u a l rates. E conom ic a c tiv ity is m e asured by the scaled p roduct o f the consum er p rice in d e x (CPI) a n d the in d u s tria l produ ctio n index (IP!) m u ltip lie d by gross n a tio n a l product (GNP) in the b ase ye a r 1963: 17CPI • IP lV Deutsche M a rk 37 6 .6 b illio n = Economic A c tiv ity ! [1 10,000/ J Sources-. GNP a nd M oney Supply: In te rn a tio n a l Financial Statistics, M o n th ly, IMF Econom ic A c tiv ity : In d u stria l p ro d u c tio n in d e x , M ain Economic Indica to rs, M o n th ly, OECD; consum er price index. M o n th ly S tatistical S upplem ents, D eutsche B undesbank were sufficiently strong to have been generally con sidered a recession, they illustrate that cyclical move ments in economic activity do occur independently of monetary influences.19 German developments in the 1965 to 1969 period, moreover, provide an example of the strength of mon etary influences when they are allowed to operate. In late 1965 and in 1966 the German monetary authori ties followed a systematically restrictive policy, as indicated by the steady deceleration of the money stock. This monetary action was, in part, a response 19This raises an important point in statistical estimation pro cedures. A regression analysis on German data from 1954 to 1964 would not have shown a statistically significant association between monetary variables and economic activ ity. The method of computing statistical association is that variations in one variable are observed to occur systematic ally with variations in another variable. If there is little or no variation in monetary variable, then the statistical re gression procedures will not measure any significant relation with economic activity. Digitized forPage FRASER 24 20See Michael Keran “ Monetary Policy, Balance of Pay ments, and Business Cycles: The Foreign Experience,” this Review, November 1967. F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K OF ST. L O U IS Italy — Chart III illustrates that the Italian experi ence in the post-war period is similar to that of Ger many. From 1953 to 1957, monetary influences in Italy were stable and economic activity grew at a relatively stable rate, with some irregular quarter-toquarter movements. From 1958 to 1962 the money stock accelerated and, correspondingly, economic activity accelerated. Because of a deterioration in their international trade position in 1962 and 1963, the Italian monetary authorities followed a tight money policy in 1963 and early 1964. Their actions caused a sharp deceleration in economic activity in late 1963 and into 1964. When the money stock was permitted to accelerate in the second half of 1964, economic activity expanded in line with its previous growth rate. Italy has had stable growth in both money and economic activity since 1965, despite its widely pub licized political turmoil. FEBR U ARY, 1970 C h a rt IV Japan C e n tra l D iffe re n c e s T rillio n s o f Yen T rillio n s o f Yen 4.8 4 .4 - I 1 - 11 The Japanese experience reinforces the points made above. Although stable monetary influences do not guarantee stable growth in economic activity, un stable monetary influences seem to assure fluctuations in the growth of economic activity. Conclusion The purpose of this article has been to review the postwar economic experience of a variety of industrial countries to see whether monetary and fiscal influence bear any systematic relationship to movements in economic activity. The results presented indicate that in spite of admitted differences in economic institu tions and differences in the objectives of policymakers between countries, a substantial degree of consistency is observed. For each of the eight foreign countries considered, the monetary influence was important. The estimated coefficient relating the monetary varia ble to economic activity was positive and statistically significant. Of the countries in which fiscal measures 4.0 3.6 3 .2 - !' r 1 1 /v * Economic Ac ivity (AY) J - fl - AGNP 2.8 1 j a - 2.4 2.0 1.6 1.2 - A .8 j \J * Japan —The Japanese experience contrasts with that of Germany and Italy in its more frequent reversals of monetary actions, as shown in the lower tier of Chart IV. This monetary behavior has appar ently caused all postwar business cycles in Japan to be dominated by monetary considerations. Japan has had four cyclical troughs: in 1954, 1957, 1962, and 1965. Each of these troughs was preceded by a de celeration in the money stock and each recovery with an acceleration in the money stock. All sys tematic movements in economic activity in Japan have been related to monetary considerations. From 1965 to 1968, Japan followed a stable monetary policy and, as a result, economic activity has also grown at a relatively stable rate until very recently. | - .4 - \ J 0 - -.4 i , i i 1 i i -.8 T rillio n s o f fen .9 ion s o f Yen .8 .7 .6 Mont y Supply (A 4) V /V 1V n \ .5 .4 .3 .2 / .1 \ 1953 0 1955 1957 1959 1961 1 963 1965 1967 1969 -.1 Q u a r te r ly d a ta a t a n n u a l rates. Economic a c tiv ity is m e a s u re d b y the s c a le d p ro d u c t o f the consum er p ric e in d e x (CPI) an d the in d u s tria l p ro d u c tio n in d e x (IPI) m u ltip lie d b y g ro ss n a tio n a l p ro d u c t (GNP) in th e b ase y e a r 1965: T/C PM PIVYen 30.45 tr illio n = E co n o m ic A ctivity."] L\10,000/ J S ources: G N P: A n n u a l R eport on N a tio n a l Incom e S ta tis tic s , E conom ic P la n n in g A g e n c y o f Japan M o n e y S u p p ly : E conom ic S ta tistics M o n th ly , Bank o f Ja p a n Econom ic A c tiv ity : Basic D ata fo r Econom ic A n a ly s is , 1969, Bank o f Ja p a n were available, only in Japan was the positive relation postulated by economic theory found to hold. It is important to keep in mind that these results, especially with respect to fiscal influences, are even more tentative than is generally the case in statistical estimations of economic relations, because of the se vere data limitations discussed above. With this caveat the implication of this study is that our confidence in the results of earlier studies Page 25 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS FEBRUARY, 1970 which were based on United States data, is enhanced. The single equation approach to measuring monetary and fiscal influences on economic activity, which was developed for the United States, has passed the “forecasting test” mentioned at the beginning of this article. That is, the recent economic experience of a number of industrial countries can be better under stood by the use of this equation. Previous research which concluded that monetary influences are important in determining the shortrun movements in economic activity is confirmed by the results obtained for other countries. This article is available as Reprint No. 52. The Appendix to this article develops the case for using a proxy measure of economic activity for those countries in which quarterly GNP data are not available. The Appendix also considers the special case of the United Kingdom. APPENDIX Comparing Nominal GNP and a Proxy Measure of Economic Activity Nominal GNP is a measure of the market value of all goods and services produced in an economy during a particular time period. It is the most broad-based measure of economic activity available. But since quarterly GNP data are not available for many important countries, a proxy for economic activity was constructed and used in some cases. This alternative measure is equal to the scaled product of the consumer price index (CPI) and industrial production index (IPI) times GNP. The form ula for computing the proxy for economic activity (Y) is: where the value of GNP is that in the base year of the price and production indexes. Page 26 The proxy measure of economic activity has a much narrower base than GNP. The price component of the proxy was measured only by the consumer price index (CPI). However, the CPI tends to move quite closely with movements in the implicit GNP price deflator for those countries in which we have both data series. The real component of the alternative measure is based on the seasonally adjusted industrial production index, which means that all service industries, levels of government, and agriculture are not included. Despite these limitations, this measure of economic activity is a useful first approximation for the purposes of business cycles analysis. Its usefulness is indicated in Table VI, where economic activity is measured by our proxy variable and by nominal GNP for those countries in which both series are available. As can be seen, the indicators of monetary and fiscal influences give con sistently the same results with these different measures F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U ’S FEBR U ARY, 1970 T a b le VI MONETARY AND FISCAL INFLUENCES ON ECONOMIC ACTIVITY, MEASURED BY A PROXY ( AY) AND BY NOMINAL GNP ( AGNP) (F irst D ifferences — V a ria b le D e p e n de n t la g s * B illio n s o f N a tio n a l C urre n cy) C o n sta n t Term ao M o n e ta ry In flu e nce Fiscal Influence a i (S um ) aa (S um ) R2 D -W The Special Case of the United Kingdom CANADA (1 1 /1 9 5 3 ■ I V / 1 9 6 8 ) A y t-5 0 .2 9 ( 2 .8 8 ) 5 .2 5 ( 7 .9 5 ) — 1.61 ( 1 .7 5 ) .5 8 1.7 3 A gnp t- 6 0 .3 3 ( 3 .2 7 ) 4 .2 7 (5 .7 5 ) — 1 .4 5 (1 .3 8 ) .4 3 2 .2 0 G E R M AN Y (1 1 /1 96 1 - 111/1968) A r t-4 3 .8 6 ( 0 .6 0 ) 1 0 .6 4 ( 2 .2 3 ) - 6 .7 4 ( 2 .1 4 ) .31 2 .0 8 A t-3 — 3 .2 6 ( 0 .7 6 ) 8 .8 8 ( 2 .8 5 ) 0 .6 8 ( 0 .4 1 ) .3 9 2 .2 7 gnp explaining changes in G N P ( A G N P ) . F or both Canada and Japan the R 2 for the proxy variable ( A Y ) is larger than that for A G N P . In the U nited States and Germ any the R 2 is higher for A G N P than it is for the proxy variable ( A Y ) . These results im ply that the proxy variable is a useful measure o f econ om ic activity, perm itting m eaning ful estimates o f m onetary and fiscal influences. JA P A N T h e results for the U nited K ingdom are consistent with the results for the other countries, w hen econ om ic activity is m easured b y the proxy variable (see T ab le II in the m ain b o d y o f this a rticle). H ow ever, w hen econ om ic activity is m easured b y G N P or, as the English prefer, G D P 1, the results are not statistically significant. This can b e seen in the first difference results presented in T ab le V II. T able V II presents the estimated relationships betw een m onetary and fiscal influences and three different m eas ures o f econ om ic activity. W h en econ om ic activity is m easured b y the proxy Variable ( A Y ) , the m onetary in fluence is statistically significant and the fiscal influence is not. T ogeth er the m onetary and fiscal variables explain 21 p er cen t o f the variation in ( A Y ) . W h en econ om ic (1 /1 9 5 6 - 111/1968) A y t-2 — 0 .1 0 ( 0 .7 8 ) 3.71 ( 6 .0 6 ) 1 .4 6 ( 2 .7 4 ) .6 6 0 .7 6 A gnp t-2 0 .0 3 ( 0 .2 5 ) 2 .7 8 ( 5 .2 6 ) 0.81 ( 1 .7 5 ) .5 6 1 .9 4 'G D P stands for Gross Domestic Product. The major difference between this and GNP is the way in which the international sector is handled. In GDP, net receipts from interest, profits, and dividends earned abroad are excluded, while in GNP they are included. UNITED STATES (1 1 /1 9 5 4 - 111/1969) T a b le V II A y *-5 2 .3 4 ( 1 .2 4 ) 8 .2 7 ( 4 .2 7 ) -0 .6 4 ( 0 .8 0 ) .5 0 1.6 8 A gnp t-4 3 .1 9 ( 4 .2 2 ) 5 .5 0 ( 8 .3 0 ) 0 .01 ( 0 .0 2 ) .6 7 1.8 2 N o te : Regression coefficien ts are the top figu res; their “ t ” statistics appear below each coefficien t, enclosed by parentheses. R 2 is the percent o f variation in the independent variable which is explained by variations in the independent variable. D-W is the Durbin-W atson statistic. UNITED KINGDOM Monetary and Fiscal Influences on Economic Activity Measured As A Proxy ( A Y ) , Nominal GNP (A G N P ), and Nominal GDP ( AGDP) (1 /1 9 6 2 - 111/1968) D ependent Lags* ♦Lags are selected on the basis o f m inimum standard error, adjusted fo r degrees o f freedom . C o n s ta n t Term M o n e ta ry Influ e nce Fiscal influ e n ce ao a i (S um ) a a lS u m ) (F irs t D ifferences — o f econ om ic activity. T h e coefficient for the m onetary variable is positive and statistically significant for each country using both measures o f econ om ic activity. The coefficient for the fiscal variable tends to vary in sign and significance from country to country. Another indication o f the reasonableness o f the proxy variable ( A Y ) is that the quarterly pattern o f the beta coefficients for each coun try w ith respect to ( A M ) and ( A E ) is almost identical to that presented in Chart I for ( A G N P ) . T h e values o f the m onetary and fiscal variables with respect to AY and A G N P, can b e com pa red directly because the proxy variable has been scaled b y the value o f GNP. T h e results presented in T ab le V I indicate that in som e cases the m onetary and fiscal variables d o a better job o f explaining the proxy, variable ( A Y ) than they d o o f A y t-2 A gnp t-2 A gdp t-3 R2 D -W B illio n s o f Pound S te rlin g ) 2 .5 0 ( 3 .0 6 ) -.3 7 ( 1 .0 0 ) .21 1 .98 .4 5 ( 2 .2 0 ) .8 0 ( .8 1 ) — .6 2 ( 1 .4 3 ) .0 5 3 .1 8 .5 4 ( 2 .4 3 ) — .5 8 ( .5 1 ) — .01 ( .0 1 ) .0 2 3 .1 8 .1 2 (-7 3 ) (C e n tra l D ifferences — 1B illio n s o f Pound S te rlin g ) A y t-2 .1 5 ( 1 .1 3 ) 2 .3 4 ( 3 .5 8 ) -.3 0 ( .9 9 ) .3 5 1.01 A gnp t- 6 .3 6 ( 2 .9 6 ) 1 .9 4 ( 2 .0 6 ) - 1 .4 3 ( 2 .3 4 ) .3 0 2 .3 6 A gdp -.6 5 ( 1 .1 0 ) .1 0 2.31 t-5 .3 7 ( 2 .6 1 ) 1 .2 2 ( 1 .1 6 ) N o te : Regression coefficien ts are the top fig u re s; their “ t " statis tics appear below each coefficien t, enclosed by parentheses. R 2 is the percent o f variations in the dependent variable w hich is explained by variations in the independent variable. D -W is the D urbin-W atson statistic. *Lags are selected on the basis o f m inim um standard error, adjusted fo r degrees o f freedom . Page 27 FEBRUARY, 1970 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS activity is measured by AGNP or AGDP, neither the monetary nor the fiscal influences are statistically signifi cant, and the amount of variation in economic activity explained by these variables is only 5 per cent and 2 per cent, respectively, in first difference form. Quite clearly, when economic activity is measured in first difference form, the proxy variable (AY) gives an entirely different assessment of the influences of monetary and fiscal variables than does AGNP or AGDP. These differing results using alternative measures of economic activity are not observed for the other countries in this study. For every other country AY and AGNP gave sub stantially the same results with respect to the monetary and fiscal variables. An investigation of the time series of GNP and the proxy measure of economic activity provides at least a partial explanation for this discrepancy. Both series show the same basic cyclical pattern in first-difference form. However, the GNP series has a small number of quar terly observations which deviate substantially from the proxy measure series. This is especially true for the third and fourth quarters of 1963, the first and second quarters of 1967, and the second and third quarters of 1968. These deviations tend to be offsetting, that is, a sharp decline in one quarter is matched by a sharp increase in the next quarter. With only 27 observations in the sample period, even six atypical observations can distort the statistical significance of the estimated coefficients. These atypical observations could be due to the fact that both the GNP and GDP data have greater meas urement error than the data which underlies the proxy measure of economic activity. Both the industrial pro duction and consumer price indexes are monthly series which are averaged to compute quarterly proxy meas ures. The measurement error possibility is consistent with the very large Durbin-Watson statistic (3.18) for firstdifference results of both GNP and GDP, which implies a high degree of negative auto-correlation in the error term. When central differences are taken of the GNP and GDP data, the consequences of random-measurement error in the series are reduced. The offsetting movements in the quarterly values AGNP and AGDP are considerably lessened. Measuring monetary and fiscal influences against central differences (see bottom half of Table VII), one observes that both the monetary and fiscal variables are statistically significant with respect to GNP, and the explained variation of AGNP rises to 30 per cent. The value of the Durbin-Watson statistic is also in a less unacceptable range than in the first difference results. Computing central differences for AGDP does not im prove the results significantly from the first difference results.2 These results suggest that perhaps a proxy variable may be superior to GNP or GDP as a measure of economic activity, if there is less measurement error in the proxy variable than in the other measures of economic activity. The relatively short period from 1/1962 to III/1968 was used for the regressions in Table VII because total 2M. J. Artis and A. R. Nobay, “ Tw o Aspects of the Monetary Debate,” in National Institute of Economic Review, August 1969, report similar results with respect to AGDP. http://fraser.stlouisfed.org/ Page 28 Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis government spending data were not available in earlier years. A longer time span encompassing a wider range