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••••••••••••••••

• ••••••••••

xko BonIer:
Pia .H. On'enills

B2B eMarketplace Announcements
and Shareholder Wealth
Alldrl:tU'1-1 Cl ell emd 77'01110' F 'iem

Consolidation, Technology,
and the Changing Structure
of Banks' Small Business Lending
David P. Ely and Kennelb]. Robinson

This publication was digitized and made available by the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas' Historical Library (FedHistory@dal.frb.org)

[eonomie dna
findneidl Review
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas

Robert D. McTeer, Jr.
P"esident and Chief Executive Officer

Helen E. Holcomb
First Vice President and
Chief Operating Officer

Robert D. Hankins
Senior Vice President, Banking Supervision

Harvey Rosenblum
Senior Vice President and Director of Research

W. Michael Cox
Senior Vice President and Chief Economist

Editors
Stephen P. A. Brown
Senior Economist and Assistant Vice President

John V. Duca
Senior Economist and Vice President

Jeffery W. Gunther
Research Officer

Mark A. Wynne
Research Officer

Director of Publications
Kay Champagne
Associate Editors
Jennifer Afflerbach
Monica Reeves
Art Director
Gene Autry
Design & Production
Laura J. Bell

Economic and Financial Review (ISSN 1526-3940),
published quarterly by the Federal Reserve Bank of
Dallas, presents in-depth information and analysis
on monetary, financial, banking, and other economic
policy topics. Articles are developed by economists in
the Bank's Economic Research and Financial Industry
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available on the Bank's web site, www.dallasfed.org.

Contents
IIleg~llmmigr~tion ~nd
[nforcement Along t~e

U.S.-Mexico Border:
An Overview
Pia M. Orrenius
Page 2

B2B emM~etplace
Hnnouncement~ ~nd
~~Me~older We~lt~
Andrew H. Chen and Thomas F. Siems
Page 12

(onsolid~tionr Tec~nologYr
~nd t~e (~~nging Structure of
B~nhr Sm~1I Business lending
David P. Ely and Kenneth J. Robinson
Page 23

Illegal Mexico-U.S. migration has increased dramatically in recent decades. In this article, Pia Orrenius evaluates the causes of this
migration and gives an overview of the enforcement and policy
responses to date. Orrenius assesses the effectiveness of border
enforcement by looking at developments in the smuggling industry,
such as smuggler use rates and fees, as well as changes in bordercrossing sites. The findings suggest early attempts at enforcement
fueled an increase in the demand for and supply of smugglers, with
no rise in prices. Only the most recent enforcement initiatives, most
significantly Operations Hold-the-Line and Gatekeeper, have been
successful in reversing the thirty-year decline in smugglers' fees
and moving migrants to remote crossing points. Risks have risen
along with smugglers' fees, as reflected in an increasing number
of crossing-related deaths since 1995. Orrenius concludes that
Mexican and u.s. policymakers should consider a bilateral labor
and migration agreement.

In the business-to-business (B2B) sector, new supply-chain
models within electronic marketplaces (eMarketplaces) offer firms
significantly lower procurement costs, increased operating efficiencies, and expanded market opportunities. Using event-study methodology to look at the period July 1999-March 2000, Andrew Chen
and Thomas Siems find that investors reacted favorably to B2B
eMarketplace announcements, with slightly higher abnormal returns
associated with vertical than with horizontal eMarketplaces. They
also find significant positive abnormal returns for e-commerce technology providers that partnered with computer industry giants or
with competitors in B2B e-commerce initiatives. The abnormal returns are more than three times greater than returns from creating
a B2B eMarketplace alone or with Old Economy leaders. These
results suggest that, at least for the period studied, shareholders
valued alliances between B2B eMarketplace developers more than
firms developing e-commerce strategies on their own or with an
Old Economy partner.

The U.S. banking industry continues to consolidate, with large,
complex banking organizations becoming more important. Traditionally, these institutions have not emphasized small business
lending. On the other hand, technological advances, particularly
credit scoring models, make it easier for banks to extend small business credit. To see what effects these influences might have generated on small business lending, David Ely and Kenneth Robinson
explore the small business lending patterns at U.S. banks from 1994
through 1999. They find that larger banks are increasing their market share, most noticeably in the smallest segment of the small
business loan market. The authors also present evidence that
the size of the average small business loan has declined, especially
at larger organizations, and that the gap in lending focus on the
smallest small business loans has narrowed between small and
large banks. These trends are consistent with increasing use of
credit scoring models.

The U.S.–Mexico border is experiencing
an era of unparalleled trade and exchange. But
at a time when legal flows of goods and people
are at historical highs, so are illegal cross-border
flows of undocumented migrants. Illegal immigration from Mexico became more common in
the late 1960s, following the end of the Bracero
Program in 1964. The Bracero Program allowed
Mexican guest workers to work legally in the
United States. Over the past three decades, illegal immigration along the Southwest border has
increased, and enforcement efforts have intensified as a result. Border apprehensions have
grown from 200,000 in 1970 to more than 1.5
million in 1999.
The cumulative impact of this immigrant
flow is a sizable illegal immigrant population.
The undocumented immigrant population from
Mexico was estimated at 3.1 million in 1997.1
Mexicans make up about 60 percent of the total
undocumented population of the United States,
and Central Americans from El Salvador,
Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua make up
another 13 percent (U.S. INS 1999). Whereas
some undocumented immigrants arrive legally
and simply overstay their tourist visas, the
majority of illegal Mexican and Central American
immigrants residing in the United States cross
the border without documents. It is estimated
that the net inflow of illegal immigrants from
Mexico, excluding short-term cyclical migrants,
averaged about 202,000 immigrants per year
between 1987 and 1996.2
This article evaluates the determinants of
illegal Mexico–U.S. migration and gives an overview of enforcement and policy responses. Many
observers, noting the large number of illegal immigrants, have concluded that border enforcement provides little deterrent. Some research
supports this view. Singer and Massey (1998)
show declining apprehension rates along the
border in the 1980s and early 1990s. Other research shows that apprehended migrants simply
attempt additional border crossings until they
succeed —also suggesting increased enforcement has little impact (Kossoudji 1992).
On the other hand, there is evidence increased border enforcement is correlated with
falling wages for young males in Mexican border cities (Hanson, Robertson, and Spilimbergo
1999). This could imply that tougher border
enforcement has the effect of trapping would-be
immigrants on the Mexican side of the border.
Publicized reports about the increase in migrant
deaths also imply that tougher border enforcement sends migrants on circuitous routes into
the United States (Nevins 2000, Rosenblum

Illegal Immigration and
Enforcement Along the
U.S.–Mexico Border:
An Overview
Pia M. Orrenius

T

his article evaluates the
determinants of illegal

Mexico–U.S. migration and
gives an overview of the
enforcement and policy
responses to date.

Pia M. Orrenius is an economist
in the Research Department of the
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas.