of economic events (1953-68) was used in the main body of the article to analyze monetary influences in the United Kingdom. Data Sources For each country the seasonally adjusted series for the industrial production index, Gross National Product, money stock, and Government expenditures were used. The consumer price index is not seasonally adjusted. Belgium — Industrial production index and consumer price index, 1963=100; Main Economic Indicators, OECD; Money Stock: International Financial Statistics, IMF. Canada — Industrial production index and consumer price index, 1963=100; Main Economic Indicators, OECD; Gross National Product: Canadian Statistical Re view, Dominion Bureau of Statistics; Money Stock: International Financial Statistics, IMF; Government Ex penditures: Canadian Statistical Review, Dominion Bureau of Statistics. France — Industrial production index and consumer price index, 1963=100; Main Economic Indicators, OECD; Money Stock: International Financial Statistics, IMF. Germany — Industrial production index, 1963=100; Main Economic Indicators, OECD; consumer price index, 1962=100; Monthly Statistical Supplements, Deutsche Bundesbank; Gross National Product and Money Stock: International Financial Statistics, IMF; Government Ex penditures: Monthly Report of the Deutsche Bundesbank. Italy —Industrial production index and consumer price index, 1963=100: Main Economic Indicators, OECD; Money Stock: International Financial Statistics, IMF. Japan — Industrial production index and Consumer price index, 1965=100: Basic Data for Economic Analysis, 1969, Bank of Japan; Gross National Product: Annual Report on National Income Statistics, Economic Planning Agency of Japan; Money Stock: Economic Statistics Monthly, Bank of Japan; Government Expenditures: Basic Data for Economic Analysis, 1969, Bank of Japan. Netherlands — Industrial production index and con sumer price index, 1963=100: Main Economic Indicators, OECD; Money Stock: International Financial Statistics, IMF. United Kingdom —Industrial production index and consumer price index, 1963=100: Main Economic Indi cators, OECD; Money Stock: International Financial Sta tistics, IMF; Government Expenditures: United Kingdom Financial Statistics. United States —Industrial production index, 1957-59= 100: Board of Governors of the Federal Beserve System; consumer price index, 1957-59=100: United States De partment of Labor; Gross National Product: United States Department of Commerce; Money Stock: International Financial Statistics, IMF; Government Expenditures: Federal Beserve Bank of St. Louis. The Administration of Regulation Q* by CHARLOTTE E. RUEBLING _^^.T A TIME when market interest rates have soared to levels never before reached in this country, rates on deposits at banks and other financial institutions have been held much lower. The rate commercial banks charge on prime business loans has been 8Vz per cent since early last June. Mortgage and many other market interest rates are currently about as high. On the other hand, payment of interest is pro hibited on demand deposits, and the maximum rates permitted on time and savings deposits vary between 4.50 and 7.50 per cent.1 The highest rate applies only to deposits in denominations of $100,000 or more maturing in a year or longer. Smaller time and sav ings deposits are permitted to yield 4.50 to 5.75 per cent (see table below ). YIELD DIFFERENTIALS { Per Cent Per Annum ) Type o f D ep o sit S a vings d ep o sits O th e r tim e d ep o sits M u ltip le m a tu rity 3 0 - 8 9 days 9 0 d a ys o r more S in g le m a tu rity Less th a n $ 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 3 0 d a ys to 1 y e a r 1 year 2 year $ 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 o r more 3 0 -5 9 days 6 0 - 8 9 days 9 0 - 1 7 9 d a ys 1 8 0 d a ys to 1 y e a r 1 y e a r o r more R eg u latio n Q C e ilin g Rate S p rea d betw e e n G o ve rn m e n t S ecu rity Y ie ld a n d C o m p a ra b le C e ilin g R ate* 4 .5 0 (3 0 d a y s ) 2 .6 4 4 .5 0 (3 - m o .) 3 .5 7 5 .0 0 (6 - m o .) 3.11 5 .0 0 (6 - m o .) ( 1 2 - m o.) (2 yrs .) 3.11 2 .5 3 2 .4 0 (3 - m o .) (3 - m o .) 1 .5 7 (6 - m o .) ( 1 2 - m o.) (1 2 - m o.) 1 .3 6 1 .0 3 0 .5 3 5 .5 0 5 .7 5 6 .2 5 6 .5 0 6 .7 5 7 .0 0 7 .5 0 1.8 2 •On January 21, 1970, yields (bond-yield equivalents, see foo t note 6) were 7.14 per cent on Treasury bills m aturing in 30 days, 8.07 p er cent on three-m onth bills, 8.11 per cent on sixmonth bills, 8.03 per cent on twelve-m onth bills, and 8.15 per cent on notes m aturin g in approxim ately tw o years (F ebruary 1972). * The author acknowledges the work of Elaine Goldstein, who initiated this study of the history of Regulation Q. Wime deposits are defined in Regulation Q of the Federal Reserve to include “ time certificates of deposit” and “time deposits, open account,” both of which have maturities not less than 30 days or require 30 days written notice prior to withdrawal. Savings deposits are not subject to any maturity or withdrawal notice by the deposit contract, but the bank may at any time require 30 days notice prior to withdrawal. In this article, “ time deposits” will be used to refer to de posits other than demand and savings; “ time and savings deposits” will refer to the broad class of bank deposits which is distinct from demand deposits. These ceilings were adopted January 21, 1970. Dur ing 1969 the ceilings were lower, with yields on small time deposits limited to 5 per cent or less, a rate which did not compensate savers for the 6 per cent decline in the purchasing power of their funds. Interest rate ceilings on deposits at banks which are members of the Federal Reserve System are es tablished under Federal Reserve Regulation Q. Ceil ings at insured nonmember banks, which have been the same as for member banks, are set by a regula tion of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation.2 These Regulations stem from Banking Acts of 1933 and 1935, respectively.3 Some states have at times im posed ceilings for state-chartered banks which are lower than those established by the Federal agencies. There were no explicit nationwide regulations on interest and dividend rates at mutual savings banks and savings and loan associations until 1966. Legisla tion in September of that year brought rates paid by Federally insured mutual savings banks under the control of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, and rates paid at savings and loan associations which are members of the Federal Home Loan Bank Board under its control. That legislation also required the three regulatory agencies to consult with each other when considering changes in the ceiling rates. This article examines changes in the maximum rates payable on commercial bank time and savings deposits. The maximum rate permitted on demand deposits has been zero since 1933.4 Ceiling rates on time and savings deposits have been changed from time to time during the past 35 years, particularly during the 1960’s. Two factors largely responsible for changes during the Sixties were the rising level of 2Changes in maximum rates permitted at nonmember banks are given in the Annual Reports of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. See for example, in The Annual Re port of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation 1968, pp. 145-147. 3Historical background on interest rate restrictions, including developments prior to 1933, are summarized in “ Interest Rate Controls — Perspective, Purpose and Problems” by Clifton B. Luttrell in the September 1968 issue of this Review, also available as Reprint No. 32. See also Albert H. Cox, Jr., Regulation of Interest Rates on Bank Deposits, Michigan Business Studies, Vol. XVII, No. 4 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1966), pp. 1-30. 4The implications of this interest rate ceiling for bank be havior nave been analyzed by Donald R. Hodgman in Commercial Bank Loan and Investment Policy (Champaign: University o f Illinois, 1963). Page 29 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS FEBRUARY, 1970 C h a rt I R a tio S c a le Selected Interest Rates Ratio Sca|( {^ M a r k e t yie ld s c o n v e rte d fro m d is c o u n t to b o n d e q u iv a le n t basis. market interest rates and the growing importance of large certificates of deposit as a money market instru ment. Use of negotiable certificates of deposit as a means of attracting large accumulations of money market funds began in February 1961, when the First National City Bank of New York announced it would offer large denomination negotiable CD’s, and the Discount Corporation, a Government securities dealer, announced it would make a market for them.5 The transferability of these C D ’s enhanced their desira bility as a financial asset. Changes in ceiling rates have usually been consid ered and made when ceilings were out of line with market interest rates. However, Chart I, showing market yields on a bond-yield equivalent basis and Regulation Q ceilings on two types of deposits, sug gests that ceiling rates have sometimes remained out of touch with market conditions.6 Changes in the structure of ceilings or in the relationship between market rates and the ceilings have, at times, been permitted in order to direct the flow of funds among 5Helen B. O ’Bannon, “ Certificates of Deposit,” in Money and Finance: Readings in Theory, Policy, and Institutions, ed. by Deane Carson (N ew York: John W iley & Sons, Inc. 1966), pp. 118-124. 6In this article interest rates on Treasury bills and commercial paper are quoted on a bond-yield equivalent (rather than discount) basis to make them comparable to rates on time and savings deposits. Page 30 financial institutions, geographical areas, or sectors of the economy, or to accomplish stabilization objectives. This article has three purposes: (1) to chronicle changes in ceiling rates; (2) to indicate reasons expressed by policymakers for making or dissenting from the changes; and (3) to evaluate the feasibility of achieving intended goals through deposit rate regulations. The exhibit on pages 32 and 33 summarizes changes in the ceiling rates and the reasons behind them. Emphasis on Prevention of Destructive Competition November 1933 — As the Federal Reserve Board implemented its authority by adopting Regulation Q on November 1, 1933, the main theme was the pre vention of destructive interest rate competition, which members of the Senate Committee on Banking and Currency, commercial bankers, and others believed to have been one cause of bank failures in earlier years. Possible destructive rate competition was often cited in later years as a reason for objecting to higher ceilings or as a justification for a particular structure of ceiling rates. The Federal Reserve Board set a 3 per cent maxi mum rate on all time and savings deposits, effective F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST L O U IS November 1, 1933. On average for the year, the ceiling was above some short-term market rates, but below the rates apparently being paid on deposits at commercial banks, savings and loan associations, and mutual savings banks. Comparing total time and sav ings deposits at all commercial banks with interest expense of banks suggests that they were paying an “effective” average rate of 3.4 per cent in 1933. Similar measures for savings and loan associations and mutual savings banks indicate the same rate.7 Market interest rates on high-grade short-term securities were far below 3 per cent. The three-month Treasury bill rate averaged .53 per cent in 1933, while rates on prime four- to six-month commercial paper averaged 1.77 per cent. The average rate banks charged on com mercial loans in New York City fell from a peak of 4.79 per cent in March 1933 to 2.61 per cent in December. February 1935 — In early 1935 the Board lowered the ceiling rate to 2% per cent, accepting a recom mendation of the Federal Advisory Council (com posed of commercial bankers): . . . in view of the wide divergence in rates of interest now being paid on thrift and other time deposits in different sections of the country, and in view of the increasing difficulty of obtaining from suitable investments a yield sufficient to warrant payment of the maximum rate now fixed under provision of Regulation Q of the Federal Reserve Board, it is recommended that the Board give consideration to the advisability of lowering the present maximum rate. In the opinion of the Council the present rate might well be lowered one-half of one per cent.8 January 1936 — The Federal Reserve set different rates for time deposits with various maturities as of January 1, 1936, lowering the ceilings on short-term deposits. The maximum rate payable was changed to 1 per cent on time deposits maturing in less than 90 days, and to 2 per cent on those maturing in from 3 to 6 months. The Board stated “. . . that banks were not justified in paying as high rates of interest for time deposits having shorter maturities in view of their greater availability for withdrawals and therefore that '‘ This “effective” rate is calculated by dividing interest ex pense of all commercial banks by average balance of time and savings deposits for the year, and is a crude, but about the only, measure of rates banks were paying. The deficien cies o f this measure are brought out by Albert H. Cox Jr., op. cit. p. 37. For one thing, it ignores maturity. For a listing of annual effective yields from 1930 through 1968, see United States Savings and Loan League, Savings and Loan Fact Book, 1969, p. 17. 8Federal Reserve Board, Annual Report, 1934, p. 203. FEBRUARY, 1970 the rates fixed by the Board should be graduated ac cording to maturities.”9 Discussions associated with the change pointed to the general downward trend of interest rates and the fact that many banks were find ing it necessary to make further reductions in rates paid depositors because of decreased earnings. This comment suggests that banks were responding ration ally to market forces and that any ceiling rate may have been superfluous. The lower ceilings, neverthe less, vindicated bank actions to their depositors. Those favoring ceilings in order to limit “destruc tive competition” felt that free competition for deposits would force some banks to offer rates on short term funds which were out of line with returns ob tainable on assets “suitable” for banks to hold. In order to earn a return higher than it was paying on deposits, a bank might accept higher-risk and longer-term as sets, thus impairing the liquidity and solvency of that bank and the banking system. If the aggregate relation between interest expense and deposits adequately measures the rates banks pay, this argument seems to provide some justification for ceiling rates. In 1933 this measure shows banks paying rates higher than the rates on high-grade short-term securities. Banks were paying an average effective rate of 3.4 per cent, about twice the rate on prime four- to six-month commercial paper. The rates banks were paying do not appear significandy dif ferent from rates they were charging on short-term business loans. It could be argued that banks were offering strongly competitive rates to improve li quidity, which had fallen because of strong demands for currency and liquidity in the rest of the economy. This might be considered corrective behavior, while restraint on competition imposed by ceiling rates simply treated symptoms rather than the cause of the financial crisis. Regulation Q ceilings do not appear to have en couraged or safeguarded bank liquidity. On the con trary, liquidity, in terms of the ratio of loans to de posits, has often dropped (the ratio rising) during periods when Regulation Q constrained competition for funds. For example, the ratio of loans to total deposits increased from 61.1 per cent in December 1968 to 67.8 per cent in December 1969, a period in which Regulation Q was the primary cause of a $10.7 billion decline in time and savings deposits. Chart II, a comparison of the spread between the market yield on prime four- to six-month commercial 9Federal Reserve Board, Annual Report, 1935, p. 211. Page 31 Page 32 REGULATION Q CEILING RATES Date Effective Ceiling Rates* Reasons fo r Ceilings Dissents N o v . 1, 1 9 3 3 A ll tim e a n d sa vin g s d e p o sits 3 .0 0 % To p re ve n t in te re s t ra te c o m p e titio n b a n k fa ilu re s . Feb. 1, 1 9 3 5 A ll tim e a n d sa vin g s d e p o sits 2.50% M a rk e t ra te s had been d e c lin in g . N o investm ents s u ita b le fo r b a n k s o ffe re d c e ilin g ra te . The in cre a sin g s p re a d in ra te s b e in g p a id in d iffe re n t areas o f th e c o u n try w as c o n s id e re d u n d e s ira b le . Jan. 1, 1936 S a vin g s d e p o sits O th e r tim e d e p o sits Less th a n 9 0 d a ys 9 0 d a y s - 6 m onths 6 m onths o r lo n g e r 2 .5 0 % M a rk e t in te re s t rates h ad been d e c lin in g ; rates o ffe re d by b anks h ad been re duced. Tim e d ep o sits w ith s h o rte r m a tu ritie s sh o u ld e a rn a lo w e r ra te o f re tu rn . J a n . 