2

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

Jalisco, and Guanajuato—is a traditional source
of U.S.-bound migrants. The MMP survey asks
randomly sampled heads of households for
family, job, and migration histories.3 The migration rate is depicted in Figure 1 and includes
both legal and illegal trips. As shown, migration
rates more than doubled between 1965 and
1995, rising from 3.7 percent to 7.5 percent by
the end of the sample period. Sustained increases in migration are associated with the
1970s and the mid-1980s, with an all-time peak
of almost 10 percent reached in 1988.
The other data source on illegal immigration is Immigration and Naturalization Service
(INS) data on the number of illegal aliens apprehended by the Border Patrol each year.
Although apprehensions also reflect the intensity of enforcement, discussed in detail below,
the time series shown in Figure 2 is largely consistent with the migration patterns observed in
the household survey data in Figure 1. Apprehensions rose from about 21,000 in 1960 to
more than 1.5 million in 1999, with steep increases in the 1970s, in the mid-1980s leading
up to the Immigration Reform and Control Act
(IRCA), and again in 1994–96. For comparability, I also plot the rate of illegal immigration
in the MMP sample for the years available.
Illegal immigration in the MMP sample is highly
correlated with apprehensions up until the early
1990s. As households drop out of the MMP data
(households are sampled only once) or are
legalized through amnesty under IRCA, the sample becomes less representative. This problem
becomes more severe after 1991.

Figure 1

Mexico – U.S. Migration Rate, 1965–95
Percent
12

10

8

6

4

2

0
’65

’68

’71

’74

’77

’80

’83

’86

’89

’92

’95

SOURCE: Mexican Migration Project.

2000). In this article, I explore the timing and
pattern of substitution among border-crossing
sites. I also look at developments in the smuggling (coyote) industry, such as changes in
smuggler use rates and smugglers’ fees, to
assess the effectiveness of border enforcement
over the past thirty-five years.
Migration is the outcome of both push factors within Mexico and pull factors in the United
States. Migrant family networks and smugglers
have facilitated illegal immigration, while wage
and employment differentials have encouraged
it. Although early border enforcement had little
impact, more recent efforts are having an effect.
Early enforcement attempts fueled an increase
in the demand for smugglers, with no corresponding rise in coyote prices. Only the most
recent enforcement initiatives, most significantly
Operations Hold-the-Line and Gatekeeper, have
been successful in reversing the thirty-year
decline in smugglers’ fees and moving migrants
to remote crossing points. Risks have risen
along with smugglers’ fees, as reflected in an
increasing number of crossing-related deaths
since 1995. In light of these developments, I
conclude that now is a good time for Mexican
and U.S. policymakers to consider a bilateral
labor and migration agreement.

Figure 2

Border Patrol Apprehensions and
Illegal Immigration, 1960 – 99
Apprehensions
(in thousands)

Migration rate
(percent)

1,800

7
Rate of illegal immigration

1,600

6

1,400
5
1,200
4

1,000
Apprehensions

ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION:
DATA SOURCES AND TRENDS

800

2

To get an idea of the changes in illegal
immigration on the Southwest border, I rely
on two data sources. The first is the Mexican
Migration Project (MMP 1999), collected in western Mexico between 1987 and 1997. Western
Mexico—particularly the states of Michoacán,

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

3

600
400
1

200
0

0
’60

’63

’66

’69

’72

’75

’78

’81

’84

’87

’90

’93

’96

SOURCES: Immigration and Naturalization Service; Mexican
Migration Project.

3

’99

ORIGINS AND DETERMINANTS
OF MEXICO –U.S. MIGRATION

Determinants of Illegal Immigration
The resumption of illegal immigration following the end of the Bracero Program illustrates the power of economic and social factors.
The links formed between employers, recruiters, and migrant workers during the
Bracero period lowered the costs and risks of
migrating to the United States for work (Massey
et al. 1987). Key factors such as networks and
the availability of people smugglers known as
“coyotes” allow migration to rise. The underlying determinants of Mexico–U.S. migration,
however, are the higher wages and job availability in the United States. The policy backdrop
is also important. Laws that exist but are not
enforced, such as IRCA employer sanctions, signal tolerance for illegal immigration.

The Bracero Program
Large-scale immigration from Mexico has
its roots in the Bracero Program, a guest-worker
program started in 1942 (Massey et al. 1987).
It arranged for the temporary legal immigration
of workers from Mexico to the United States, in
part to cover U.S. labor shortages resulting from
World War II. Following the war, however, U.S.
farmers and fruit and vegetable growers successfully lobbied the government to extend the
program through the 1950s. It was not until 1964
that organized labor’s call for an end to foreign
contract labor was heeded and the Bracero
Program was abandoned (Calavita 1992).
From 1942 to 1964, the Bracero Program
brought in an average of more than 200,000
workers annually (Calavita 1992). The majority
of braceros were concentrated in Texas, California, Arkansas, Arizona, and New Mexico.
When the bracero agreement was terminated in
1964, it was under a cloud of controversy, and
consequently no worker exchange was put in
its place. The program’s abrupt end eventually
resulted in a new era of largely illegal immigration from Mexico. The new era had a slow start,
in part because of strong economic growth in
Mexico in the 1960s. Also, in 1965, Mexico instituted a border industrialization program that has
become known as the maquiladora program,
specifically intended to create jobs for laid-off
migrants.4 Nevertheless, by the early 1970s, the
movement of Mexican migrants to the United
States was accelerating again.

Networks
Although economic factors such as wage
differentials are considered paramount, they
cannot be acted upon if migration costs are prohibitive. A first-time illegal migrant must overcome significant fixed costs to obtain information about the destination and how to make a
successful trip.5 Immigration researchers have
found networks —family members and friends
with migration experience —as the most common way in which this crucial information is
transmitted to the potential migrant.
The Bracero Program laid the foundation
for mass illegal immigration partly through the
creation of networks and the dissemination of
information pertinent to Mexico–U.S. migration
and employment in U.S. labor markets. Since
then, networks have continued to expand, as
Figure 3 shows for sibling networks (defined as
having a sibling with U.S. migration experience). Nineteen percent of MMP households
had access to at least one sibling network in
1965, whereas 41 percent had access in 1991.
These same households averaged 1.7 sibling
networks in 1965 and 2.3 in 1991. Moreover,
an increasing proportion of sibling networks
settled permanently in the United States over
this period. In other words, both the quantity
and quality of migrant networks are changing.

Figure 3

Access to Sibling Networks
and Number of Sibling Networks, 1965 – 95
Percent

Number of networks

45

3

40
2.5
35
Number of networks

30

2

Smugglers
Along with migrant networks, the availability of people smugglers, or coyotes as they
are commonly called, makes the cross-border
trip possible for many undocumented immigrants. Coyotes can be hired in a migrant’s
hometown or along the border and typically
accompany the migrant to his ultimate destination.6 The smuggler’s fee, or “coyote price,” rep-

25
1.5
20

Percentage with networks

15

1

10
.5
5
0

0
’65

’68

’71

’74

’77

’80

’83

’86

’89

’92

’95

SOURCE: Mexican Migration Project.

4

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

Figure 4

ficiently to allow potential migrants to respond
to changing factors such as relatively low
Mexican wages and economic downturns.
Massey and Espinosa (1997) and Orrenius
(1999) provide a comprehensive look at determinants of Mexico–U.S. migration. Economic
downturns cause unemployment in cities, depress agricultural prices in the countryside, and
make loans difficult to repay. Figure 4 plots
Mexican GDP per capita (total GDP and agricultural GDP) since 1965. The apparent surge in
Mexican emigration in the mid-1980s is consistent with declines in real income at that time.
Mexican manufacturing wages tell a similar story
and, in 1999, were still below the peak levels
reached in 1981. Agricultural sector output,
although less volatile than national output, fell
throughout the latter half of the sample period.

Total and Agricultural Mexican GDP, 1965–97
Index, 1965 = 100 (GDP per capita)
200
180
160

Total GDP

140
120

Agricultural GDP

100
80
60
40
20
0
’65 ’67 ’69 ’71 ’73 ’75 ’77 ’79 ’81 ’83 ’85 ’87 ’89 ’91 ’93 ’95 ’97

SOURCES: Instituto Nacional de Estadística, Geografía e
Informática; Banco de México.

resents a major cost of illegal immigration.
Interestingly, despite increased enforcement,
coyote prices were on a steep downward trend
during most of the sample period. By 1994,
coyote prices averaged about $300—one-third
of 1965 prices. (Coyote prices are discussed in
more detail below.)
The most important reasons for the falling
coyote prices were the development of infrastructure and free entry into the coyote industry.
Construction of infrastructure such as roads and
airports and the growth of twin cities along the
border, such as Tijuana/San Diego and Ciudad
Juárez/El Paso, made the border more accessible to travelers from Mexico’s interior. Before
1930, for example, only two railways connected
central Mexico with the U.S. border, and no
major roads connected the Mexican interior
with any U.S. border city (Scott 1982). Most
roads linking the interior to the border were
built between 1940 and 1960. Similarly, the
expansion of commercial air transport during
these years was dramatic. As a result, travel
times were significantly shortened, allowing
coyotes to charge less for their services.
Another factor in falling coyote prices has
been free entry into the industry. In theory, any
migrant who has undertaken an illegal border
crossing can use the experience to work as a
coyote. This implies that as illegal immigration
became more commonplace, more and more
migrants entered the smuggling trade.7 More
competition among suppliers pushed prices
lower.

Insurance and Capital Markets
Figure 4 suggests that low incomes and intermittent downturns or economic crises act as
push factors and generate out-migration. However, one strand of literature argues that simply
the risk of recession can also generate emigration
in good times. This theory emphasizes the need
to insure the household’s income against negative local shocks by coordinating the migration
and remittances of particular household members in good and bad times (Stark and Bloom
1985). Underdeveloped capital markets also
make borrowing difficult or impossible for many
Mexicans. In surveys, migrants often cite the
need for capital to start a business, build a house,
repay a loan or fund a medical procedure as a
major reason for migrating to the United States.
Immigration Policy
Policies in both home and host countries
also affect the dynamics of migration. In Mexico,
the government’s failure to generate consistent
economic growth and stable financial institutions leads to higher emigration. In the United
States (and many other countries), simply restricting immigration to below the global demand for visas creates an incentive for foreigners to illegally immigrate. Other U.S. policies,
such as the generosity of public assistance programs and the availability of health care, also
have an impact. The two most significant U.S.
policies enacted in recent years, however, are
the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA)
and the Illegal Immigration Reform and
Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA).
IRCA was passed in 1986 in response to
increasing illegal immigration in the mid-1980s.
Economic conditions worsened in Mexico in the

Wages
With networks and coyotes in place, the
costs of illegal immigration have decreased suf-

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

5

false attestation of citizenship punishable by up
to five years in prison. Meanwhile, welfare
reform legislation passed in 1996 denied illegal
immigrants and many legal immigrants access to
most public benefits. IIRIRA has probably not
had a strong effect on the volume of illegal
immigration, but it has made adjustment to legal
status more difficult for illegal aliens residing
here. The welfare reform and denial of benefits
such as food stamps have mostly affected legal
immigrants.

Figure 5

Illegal Crossings, 1965 –96
Percent of total crossings
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20

EVALUATING RECENT TRENDS
IN BORDER ENFORCEMENT

10
0

U.S. authorities responded to rising illegal
immigration by increasing enforcement. As
shown in Figure 6, enforcement hours (measured by the number of hours Border Patrol
agents spend on linewatch duty) grew in three
phases over this period (Dunn 1996). In this
section, each enforcement phase is reviewed
with regard to its likely effect on the probability
of apprehension. Coyote use rates, coyote
prices, and migrant crossing patterns are proxies for enforcement efficacy.

’65 ’67 ’69 ’71 ’73 ’75 ’77 ’79 ’81 ’83 ’85 ’87 ’89 ’91 ’93 ’95

SOURCE: Mexican Migration Project.

early 1980s, and by 1983 both the migration rate
and apprehensions began to rise. IRCA sought
to deter illegal immigration by allocating more
funds to the INS and border enforcement, imposing sanctions on employers who knowingly
hired undocumented workers, and creating an
agricultural guest worker program (H-2A). IRCA
also offered amnesty to agricultural workers and
long-term U.S. residents. The IRCA amnesty ultimately legalized nearly three million illegal
immigrants —about two-thirds of them from
Mexico.
In the short term, IRCA’s passage is correlated with an increase in total immigration but a
lowering of both the illegal immigration rate in
the MMP data and the number of border apprehensions (Figure 2 ) (Bean, Edmonston, and
Passel 1990; Orrenius 2000). IRCA may have
failed to stem illegal immigration in the medium
to long term in part because employer sanctions
are rarely enforced and the guest worker program is too small and narrow to fill employers’
and migrant workers’ needs. The short-run
effects may have been the result of legalizing
the usual stream of illegal immigrants, many of
whom cycle regularly between the United States
and Mexico. Figure 5 shows the dramatic impact
the IRCA amnesty had on migrants in the MMP
sample, reducing the percentage of illegal crossings from 77 percent in 1986 to 29 percent in 1989.
Passed ten years after IRCA’s implementation, IIRIRA followed up on some IRCA provisions by further increasing penalties on smugglers as well as illegal entrants. IIRIRA also
mandated a doubling of the Border Patrol by
2001, increased penalties on document fraud,
streamlined deportation proceedings, limited
judicial review of deportation orders, and made

Three Phases of Enforcement
In early enforcement efforts, up until 1986,
linewatch hours lagged the influx of migrants.
Hours rose in the late 1970s when, in the face
of rising illegal immigration, the Carter administration approved increased INS funding (Rosenblum 2000). Much of the additional money went
to hardware and equipment. In the next phase,
during the Reagan administration, border and
immigration issues took on heightened urgency,
and the passage of IRCA in 1986 marked a turn-

Figure 6

Border Patrol Linewatch Hours, 1964 –99
Hours (in thousands)
9
8

Phase 1
Phase 2

7

Phase 3

6
5
4
3
2
1
0
’64 ’66 ’68 ’70 ’72 ’74 ’76 ’78 ’80 ’82 ’84 ’86 ’88 ’90 ’92 ’94 ’96 ’98

SOURCE: Immigration and Naturalization Service.