1, 1 9 5 7 Jan. 1, 1962 J u ly 1 7 , 1 9 6 3 N ov. 2 4 , 1964 S a vin g s d e p o sits O th e r tim e d e p o sits Less th a n 9 0 days 9 0 d a ys - 6 m onths 6 m onths o r lo n g e r S a vin g s d e p o s its Less th a n 1 2 m onths 1 2 m onths o r m o re O th e r tim e d e p o sits Less th a n 9 0 d a ys 9 0 d a ys - 6 m onths 6 m onths - 12 m onths 12 m onths o r m ore S a vin g s d e p o sits Less th a n 12 m onths 1 2 m o nth s o r m ore O th e r tim e d e p o sits Less th a n 9 0 d a ys 9 0 d a y s o r m ore S a vin g s d e p o s its O th e r tim e d e p o sits Less th a n 9 0 d a ys 9 0 d a y s o r m ore 1 .0 0 2.00 w hich m ig h t le a d to 2 .5 0 3.00% 1 .0 0 2 .5 0 M a rk e t in te re s t ra te s h a d risen a b o v e c e ilin g s . Banks sh ou ld have g re a te r fle x ib ility in c o m p e tin g fu n d s. fo r R ob e rtso n : R aising c e ilin g s w o u ld im p a ir b a n k liq u id ity a n d so lve n cy as th e y s o u g h t h ig h e r y ie ld in g assets in o rd e r to p a y h ig h e r rates. 3.00 3.50% 4.00 1 .0 0 2 .5 0 To e n a b le banks to a ttra c t lo n g e r-te rm s a vin g s a n d p e rm it inve stm e n t in lo n g e r-te rm assets nee d e d fo r eco nom ic e x p a n s io n . To enh a n ce fre e d o m o f c o m p e titio n a n d e ffic ie n c y o f a llo c a tio n . To e n a b le banks to com pete fo r fo re ig n d e p o sits. K in g : Rate c o m p e titio n w o u ld have a dve rse effects on m a n y co m m ercia l b anks w ith o u t m a k in g a s ig n ific a n t c o n trib u tio n to s o lu tio n o f th e U.S. B alance o f Paym ents d e fic it, a n d p re s e n t sa vin g s w e re a d e q u a te fo r eco nom ic e x p a n s io n . 3.50 4.00 3 .5 0 % 4 .0 0 1 .0 0 4.00 4.00% 4.00 4.50 To a v o id o u tflo w s o f fu n d s to fo re ig n c o m p e titio n . To p re v e n t a ru n -o ff o f b a n k tim e d e p o s its , w h ic h m ig h t u n d u ly tig h te n b a n k c re d it, g iv e n th e d is c o u n t ra te increase. To e lim in a te b o o k k e e p in g in e ffic ie n c y cause b y s p lin te re d c e ilin g rates. To in su re a s u ffic ie n t flo w o f fu n d s th ro u g h b an ks to fin an ce dom estic inve stm e n t. To a v o id o u tflo w s o f fu n d s to fo re ig n c o m p e titio n . S avings d eposits ra te w as n o t ra is e d h ig h e r because it m ig h t then d is tu rb th e r e la tio n s h ip w ith ra te s o f o th e r th r ift in s titu tio n s a n d c o m p lic a te T re a s u ry fin a n c in g . A h ig h e r ra te o n s h o rt tim e d e p o s its m ig h t co m pe l unw ise c o m p e titio n . R obertson — To th e 4 p erce n t c e ilin g o n o th e r tim e d e p o s its : This increase w o u ld a g g ra v a te v o la tilit y o f d e p o s its . S h e pa rd son a n d R obertson — To a 4 p e rc e n t c e ilin g on s a vin g s d e p o s its : It w as d is c rim in a to ry to sm all savers in v ie w o f th e 4 .5 p erce n t ra te p e rm itte d on some o th e r tim e d e p o s its . Dec. 6 , 1 9 6 5 J u ly 2 0 , 1 9 6 6 S ept. 2 6 , 1 9 6 6 A p r. 1 9 , 1 9 6 8 Jan. 2 1 , 1 970 S a vin g s d e p o s its O th e r tim e d e p o sits S a vin g s d e p o s its O th e r tim e d e p o sits M u ltip le m a tu rity 3 0 - 8 9 d a ys 9 0 d a y s o r m ore S in g le m a tu rity 4 .0 0 % 5.50 4 .0 0 % To e n a b le b a n k s to a ttra c t a n d re ta in tim e d e p o s its a n d th e re fo re m a ke m ore e ffe c tiv e use o f fu n d s a lr e a d y in the e conom y to fin a n c e lo a n e x p a n s io n . M a rk e t in te re s t rates h a d risen since N o v e m b e r 1 9 6 4 u nd e r d e m a n d pressure. To h e lp fo re s ta ll excessive in te re s t ra te c o m p e titio n a m on g fin a n c ia l in s titu tio n s a t a tim e w he n m o n e ta ry p o lic y w as a im e d a t c u rb in g th e ra te o f e x p a n s io n o f b a n k c re d it. 4.00 5.00 5 .5 0 S a vin g s d e p o s its O th e r tim e d e p o sits M u ltip le m a tu rity 3 0 - 8 9 d a ys 9 0 d a y s o r m ore S in g le m a tu rity Less th a n $ 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 $ 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 o r more 4 .0 0 % S a vin g s d e p o s its O th e r tim e d e p o sits M u ltip le m a tu rity 3 0 - 8 9 d a ys 9 0 d a y s o r m ore S in g le m a tu rity Less th a n $ 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 $ 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 o r m ore 3 0 - 5 9 d a ys 6 0 - 8 9 d a ys 9 0 d a ys - 6 m onths M o re th a n 6 m onths 4 .0 0 % S a vin g s d e p o sits O th e r tim e d e p o sits M u ltip le m a tu rity 3 0 - 8 9 d ays 9 0 d a ys o r m ore S in g le m a tu rity Less th a n $ 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 3 0 d a ys to 1 y e a r 1 year 2 ye ars $ 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 o r m ore 3 0 - 5 9 d a ys 6 0 - 8 9 d a ys 9 0 - 1 7 9 d ays 1 8 0 d a y s to 1 y e a r 1 y e a r o r m ore 4.50% 4 .0 0 5 .0 0 To lim it fu r th e r e s c a la tio n o f in te re s t rates p a id in com p e titio n fo r consum er sa vin g s. To keep g ro w th o f co m m ercia l b a n k c re d it to a m o d e ra te pace. 5.00 5 .5 0 4 .0 0 5 .0 0 To su p p le m e n t p o lic y m easures o f m o n e ta ry re s tra in t. To g iv e b an ks some le e w a y to com pe te fo r in te re s t se nsi tive fu n d s . To resist re d u c tio n in CD's w h ile n o t p ro m o tin g e x p a n s io n o f b a n k c re d it. 5 .0 0 5 .5 0 5.75 6.00 6.25 4.50 5 .0 0 To b rin g c e ilin g s m ore in lin e w ith m a rk e t rates. To ra ise ra te on s m a ll s a vin g s. To e n c o u ra ge lo n g e r-te rm sa vin g s in re in fo rc e m e n t a n ti- in fla tio n a r y m easures. To incre a se th e p o o l o f sa vin g s fo r in v e s tm e n t m ortg ag e s. 5 .0 0 5.50 5.75 6.25 6.50 6.75 7.00 7.50 *The ceilin g rates w hich w ere changed are shown in boldface type. of in R obertson: It w o u ld c o n flic t w ith c re d it re s tra in t hoped fro m th e d is c o u n t ra te incre a se . L arg e r b an ks w o u ld be a b le to a ttra c t fu n d s fro m s m a lle r b an ks w hich re ly on d e m a n d a n d tim e dep o sits. I t w o u ld fo rce s m a lle r b an ks in to h ig h e r risk p o s itio n s . F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS FEBR U ARY, 1970 C h a rt II In te re st Rate D iffe re n tia l a n d B a nk L iq u id ity l l A l l c o m m e rc ia l b a n k s , la s t W e d n e s d a y o f th e m onth. 12 The s p re a d b e tw e e n m a rk e ty ie ld s on p rim e fo u r- to s ix-m o n th co m m e rcia l p a p e r, conve rte d to b o n d -y ie ld e q u iv a le n t b asis, and the m axim um ra te b a n k s a re p e rm itte d to p a y on a n y tim e d e p o s it. paper and the highest Regulation Q ceiling with bank liquidity ratios, suggests that ceilings, when effective, have had an adverse effect on bank liquidity by forcing a run-off of deposits at the very time when credit demands at banks have been strongest. Ceiling Rates Raised to Permit Freedom of Competition The ceiling rates remained unchanged for twentyone years from 1936 to 1957. Market rates, too, were relatively stable until the late Forties. Beginning then, market rates increased somewhat but, in general, remained below the ceilings. Therefore, during this twenty-one year period, Regulation Q ceilings were virtually forgotten by both bankers and public policymakers. http://fraser.stlouisfed.org/ Page 34 Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis During the late Fifties and early Sixties, market yields rose and interest rate ceilings were raised in actions reflecting the view that ceilings should be generally in line with market rates. In deliberations on the changes, prevention of undue restriction on competition was emphasized more than was preven tion of destructive competition. January 1957 — In the mid-1950’s short-term mar ket interest rates rose above Regulation Q ceilings. The average rate on prime four- to six-month commer cial paper was 3.41 per cent in 1956; three-month Treasury bills were trading at an average rate of 2.67 per cent; and savings and loan associations were pay ing, on average, an “effective” rate of 3 per cent. In contrast, commercial banks were paying an “effective” rate of 1.6 per cent on time and savings deposits, F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS while ceiling rates remained at the 1 to 2.5 per cent levels established in 1936. Because banks were not offering competitive yields, time and savings deposits suffered a relative decline. From 1955 to 1956 time and savings deposits increased only 3.3 per cent, compared with a 7.2 per cent aver age annual rate in the previous four years. Deposits at savings and loan associations and at mutual savings banks rose 15.6 per cent and 6.4 per cent, respectively, during 1956, compared with rates slightly faster in the previous four years. In view of this situation the rate ceilings on bank time and savings deposits were raised effective January 1, 1957, in order to give banks greater flexi bility in competing for funds. The maximum rate payable on time deposits of less than 90 days remained 1 per cent, while rates permitted on other