6

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

Figure 7

ing point for border enforcement and for immigration policy more generally. A large portion
of the 33 percent increase in INS funding was
earmarked for the Border Patrol, and the effect
on linewatch hours is apparent in Figure 6.
Congress also strengthened penalties against
migrant smugglers.
As illegal immigration began to grow
again in the early 1990s, yet another enforcement initiative was undertaken. The third phase
of enforcement, which started in 1993 and used
site-specific crackdowns, marked by far the
biggest increase in linewatch hours. The objective was to make illegal immigration costly by
diverting illegal traffic out of border cities and
away from roads and buildings (U.S. GAO
1999b). Agents took up fixed positions along
commonly used paths within urban areas. Along
with fencing and surveillance equipment, this
forced illegal migrants away from densely populated areas. Once in remote areas, the illegal
aliens could be more easily spotted and
detained by the Border Patrol.8
The strategy was first implemented in El
Paso (Operation Hold-the-Line), then in 1994
in San Diego (Operation Gatekeeper) and
Nogales, Arizona (Operation Safeguard), and last
in 1997 in South Texas (Operation Rio Grande).
As a result, between 1993 and 1997, the budget
for enforcement along the Southwest boundary
more than doubled. The number of Border
Patrol agents rose from 4,200 in 1994 to 7,700 in
1999 (U.S. GAO 1999a).

Smuggler Use Rates and Fees, 1965– 97
Percent

1,000

90
80

900
Smuggler fee
Use rate

800

70

700

60

600

50

500

40

400

30

300

20

200

10

100

0

0
’65 ’67 ’69 ’71 ’73 ’75 ’77 ’79 ’81 ’83 ’85 ’87 ’89 ’91 ’93 ’95 ’97

SOURCE: Mexican Migration Project.

likely to use a coyote when they perceive a
higher chance of apprehension from attempting
a crossing on their own. Another related variable is the price coyotes charge. Coyote prices
should rise with apprehension probabilities, all
other things the same, since the risk to the
smuggler increases with the likelihood of getting caught.
The bars in Figure 7 plot the percentage of
illegal immigrants in the survey data that hired
coyotes in each year. Coyote use increased
steeply in 1970 and trended upward for the rest
of the decade. By 1979, more than 70 percent of
illegal immigrants in the sample were hiring
coyotes. After leveling off in the early 1980s,
coyote use rates trended slightly upward in the
early years of IRCA (1986–1990). This pattern
provides some evidence that, despite the
increase in overall illegal immigration, costs to
migrants rose during the first two enforcement
phases. Figure 7 also illustrates, however, that
increases in the supply of smugglers outpaced
increases in the demand for smugglers, since
prices fell despite higher use rates. In real terms
(1994 dollars), the median reported coyote price
fell from more than $900 in 1965 to about $300
in 1994. By 1996 –1997, however, the coyote
price trended upward again. Higher post-1994
prices are consistent with an impact of heightened enforcement on smuggling fees.
Coyote use rates peak in the survey data
in 1996. Because the MMP sample becomes
thinner at the end of the sample period, the last
data point is slightly less reliable. In any case,
anecdotal evidence supports the premise that
by 1995, the border had become much harder
to cross. In fact, the most recent border initiative, the series of site-specific crackdowns start-

The Evidence on Smuggler Use Rates
and Smuggling Fees
To deter illegal immigration, heightened
border vigilance must raise the costs migrants
face. This is usually done by increasing the
probability of apprehension (but can also be
accomplished by raising other risks to the
migrant such as the probability of injury or
death). Has the probability of being apprehended, and hence the cost and risk to the
migrant, increased during the enforcement periods under study?
Apprehension probability cannot be directly
measured because the number of illegal immigrants attempting crossings is unknown.9
Apprehensions could be rising because of increased numbers of immigrants and not because
of increased probability of capture. An alternative measure of changes in the probability of
apprehension is changes in related variables not
directly affected by the volume of illegal immigration, for example, illegal immigrants’ propensity to hire coyotes. Migrants should be more

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

1994 dollars

100

7

Figure 8

movers headed toward California. In Mexico,
cities along the way, such as Mexicali and
Tijuana, began to grow.
From the survey data in Figure 8, we can
see that from one-half to three-fourths of all
border crossings between 1965 and 1990 were
into California. Following IRCA, there was a
decline in the fraction of crossings into
California and a corresponding increase in the
propensity to cross into Texas. These trends
intensified following the implementation of
Operation Gatekeeper. Gatekeeper also led to
increased crossings into Arizona, although this
fact is not obvious from patterns in the MMP
data (it is clear from the INS apprehensions
data). The empirical trends are consistent with
the interpretation that, with the enactment of
IRCA and Gatekeeper, border enforcement in
California became more effective than Texas
enforcement. Border crossers responded by
shifting to Texas and Arizona.

Border Crossings by State, 1965 – 94
Percent of crossings
80
70

California

60
50
40
Texas
30
20
10

Arizona

0
’65 ’67 ’69 ’71 ’73 ’75 ’77 ’79 ’81 ’83 ’85 ’87 ’89 ’91 ’93

SOURCE: Mexican Migration Project.

ing with Operations Hold-the-Line and Gatekeeper, has probably been the most successful
enforcement effort to date. For the first time,
anecdotes of border crossers being apprehended with such frequency that they turn
back, giving up their hopes of reaching the
United States, are common. Enforcement hours
and apprehension statistics are at all-time highs
and coyote prices are increasing for the first
time in more than thirty years.

Intrastate Reallocation of Migrants
Within Texas the changes are equally
striking. Looking at the data in Figure 9, the
increase in Texas crossings beginning in 1990 is
almost entirely concentrated in the El Paso sector. The resumption of crossings in El Paso following IRCA was an important factor in the
decision to implement Operation Hold-the-Line.
The data reveal the impact of the 1993 crackdown with a 75 percent decrease in apprehensions within one year. The subsequent rise in
apprehensions in the other Texas sectors, however, suggests migrants responded by crossing
farther south. The change in preferred bordercrossing sites is particularly noticeable following

The New Enforcement Strategy
and the Change in Crossing Sites
Another telling sign that recent crackdowns are a deterrent is the disruption of longstanding border-crossing patterns. Immigrants
today shun formerly popular crossing points in
California in favor of Texas and Arizona. Within
states, the change is also noticeable. In California, migrants choose to cross the harsh
deserts of El Centro rather than risk a crossing
south of San Diego. In Texas, migrants are less
likely to attempt an El Paso crossing, preferring
to cross farther south in Texas through Laredo,
McAllen, Brownsville, and most recently, Del Rio.