time and savings deposits were raised one-half of one percent age point. The specific reasoning behind the decision was that: . . . there was insufficient reason to prevent banks, in the exercise of management discre tion, from competing actively for time and sav ings balances by offering rates more nearly in line with other market rates. By increasing the rate limitations only on savings deposits and on time deposits with maturities longer than 90 days, the Board continued to recognize the spe cial thrift character-of savings accounts and to pre serve a differential between longer-term time deposits and short-term time deposits represent ing essentially liquid balances.10 Governor Robertson voted against the change, go ing back to arguments presented at the hearings on the Banking Act of 1933. He held that it would in crease bank operating costs, making it more difficult for banks to raise additional capital, that it would make banks seek higher yielding assets and impair the liquidity and solvency of the banking system, and that short-term funds “should be invested in open market paper, so that holders would have to bear the burden and risks of fluctuating rates and not shift that risk to the banking system.”11 January 1962 — In general the Governors took a more favorable attitude toward rate competition, and the ceilings were raised again on January 1, 1962. The change resulted in some further splintering in the classification of time and savings deposits, as the 10Federal Reserve Board Annual Report, 1956, pp. 52-53. n/fotd, pp. 54-55 contain a full statement by Governor Robertson, giving considerable detail on why there should be ceiling rates and why they should not be raised at certain times. FEBRUARY, 1970 Board distinguished maturities longer than one year from shorter maturities. Ceilings on savings deposits and on time deposits with maturities of six to twelve months were raised from 3 per cent to 3.5 per cent, and banks were permitted to offer a rate of 4 per cent on time and savings deposits held for twelve months or longer. The Board of Governors felt that the resulting flexi bility and freedom of competition would be useful for three reasons: (1) it would enhance economic growth; (2) it would contribute to improving the United States balance-of-payments position; and (3) it would have a healthy effect on the management of in dividual banks. The impact on growth was expected to come through encouraging the flow of bank funds to longer-term assets. “By permitting higher rates to be paid on deposits held for longer periods, the new limits would make it possible for banks to attract long-term savings, in contrast to volatile liquid funds, and thereby give banks greater assurance that they could invest a larger portion of their time deposits in longer-term assets.” 12 This possible effect on the se lection of bank assets was one reason Governor King dissented and Governor Mills questioned the action. Another reason for raising the ceilings in 1962 was that it would permit competition for foreign deposits “that might otherwise move abroad in search of higher returns, thereby intensifying an outflow of capital or gold to other countries.”13 Balance-of-payments considerations also played a part in subsequent changes of the ceilings. In October 1962, legislation was passed which exempted deposits of foreign governments, and certain international institutions in which the United States was a participant, from the deposit rate ceilings for three years. Exempting legis lation and exemption under Regulation Q were renewed in 1965 and 1968. In discussing competition, most Governors empha sized the desirable rather than the possibly destruc tive effects. They felt that the higher ceilings would “enable each member bank to determine the rates of interest it would pay in light of the conditions pre vailing in its area, the type of competition it must meet and its ability to pay.” 14 Governor Robertson specifically expressed this thought — urging ceiling rates even higher than many banks might pay, in order to place responsibility for determining rates upon the individual bank. He noted that Regulation 12Federal Reserve Board Annual Report, 1961, p. 103. 13Ibid, p. 102. uibid, p. 102. Page 35 FEBRUARY, 1970 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS Q might impart the unintended and unwanted idea that ceilings indicated what the Federal Reserve thinks banks ought to be paying.15 This view of com petition seems to suggest that the ceilings were not essential in preventing undue concentration of funds and that, as a guide to banks, they may be undesirable. at least since 1962. It has been argued by many, in cluding those associated with savings and loan asso ciations and mutual savings banks, that, because these institutions enhance the availability of credit for housing, they should be given an advantage in the com petition for consumer-type savings. Reservation: Impact of Higher Ceiling Rates on Other Savings Institutions and on Housing While it is important that there be an optimal flow of funds into the construction of housing, it should be considered whether regulation of bank interest rates accomplishes this goal, and whether this method involves costs which could be avoided. One reservation about freer competition for com mercial banks was its possible impact on other savings institutions. Governor Mills voted for the increase in ceilings in 1962, but questioned going above a 3% per cent maximum, which would retain the usual spread between rates on commercial bank deposits and rates on deposits at other savings institutions.16 The aggre gate “effective” rates paid by both banks and savings and loan associations had continued to rise in the late Fifties and early Sixties. In 1961 savings and loans were paying an average “effective” rate of 3.92 per The examples of 1966 and 1969, when interest rate ceilings effectively prevented both banks and other thrift institutions from competing for funds, seem to suggest that the ceilings alone cannot accomplish an optimal flow of funds into housing. From May to November 1966, growth of deposits at savings and loan associations was only a 2.3 per cent annual rate compared with an 11 per cent rate in the previous 4% years. In the last half of 1969 the increase was at a 1.6 per cent rate, compared with 5.4 per cent in the previous year. Savings Deposits R a tio Scale B illions o f D o lla rs R atio Scale B illio n s o f D o lla rs 300 30 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 S a v in g s a n d lo a n c a p ita l a n d m u tu a l s a v in g s b a n k d e p o s its a r e e n d o f m o n th fig u r e s ; c o m m e rc ia l b a n k n e t tim e d e p o s its ( to ta l tim e d e p o s its m in us la rg e n e g o tia b le c e r tific a te s o f d e p o s it) a r e m o n th ly a v e ra g e s o f d a ily fig u r e s . A ll d a ta h a v e b e e n s e a s o n a lly a d ju s te d b y th e F e d e r a l R ese rve B a nk o f St. Louis. L a te s t d a ta p lo tte d : D e c e m b e r p r e lim in a ry cent, compared with 2.71 per cent for commercial banks. In 1962, after the ceilings were raised, the rate at banks jumped nearly 50 basis points, compared with a 15 basis point increase at savings and loan associations. Concern over nonbank thrift institutions has been behind resistance to raising Regulation Q ceilings liIbid, p. 104. i«Ibid, p. 103. Page 36 It has sometimes been argued that because savings and loan associations invest in longer-term assets than banks, they cannot adjust so easily as banks to changes in interest rates. Therefore, without differential ceil ing rates, held stable even when market rates vary, savings and loan associations could not operate prof itably. However, longer-term assets only imply that a savings and loan association requires a relatively large amount of reserves in order to pay a higher rate on deposits than the average rate earned on assets during a period of transition. As savings and loan associations adjust the rates charged on loans, they should be able to restore a workable relation between interest expense and interest earnings.17 Inability to attract and retain deposited funds is potentially as dangerous to savings and loan associa tions as is paying higher rates in the short-run than they are able to earn. During 1969, Government agencies tried to supplement savings and loan sources of funds by selling securities in the capital market at competitive rates and lending the proceeds to savings and loan associations. As a result savings and loan associations pay the higher competitive yield only on marginal funds, with fewer funds directed away from the housing market because of the rate ceilings than in 1966. 