Figure 9

Border Patrol Apprehensions by Texas
Sectors, 1960 – 99
Apprehensions (in thousands)
450
400

Interstate Reallocation of Migrants
As home to most of the U.S. border with
Mexico, Texas historically has been the primary
site of economic and cultural exchanges between the two countries. In 1900, the population of California was only half that of Texas,
and the California–Mexico border was largely
unpopulated (Lorey 1999). After the Depression,
however, California overtook Texas in both economic and population growth. An enormous
westward migration ensued, within both the
United States and Mexico, with the majority of

McAllen–Laredo

350
300
250
200
El Paso

150
100
50

Del Rio–Marfa
0
’60

’63

’66

’69

’72

’75

’78

’81

’84

’87

’90

’93

’96

’99

SOURCE: Immigration and Naturalization Service.

8

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

On the Mexican side, policymakers face a
different dilemma, although there are pros and
cons to Mexico–U.S. migration for Mexico as
well. The out-migration of Mexican citizens
brings in $4 billion to $7 billion in remittances
each year, with funds flowing to some of the
country’s most poverty-stricken areas. Emigrants
are the third-largest source of foreign reserves
after trade and tourism. Emigration has reduced
the pressure on politicians in handling economic crises at the local and national levels.
However, Mexico has lost millions of workingage men and women to the United States. At the
local level, the impact of mass emigration has
been severe in places. Villages and towns have
been depopulated. In years of economic
growth, labor markets have had to adjust, partly
through the rising labor force participation of
women.
For Mexican policymakers, the best-case
emigration scenario might be a population of
emigrants who leave in bad times, remit lots of
cash, and come home in good times to work,
invest, and run businesses. The policy implication is for Mexico to foster closer ties with the
emigrant community and encourage the United
States to allow more border-crossing mobility.
This view is seemingly shared by Mexican
President Vicente Fox, who proposes a renewal
of bilateral migration agreements with the
United States and suggests a border that would
allow for the freer movement of both people
and goods. One perverse outcome of the border
crackdown and other U.S. immigration laws
has been to discourage illegal immigrants who
used to cycle in and out from returning home
(Orrenius 2000). From both countries’ perspectives, a program incorporating temporary, workbased migration of Mexicans to the United
States may prove the most beneficial arrangement (Orrenius and Viard 2000).11 This would
limit the fiscal impact on U.S. taxpayers and
allow Mexican migrant workers to keep their
Mexican residences and cycle freely between
the two countries.

the December 1994 peso crash. Apprehensions
in the McAllen–Laredo sector rose to unprecedented levels after 1995.
Border-Crossing Deaths
A specific intention of the new border
enforcement strategy has been to eliminate illegal alien traffic from city centers. The consequence has been to divert migrants into more
sparsely populated areas. Illegal immigrants
today cross through inhospitable terrain and
expose themselves to dangerous climactic extremes far more than they did ten or twenty
years ago. Critics of the border offensives claim
that injuries and deaths along the border are at
an all-time high as a result. Rosenblum (2000)
cites the number of crossing-related deaths at
324 in 1999, up from single digits before 1995.
Deaths are believed to have numbered 388 in
2000. The Mexican estimate is 430.
POLICY IMPLICATIONS OF ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION
Policymakers face difficult choices on the
issue of immigration. Just as the individual
migrant faces costs and benefits from migrating,
host (home) countries experience costs and
benefits from immigration (emigration). Host
countries often fight illegal immigration to minimize the fiscal burden of immigrants, to limit
workplace competition for natives, and to heed
native concerns about issues ranging from
immigrant assimilation to cultural and linguistic
erosion. At the same time, policymakers have
come to understand migrant workers’ role in a
growing economy. In the U.S. case, authorities seem unwilling to incur the economic
consequences of ending illegal immigration.
Consequently, IRCA-imposed sanctions against
employers who hire undocumented workers are
rarely enforced. Moreover, the INS has largely
abandoned its former tactic of work-site raids,
and its de facto policy since 1997 has been
“once you are in, you are in.”10
The outcome of the two opposing forces
has been a steady stream of illegal aliens.
Foreign policy toward Mexico seems to imply,
however, that large and sudden changes in that
stream are undesirable. The loan bailout of 1995
was partly defended on the grounds that it
would slow the Mexican out-migration resulting
from the peso’s 1994 crash. IRCA was similarly
intended to defend against the fallout of
Mexico’s debt crisis in the 1980s. NAFTA proponents also argued that improved economic conditions, attained through trade, would generate
less emigration from Mexico.

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

CONCLUSION
Since World War II, boundaries between
Mexico and the United States have diminished.
A hundred years ago, wage differences were
as large as they are today, yet there was virtually no migration between the two countries.
Exchange of people and goods was limited
by distance, the lack of roads and airplanes, a
paucity of information, and linguistic and cultural differences. Today, after fifty years of large-

9

scale migration and settlement, the scenario is
vastly different, and Mexico–U.S. trade and
migration have grown significantly. The response to trade has been positive, but the
response to illegal immigration has been a corresponding increase in the intensity of border
enforcement.
Early enforcement efforts in the 1970s and
1980s were largely ineffectual. They succeeded
in raising coyote use rates among migrants,
which created a flourishing smuggling industry
offering a steadily decreasing fee schedule. The
more recent enforcement initiatives have been
successful, however, resulting in higher coyote
prices and possibly higher rates of discouraged
migrants who give up trying to cross the border.
Additional evidence is the change in migrant
crossing patterns. When one site has been chosen for a crackdown, the effect has been almost
immediate, as migrants have responded by
crossing elsewhere. Migrants currently shun formerly popular crossing points such as San
Diego and El Paso in favor of more remote
routes. The inter- and intrastate reallocation of
migrants is apparent in both INS apprehensions
data and Mexican survey data. Unfortunately,
as border-crossing options have been reduced,
migrants are risking more to make it to the
United States. The result has been a record
number of crossing-related deaths.
The controversy over border enforcement’s impact on illegal immigration has led
naturally to more debate on the larger question,
namely the costs and benefits of illegal immigration. There are policy instruments that would
allow both countries to garner the benefits of
Mexico–U.S. migration while mitigating the
costs. One of these is the development of bilateral migrant worker agreements that would
provide for the legal and temporary entry of
Mexican workers into the U.S. labor market.

and Components of Change: 1987–1997,”
http://wwwa.house.gov/lamarsmith.
2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

The number of entries into the Mexican-born unauthorized-resident population is estimated at 330,000
per year. (See the report referenced in footnote 1).
The difference is due to emigration, status adjustment,
deportation, and death.
The migration history includes number, timing, and
destination of trips; legal status on trip; mode of
crossing (alone, with family, or with smuggler); and
amount of smuggler’s fee. The sample is selected on
male household heads aged 15 – 65.
Initially, maquiladoras largely employed female
workers. As a result, the border industrialization
program did little to help employ displaced braceros
(Gruben 1990).
In an expected utility framework, the risk-averse
migrant suffers disutility from the uncertainty surrounding a trip to an unknown destination and involving an
illegal border crossing. The perceived risks are
therefore a migration deterrent.
Spener (forthcoming) describes the smuggler’s role
and methods in more detail.
The increased drug trade in the 1980s may have lured
more people into the smuggling trade.
According to agents, this strategy has worked less
well where vegetation hides the migrant — as in Laredo
and the lower Rio Grande Valley.
Despite these difficulties, Singer and Massey (1998)
developed estimates of the probability of apprehension. They find that the average (1965– 92) probability
of apprehension is 0.33 and that apprehension
probabilities peaked in the late 1970s but have
declined since.
Internal enforcement since 1997 has focused on the
apprehension and deportation of criminal immigrants.
The guest worker program proposed by Sen. Phil
Gramm incorporates some of these ideas, including
issuing temporary visas to Mexican nationals working
illegally in the United States.

REFERENCES
NOTES

1

Bean, Frank D., Barry Edmonston, and Jeffrey S. Passel
(1990), Undocumented Migration to the United States:
IRCA and the Experience of the 1980s (Washington,
D.C.: The Urban Institute Press).

The author would like to thank Gordon Hanson for
providing the enforcement data, Jason Saving for his
comments on an earlier draft, Jennifer Afflerbach for
careful editing, and Border Patrol Supervisory Agent
LeRoy Schleinkofer for sharing his experiences and
insight.
This number does not include the estimated 2.8
million illegal immigrants who were given legal residency under the 1986 amnesty provision of the
Immigration Reform and Control Act. See the report
entitled “Annual Estimates of the Unauthorized
Immigrant Population Residing in the United States

Calavita, Kitty (1992), Inside the State: The Bracero
Program, Immigration, and the INS (New York:
Routledge, Chapman & Hall).
Dunn, Timothy (1996), The Militarization of the
U.S.– Mexico Border, 1978 –1992 (Austin: CMAS Books,
University of Texas Press).

10

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

Gruben, William C. (1990), “Mexican Maquiladora
Growth: Does it Cost U.S. Jobs?” Federal Reserve Bank
of Dallas Economic Review, January, 15 – 29.

Orrenius, Pia M., and Alan D. Viard (2000), “The Second
Great Migration: Economic and Policy Implications,”
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas Southwest Economy,
Issue 3 May/June, 1– 8.

Hanson, Gordon H., Raymond Robertson, and Antonio
Spilimbergo (1999), “Does Border Enforcement Protect
U.S. Workers from Illegal Immigration?” NBER Working
Paper Series no. 7054 (Cambridge, Mass.: National
Bureau of Economic Research, March).

Rosenblum, Marc R. (2000), “U.S. Immigration Policy:
Unilateral and Cooperative Responses to Undocumented
Immigration,” IGCC Policy Paper no. 55 (La Jolla, Calif.:
Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation, May).

Kossoudji, Sherrie A. (1992), “Playing Cat and Mouse
at the U.S.–Mexican Border,” Demography 29 (May):
159 – 80.

Scott, Ian (1982), Urban and Spatial Development in
Mexico (Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University
Press).

Lorey, David E. (1999), The U.S.–Mexican Border in the
Twentieth Century (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources
Inc.).

Singer, Audrey, and Douglas S. Massey (1998), “The
Social Process of Undocumented Border Crossing
Among Mexican Migrants,” International Migration
Review 32 (Fall): 561– 92.

Massey, Douglas S., Rafael Alarcón, Jorge Durand, and
Humberto González (1987), Return to Aztlan: The Social
Process of International Migration from Western Mexico
(Berkeley: University of California Press).

Spener, David (forthcoming), “Smuggling Mexican Migrants
Through South Texas: Challenges Posed by Operation
Rio Grande,” in Global Human Smuggling: Comparative
Perspectives, ed. David J. Kyle and Rey Koslowski,
(Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press).

Massey, Douglas S., and Kristin E. Espinosa (1997),
“What’s Driving Mexico–U.S. Migration: A Theoretical,
Empirical and Policy Analysis,” American Journal of
Sociology 102 (January): 939 – 99.

Stark, Oded, and David E. Bloom (1985), “The New
Economics of Labor Migration,” American Economic
Review 75 (May): 173 –78.

Mexican Migration Project (1999), Population Studies
Center, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia
(producer and distributor), www.pop.upenn.edu/mexmig/
welcome.html.

U.S. General Accounting Office (1999a), Border Patrol
Hiring: Despite Recent Initiatives, Fiscal Year 1999 Hiring
Goal Was Not Met, GAO/GGD-00-39 (Washington, D.C.:
GAO).

Nevins, Joseph (2000), “Immigration Control and the
Remaking of the California–Mexico Boundary in the Age
of NAFTA,” in The Wall Around the West: State Borders
and Immigration Control in North America and Europe,
ed. Peter Andreas and Timothy Snyder (Lanham, Md.:
Rowman and Littlefield), 99 –114.

——— (1999b), U.S.–Mexico Border: Issues and
Challenges Confronting the United States and Mexico,
GAO/NSIAD-99-190 (Washington, D.C.: GAO).
U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (1999),
1997 Statistical Yearbook of the Immigration and
Naturalization Service (Washington, D.C.: Government
Printing Office, October).

Orrenius, Pia M. (2000), “Does Increased Border Enforcement Trap Illegal Immigrants Inside the United States?”
Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, unpublished paper.
——— (1999), “The Role of Family Networks, Coyote
Prices and the Rural Economy in Migration from Western
Mexico,” Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas Research
Paper no. 99-10 (Dallas, November).

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

11

The advent of the Internet as an instrument for business commerce has fundamentally
altered the economy by ushering in increased
efficiencies and more transparent markets. Since
businesses started conducting Internet transactions in 1995, the growth has been impressive.
Forrester Research estimates that worldwide
electronic commerce (e-commerce) revenues
were about $650 billion in 2000 and projects
they will grow to $6.8 trillion by 2004.1
The greatest impact is in the businessto-business (B2B) sector, where new supplychain models within electronic marketplaces
(eMarketplaces) enable companies to significantly lower procurement costs and increase
operating efficiencies. B2B eMarketplaces
streamline the supply chain by making better
use of more information. The time it takes to
match buyers and sellers can be radically
reduced, precautionary inventory levels can be
lowered, and the range of potential suppliers
and distribution outlets can be expanded as
geographic boundaries disappear.
Projections of online B2B revenues differ
vastly, primarily because defining what counts
and how to count it varies widely. But despite
these differences, forecasters agree that online
B2B trade will grow substantially. B2B e-commerce is generally believed to account for about
80 to 90 percent of total e-commerce today.
Forecasts typically project U.S. online B2B revenues of about $2 trillion by 2003, up from
roughly $336 billion in 2000.
B2B e-commerce is expected to impact
the U.S. economy significantly. Brookes and
Wahhaj (2000) argue that the rapid growth of
B2B e-commerce will have an economic impact
over and above that of the normal process of
innovation and productivity growth. They suggest that as a result of B2B e-commerce, annual
GDP growth in the large industrialized countries
should rise an average 0.25 percent for the next
ten years—with the level of GDP eventually
5 percent higher than it would otherwise have
been. Brookes and Wahhaj conclude that the
dominant long-run effect of B2B e-commerce
will be on output and equity markets, rather
than on inflation and bond markets.
Investors should respond favorably to
announcements of new B2B e-commerce initiatives, as long as they believe these moves will
ultimately result in higher profits and increased
productivity without fueling inflation. We examine the potential impact of B2B e-commerce initiatives on the New Economy paradigm using
the efficient markets hypothesis (Fama et al.
1969), which implies stock prices reflect all

B2B eMarketplace
Announcements and
Shareholder Wealth
Andrew H. Chen and Thomas F. Siems

C

lassifying B2B eMarketplace
announcements by the type

of eMarketplace and the type
of partner reveals key
differences in how the
financial markets assess
B2B e-commerce strategies.