17See Norman N. Bowsher and Lionell Kalish, “ Does Slower Monetary Expansion Discriminate Against Housing?” in the June 1968 issue of this Review, also available as Reprint No. 29. FEBRUARY, 1970 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS It appears that the interest rate ceilings have not accomplished the goal of encouraging housing. In fact, they probably have made credit for housing more difficult to obtain. On the other hand, they have encouraged the Government to protect a specific set of institutions and to provide services which regula tions hinder private markets from providing. Changes in Ceiling Rates to Influence Growth of Bank Credit Beginning with the change of ceilings in 1963, the influence of Regulation Q on the growth of bank credit has gradually become the focus in discussions of changing ceilings. The flow of deposits into banks is one factor influencing the ability of banks to expand loans and investments. The relation of interest rate ceilings to market rates is, in turn, an important factor influencing the amount of time and savings deposits which banks are able to attract. Therefore, through its influence on bank credit, Regulation Q has come to be considered a major tool of monetary stabiliza tion policy. July 1963 — The change which took place in July 1963 raised the ceiling rates on all time deposits held longer than 90 days to 4 per cent, eliminating some of the previous splintering in the rates. While the balance-of-payments was cited as the primary reason for the change, Governor Robertson, who dissented from the concurrent discount rate increase from 3 to 3% per cent, added that the increase in ceilings was necessary to offset any restrictive impact of the dis count rate increase on bank credit.18 November 1964 — In November 1964 ceiling rates were raised again, after some further increases in market interest rates and in conjunction with a dis count rate increase to 4 per cent. The action adjusted the maximum rate on time deposits held less than 90 days from 1 per cent to 4 per cent, while raising that on longer maturities to 4.5 per cent. The differential ceiling rates on savings deposits were also eliminated by permitting a rate of 4 per cent on any savings deposit held longer than 30 days. The principal reasons for raising the ceilings were to insure a sufficient flow of funds through banks to finance domestic investment and to avoid an outflow of funds which might worsen the balance-of-payments deficit. Again, Governor Robertson thought that some change in the maximum interest rates permitted under Regulation Q was warranted by the need to pre vent a run-off of time deposits. He dissented from raising the ceiling to 4 per cent on time deposits with maturities less than 90 days, however, because he ex pected it to “encourage the replacement of maturing certificates of deposit with new certificates of shorter original maturities, thus aggravating bank deposit vola tility and pressures upon bank liquidity positions.”19 Both Governor Robertson and Governor Shepardson thought that a 4.5 per cent maximum on savings deposits would be appropriate in that it would treat small savers more equitably. The majority of the Board of Governors, however, felt a 4 per cent rate would preserve the prevailing relationship between rates paid on savings deposits by commercial banks and those paid by savings institutions such as mutual savings banks and savings and loan associations, whereas a higher ceiling might encourage unwise competition and possibly complicate Treasury financ ing problems.-" D ecem ber 1965 — In December 1965 an increase in ceiling rates was intended to permit some continued orderly expansion in bank credit while other policy instruments exercised restraint. The maximum rate payable on time deposits, regardless of maturity, was raised to 5.5 per cent, while the ceiling on sav ings deposits remained 4 per cent. The discount rate was again raised — this time to 4.5 per cent. Most of the discussion reported concerned the discount rate action and the majority view that monetary policy should move promptly against inflationary credit expansion, at a time when market rates had been rising under demand pressures, resource-use had been intensifying, and the pace of Government expendi tures was accelerating. The increase in Regulation Q ceiling rates was in tended to help stabilize the growth of bank time deposits and thereby pennit banks to make more ef fective use of funds than when they are uncertain about retaining deposits. The general idea that regu lated rates should be in line with market rates is reflected in the statement: “In addition, a pattern of interest rates that was accepted by borrowers and lenders as fully reflecting market forces should, it was thought, add assurance of a smooth flow of funds to all sectors of the economy.”21 '^Federal Reserve Board, Annual Report, 1964, p. 48. 20Ibid, p. 48. 18Federal Reserve Board, Annual Report, 1963, pp. 39-40. 21Federal Reserve Board, Annual Report, 1965, pp. 64-65. Page 37 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS Governor Robertson, however, dissented on the grounds that the increase in ceilings would conflict with the credit restraint hoped for from the discount rate increase. The alternative action he suggested was to dampen bank issuance of promissory notes by defining them as deposits, while maintaining the current discount rate and interest rate ceilings on deposits. He also felt that higher ceilings would shift deposits from smaller to larger banks or force smaller banks into higher-risk assets.22 July 1966 — The ceiling rate structure of 4 per cent on savings deposits and 5.5 per cent on time deposits lasted little more than six months. In July 1966 the Board of Governors took two actions influencing ceil ing rates. For one thing they lowered the ceiling rate on multiple maturity deposits. A multiple maturity deposit was distinguished from single maturity as one: (1) payable at the depositor’s option on more than one date; or (2) payable after written notice; or (3) subject to automatic renewal at maturity. Maximum rates on multiple maturity deposits were lowered to 5 per cent if held more than 90 days and to 4 per cent if held only 30-89 days. This lowering of rates was intended to inhibit competition between banks and thrift institutions “at a time when mone tary policy was aimed at curbing the expansion of bank credit.” 23 The other action was to recommend legislation to facilitate distinction between consumer-type deposits and money market C D ’s. The Board considered the previous action of defining multiple maturity deposits only a partial attempt at this. They recom mended that Congress broaden the authority of the Federal Reserve by allowing them to distinguish de posits by amount in regulating rates, and that it ex tend similar authority to the Federal Home Loan Bank Board to determine maximum rates at savings and loan associations. September 1966 — Public Law 89-597, passed Sep tember 1966, permitted time deposits under $100,000 to be treated differently from larger ones in regulating maximum rates and authorized national regulation of maximum rates paid by savings and loan associa tions and mutual savings banks. On the same day the law was signed, the maximum rate on any time deposit less than $100,000 (excluding passbook sav ings deposits) was set at 5 per cent. Like the previous reduction, this one was intended to limit rate in creases caused by competition for household savings, 22Ibid, p. 70. 23Federal Reserve Board, Annual Report, 1966, pp. 97-98. 