Andrew H. Chen is distinguished professor of finance
at Cox School of Business, Southern Methodist University.
Thomas F. Siems is a senior economist and
policy advisor in the Research Department
of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas.

12

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

be assessed. The returns to firms that ally themselves with other technology providers and
those that team with Old Economy leaders can
also be compared. Classifying B2B eMarketplace
announcements by the type of eMarketplace and
the type of partner reveals key differences in
how the financial markets assess B2B e-commerce strategies.

available information about individual companies and about the economy as a whole. Information is the key input. So in efficient capital
markets, prices will immediately adjust to reflect
any new information. Thus, B2B e-commerce
announcements should immediately raise stock
prices if investors believe a firm’s value will
be increased by higher net future cash flows
resulting from higher productivity, lower costs,
or higher revenues.
This article empirically investigates B2B
eMarketplace announcements from the financial
market’s perspective. Overall, are online B2B
exchanges creating shareholder wealth? Do the
returns to shareholders of firms that announce
vertical (intra-industry) exchanges and those
that announce horizontal (cross-industry) exchanges differ? Are the returns higher when
firms go it alone in developing an eMarketplace
than when they do so with other B2B e-commerce companies or Old Economy leaders? And
what are the returns to shareholders of firms
that acquire other B2B e-commerce technology
providers?
This article addresses these questions
using event-study methodology, a useful tool
for examining the consensus estimates of future
benefits attributable to organizational initiatives.2 Stock returns are analyzed relative to a
portfolio of stocks representing the market.
Differences in returns are analyzed on days
leading up to and following the event date —in
this case, the B2B eMarketplace announcement
date—to determine whether shareholder returns
differ significantly from the general market
return for stocks. The strength of this methodology is that it captures a large number of
investors’ overall assessment of a firm’s discounted present value.
Subramani and Walden (1999) were the
first to use event studies to explore why firms
might pursue e-commerce initiatives. They examined 305 e-commerce announcements made
between October and December 1998 and
found that these announcements resulted in
positive cumulative abnormal returns to firms’
shareholders. Contrary to their hypothesis, they
found that business-to-consumer (B2C) e-commerce announcements resulted in higher abnormal returns than B2B announcements. For B2B
initiatives, Subramani and Walden found average abnormal returns of 5.9 percent on the
event date and 11.3 percent for a three-day
window starting one day before the event.
Using the event-study methodology, differences in returns to companies engaged in
vertical and horizontal B2B eMarketplaces can

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

WHY EMARKETPLACES?
Information networks create transparency
in markets that substantially reduces transaction
costs. Previously unavailable or hard-to-obtain
intelligence increases transparency. In exchange
markets, transparency along the supply chain
regarding price, availability, competing suppliers, and alternative products can radically
change the dynamics of the buyer–seller relationship. Both parties can benefit as shared
information increases competition and reduces
costs for searching, bargaining, decisionmaking,
policing, and enforcement.
Internet exchanges introduce unprecedented market and process transparency. B2B
eMarketplaces can provide nearly perfect information at all points along the supply chain,
increasing efficiency and lowering participants’
costs. Such exchanges also enable companies to
develop, manage, and monitor internal and
external processes — including work in process
and finished-goods inventories — far more efficiently and effectively. The improved coordination that results gets the right goods and services to the right places at the right times with
lower costs.
B2B eMarketplaces can be divided into
two types: vertical and horizontal. Vertical markets are industry-specific; they focus on an
individual industry, such as steel, plastics, electronic components, or chemicals. Electronic exchanges in vertical markets serve participants
primarily by bringing buyers and sellers together to transact business up and down the
entire industry supply chain. They also provide
industry-specific news and information and
other value-added services, such as employment
opportunities, discussion forums, and event
calendars that create community within the
industry. These benefits can substantially reduce
operating costs.
In contrast, horizontal markets cross industries. They focus on creating an exchange for
goods and services at a specific link in the supply
chain that is common to multiple industries, such
as MRO (maintenance, repair, and operations)
supplies, logistics, and benefits administration.

13

Typically, goods and services exchanged over
horizontal eMarkets are standardized and can be
outsourced to third-party providers that have
well-defined, fixed-price products. As a result, the
value added by horizontal eMarketplaces is in
automating workflow and reducing process costs
to the participants of the exchange. This enables
businesses in various industries to operate more
efficiently and effectively.
We further divide B2B eMarketplace
announcements by the type of partner, if any,
the e-commerce technology provider said it
would be working with, using the following five
categories of partnership:
Acquisition. The e-commerce technology
provider announced plans to acquire another
technology firm to aid in the development of a
B2B eMarketplace.
Alone. The e-commerce technology provider
announced plans to develop a B2B eMarketplace
on its own.
Alliance: Computer. The e-commerce technology provider announced plans to develop a
B2B eMarketplace with a large and well-recognized computer industry leader, such as IBM
Corp., Microsoft Corp., or EDS Corp.
Alliance: Competitor. The e-commerce
technology provider announced plans to develop a B2B eMarketplace with a competitor.
Alliance: Old Economy. The e-commerce
technology provider announced plans to develop a B2B eMarketplace with an Old Economy
leader (for example, General Motors or Ford in
the automotive industry, Shell or Chevron in the
energy industry).
Using these partnership classifications, various hypotheses can be tested to determine the
value of different B2B e-commerce strategies.

view a B2B eMarketplace as an unprofitable
strategy, perhaps because they suspect factors
other than shareholder maximization motivated
the initiative. Such factors might include management’s level of compensation, job security,
and span of control.
Among the benefits touted in announcements of new B2B eMarketplaces are the ability
to:
• Expose sellers in one marketplace to all
potential buyers.
• Create a hub for development projects,
market feedback, and customer collaboration.
• Reduce time to market.
• Provide expansive catalogs of products
and services.
• Provide end customers with fast response, high cost efficiency, and superior service.
• Increase operating efficiency through an
integrated Internet supply chain.
• Streamline purchasing operations.
• Reduce supply-chain costs, increase
manufacturing efficiency, and reduce inventories.
• Reduce cycle times, improve transaction
flows, and manage parts inventories.
Hypothesis 2: Higher Returns for
Vertical eMarketplaces Than for
Horizontal eMarketplaces
Because vertical eMarketplaces focus on
the needs of an entire industry (up and down
the supply chain) and horizontal eMarketplaces
focus on specific business processes that span
multiple vertical markets (individual links in the
supply chain), we expect vertical eMarketplaces
will have higher abnormal returns than horizontal eMarketplaces. If horizontal eMarketplaces
have abnormal returns higher than vertical
eMarketplaces, this might indicate that investors
consider productivity improvements gained
through providing goods and services at a specific link in the supply chain across industries of
greater value than efficiency gains along the
supply chain.