24Federal Reserve Board, Annual Report, 1966, pp. 104-106. Page 38 FEBRUARY, 1970 and to keep the growth of bank credit at a moderate pace.24 During 1966 market interest rates continued their upward trend, culminating in the so-called “credit crunch.” Yields on prime four- to six-month commer cial paper reached 6.11 per cent and yields on threemonth Treasury bills reached 5.08 per cent in August 1966. Rates paid at banks and savings and loan as sociations were not competitive with these other mar ket instruments. As a result, the growth of time and savings deposits slowed substantially. In early 1967 market interest rates subsided somewhat, financial in stitutions could again attract funds, and growth of deposits quickly moved to the previous rapid trends. April 1968 — In the spring of 1968, market interest rates climbed into the range at which ceilings pre vented banks from competing for funds as effectively as before. In April the ceiling rates on large denomi nation CD ’s were raised “in order to give banks some leeway to compete for interest-sensitive funds.” Rates on single maturity CD ’s in denominations larger than $100,000 were raised to 5.75 per cent if held 60 to 89 days, to 6 per cent if held 90 days to 6 months, and to 6.25 per cent if held longer than 6 months. Ceiling rates on other time deposits were not raised; the resulting structure was considered sufficient to re sist the run-off of CD’s, while not promoting expan sion of bank credit.25 1969 — While the relationship between ceiling rates and market interest rates changed significantly in 1969, no change was made in ceiling rates. For example, the spread between yields on four- to sixmonth commercial paper and the ceiling rate on three- to six-month CD’s was over 3 percentage points at the end of 1969. Prior to the last time ceiling rates were raised, in 1968, the spread was about onehalf of one percentage point. As a result of the change in relative yields, by December 1969 banks had lost over half of the $24 billion in C D ’s held in December 1968. Other time and savings deposits, savings and loan capital, and mutual savings bank deposits also stopped increasing or increased at substantially slower rates than in 1968. Bank credit increased only 2.5 per cent in 1969, after rising 11 per cent in 1968. This slowing was due partly to slower growth of the monetary base and partly due to the impact of Regulation Q. January 1970 — The disintermediation in 1969 led to an upward revision in the ceiling rates effective January 21. The maximum rate on bank savings de25Federal Reserve Board, Annual Report, 1968, pp. 69-70. FEBRUARY, 1970 F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS C ertificates o f D ep osit a n d C om m ercial Paper R a tio S c a le O u ts t a n d in g V o lu m e R o tio S c a le Q _large c o m m erc ial b an ks, lo s t W e dn e sd a y of the month fig u re s, s e a so n a lly a d ju s te d by the Federal Reserve Bank o f St. Louis. [2 Seaso na lly a d ju s te d by the F ederal Reserve Bank o f N ew York, end o f month figures. Latest d a ta p lo tte d : Decem ber posits became 4.5 per cent. Small certificates (less than $100,000) are now permitted to yield 5.50 per cent if they mature in one year, and 5.75 per cent if they mature in two years. The ceiling on each matur ity classification of large CD’s was raised % of a per centage point, and a new classification, large C D ’s maturing in a year or more, is permitted to yield 7.50 per cent. The changes were made to bring the structure of ceiling rates “. . . somewhat more in line with going yields on market securities,” to permit a more equi table rate on small savings, and . . to encourage longer-term savings in reinforcement of anti-inflationary measures.” Along with these reasons was the belief that higher rates on savings at institutions would increase the amount of funds available for mortgages. On the following day the Federal Home Loan Bank Board raised the maximum rates savings and loan associations are permitted to pay. There was no explicit mention of bank credit in the press release which announced the change. How ever, it was pointed out that: “The revisions in the Board’s Regulation Q ceil ing rates were held to moderate size, so as not to foster sudden and large movements of funds into the banking system that could cause distor tions in traditional financial flows or lead to an upsurge in bank lending.” During the Sixties the idea that Regulation Q is a major instrument for controlling bank credit became the predominant rationale behind the structure of the ceilings. Implicit in this view was the importance of bank credit as a target variable in monetary sta bilization policy. It does appear reasonable that the growth of credit extended by banks is associated with the growth of spending in the economy, and that ap propriate stabilization policy during a period of ex cessive spending would be restricting the growth of bank credit. It should be recognized, however, that there are alternative channels through which funds flow from savers to borrowers. Savers, who are discouraged from putting their funds in banks or other thrift institutions because of low yields, have had alternative, higher earning assets available. Therefore, any slowing in the growth of bank deposits and hence bank credit, which is caused by restricting competition, is probably offset by a rise in the flow of funds through unregulated markets, leaving the growth of total credit unaffected. In 1969, for example, at the same time that the outstanding volume of large negotiable CD ’s declined $13 billion, the outstanding volume of commercial paper in creased by $11.5 billion. A stronger demand by indi viduals for small denomination ($1,000 and $5,000) Treasury bills also developed, as savers sought higher returns than banks were permitted to pay. The impact of Regulation Q has encouraged banks to find nondeposit sources of funds. During the past two years, they found supplemental sources of funds in the sale of commercial paper by bank subsidiaries and holding companies and in Euro-dollar transac tions. The channelling of dollars through Europe to avoid interest rate restrictions increased the cost and distance of flows of funds and led to new regulations imposing reserve requirements on such borrowing. Regulations concerning the sale of commercial paper are pending, while commercial banks continue to seek ways to avoid the discriminatory impact of Regula tion Q. Summary and Conclusions The Banking Act of 1933 authorized the Federal Reserve Board to establish maximum rates which banks may pay for funds. In November of that year, the Federal Reserve Board adopted Regulation Q, which imposed a ceiling rate of 3 per cent on mem ber bank time and savings deposits. The action was taken to help avoid unwise competition among banks and its detrimental effects on the soundness of banks. This reason has gradually received less attention. Page 39 F E D E R A L. R E S E R V E B A N K O F ST. L O U IS While the ceilings have been raised on occasion in order to permit some competition for funds, changes in the spreads between the ceiling rates and market rates sometimes have been allowed to occur with the intention of increasing the flow of funds toward nonbank thrift institutions or influencing the growth of bank credit. The primary justifica tion for the current structure of Regulation Q ceilings has been its presumed control on bank credit for purposes of economic stabilization. Given this goal, the adverse impact of Regulation Q ceilings on bank liquidity at certain times has probably been intended. However, Regulation Q cannot control total credit in the economy, since funds leaving bank time deposits are channelled through unregulated markets or return to banks through nondeposit sources of funds. Though the growth of total credit probably is un affected by Regulation Q, the allocation of credit is affected. At times when ceilings restrict the amount of funds available to financial intermediaries, borrow ers in the unregulated markets are able to obtain funds more cheaply than if all markets were freely competitive, while borrowers who rely on banks or FEBRUARY, 1970 other thrift institutions are forced to pay a higher price or may find funds simply unavailable. The sit uation is analogous for savers. Holders of large amounts of liquid funds with knowledge of capital markets can receive the highest return available, while those who must rely on regulated institutions to hold and accumulate savings receive a lower re turn than if banks were free to compete. It appears that interest rate restrictions on financial intermediaries impose inequities on our economy, dis criminating against housing, small savers, and the regulated financial institutions. They encourage in efficiencies as banks try to reroute funds, inter mediaries try to compete through premiums, and Government agencies have to find both new regu lations and ways to ease the burden on those most severely hurt. It further appears that interest rate restrictions are of little consequence in the control of total credit or total spending in the economy. At the same time, there is no evidence that the absence of Regulation Q would be detrimental to the equity of the economy, the solvency of the banking system, or the control of total spending. This article is available as Reprint No. 53. O v e r THE YEARS certain articles appearing in the R e v i e w have proved to be helpful to banks, educational institutions, business organizations, and others. To satisfy the demand for these articles, a reprint series was made available, and has been expanded frequently by the addition of new articles. A complete listing of the series, as well as individual reprints, are available on request from: Research Department, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, P.O. Box 442, St. Louis, Mo. 63166 Page 40