HYPOTHESES
Hypothesis 1: Positive Returns for B2B
eMarketplace Announcements
As Subramani and Walden (1999) discuss,
e-commerce initiatives should position firms to
exploit the growing importance of and expected
growth in electronic commerce, leading to
benefits in the future. Such initiatives signal that
a firm plans to use information technology to
better manage industry supply chains. Consequently, we expect that investors will react
favorably to B2B eMarketplace announcements,
resulting in positive abnormal stock market
returns (that is, risk-adjusted returns in excess of
average stock market returns) around the date
of the announcement. Alternatively, negative
abnormal returns might indicate that investors

Hypothesis 3: Insignificant Returns to
Firms Announcing the Acquisition of Another
E-Commerce Technology Provider
Generally, alliances and mergers are
designed to create competitive advantages and
should therefore enhance market valuations.
However, we expect that announcements of
e-commerce technology firms’ plans to acquire
another such provider will not result in signifi-

14

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

then be attributed to individual events. The
strength of the method lies in its ability to identify such abnormal changes because it is based
on the overall assessment of many investors
who quickly process all available information in
assessing a firm’s market value (McWilliams and
Siegel 1997).
To know what a firm’s stock price would
have been in the absence of the event (in this
case, the B2B eMarketplace announcement), the
price is regressed against a market index to
control for overall market effects. To calculate
abnormal returns, the estimated coefficients
from the market-model regression are used to
compute the predicted value of the firm’s stock.
For each security j, the following regression
model is used to calculate abnormal returns at
time t:

cantly positive abnormal returns. This is because acquiring firms typically must pay a substantial premium for target firms, which is often
viewed unfavorably by the financial market
(Roll 1988). If acquiring firms produce significantly positive abnormal returns, this might
indicate that investors expect these firms to generate synergies via economies of scale or scope
by reducing costs and eliminating redundancies.
This outcome could also indicate that investors
see potential gains from providing a larger
selection of products and services or the possibility of enhancing market power by reducing
price competition.
Hypothesis 4: Higher Returns to Firms Forming
Alliances When Announcing New eMarketplaces
We expect significant positive abnormal
stock returns to e-commerce technology firms
announcing B2B eMarketplaces, whether they
develop the marketplaces by themselves or with
another firm. However, we expect that alliances
with other companies —whether they are computer industry giants, competitors, or Old
Economy leaders—will result in higher abnormal returns than creating an eMarketplace alone
would.3 This would occur if investors foresee
potential synergies and competitive advantages
from allying with firms that have similar objectives. Alliances also create more support and
depth for the eMarketplace. If an e-commerce
technology firm that announces plans to develop B2B eMarketplaces by itself generates
higher abnormal returns than firms that plan to
align with others, this might indicate investors
foresee potential problems with the proposed
alliance.

(1)

where ARjt is the abnormal return for stock j at
time t ; Rjt is the actual return for stock j at time
t ; α j is the ordinary least squares (OLS) estimate
of the intercept of the market-model regression;
Rmt is the return to the market at time t, as
approximated by Standard & Poor’s 500 stock
market index; and βj is the OLS estimate of the
slope of the coefficient in the market-model
regression.4
The parameters α j and βj are estimated
from the market model as follows:
(2)

Rjt = α j + βj Rmt + εjt ,

where εjt is the residual. Daily returns for individual-firm stock prices and the market index
are from the Center for Research in Securities
Prices database. The date of the event (announcement) is t = 0, the market model is estimated
over the period from t = –165 to t = –15 days
relative to the event date, and the event window
is from t = –1 to t = +1.
Once the market model is estimated, the
resulting estimated values for α j and βj are used
in Equation 1 with data for Rjt and Rmt to calculate the abnormal returns (ARs) over the event
window for each e-commerce technology firm.
Because the event date is known, a short window is used (Armitage 1995). In addition to
the abnormal returns computed for the day
before the announcement (t = –1), the day of
the announcement (t = 0), and the day following the announcement (t = +1), we also compute cumulative average abnormal returns
(CARs) for the periods from t = –1 to t = 0 and
from t = –1 to t = +1. Dyckman, Philbrick, and
Stephan (1984) find that two- and three-day

METHODOLOGY AND DATA
Event-study methodology is a forwardlooking approach that focuses on identifying
abnormal returns to firms from a specific event.
If investors react favorably to an event, positive
abnormal stock returns around the event date
would be expected. Consequently, abnormal
returns provide a means of assessing an initiative’s impact on a firm’s future profitability.
Event-study methodology is based on the
efficient markets hypothesis (Fama et al. 1969)
— that is, as new information becomes available, it is fully taken into consideration by
investors assessing its current and future impact.
The new assessment results in stock price
changes that reflect the discounted value of current and future firm performance. Significant
positive or negative stock price changes can

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

ARjt = Rjt – (αj + βj Rmt ),

15

Table 1

B2B eMarketplace Announcements, July 1999 – March 2000
Announcement
date

Type of
B2B
eMarketplace

E-commerce
technology
provider(s)

7/28/1999

Horizontal

Oracle

Oracle announces online B2B eMarketplace

10/11/1999

Horizontal

i2 Technologies

i2 announces new business eMarketplace

10/21/1999

Vertical

VerticalNet

VerticalNet and IBM to create eMarketplace

11/02/1999

Vertical

Oracle

Ford and Oracle to create B2B eMarketplace

11/02/1999

Vertical

Commerce One

General Motors joins Commerce One to create B2B eMarketplace

11/05/1999

Horizontal

Commerce One

Commerce One acquires CommerceBid.com

11/08/1999

Horizontal

Grainger

Grainger.com debuts B2B eMarketplace

11/15/1999

Horizontal

Ariba

Ariba acquires TradingDynamics

12/16/1999

Horizontal

Ariba

Ariba acquires TRADEX

12/21/1999

Announcement

Vertical

i2 Technologies

i2 announces eMarketplace for high-tech companies

1/10/2000

Horizontal

Ariba

EDS and Ariba to create group of B2B eMarkets

1/13/2000

Vertical

Commerce One

Shell and Commerce One announce joint venture to build energy industry
eMarketplace

1/17/2000

Horizontal

i2 Technologies

i2 announces B2B eMarketplace for consumer goods and retail companies

1/19/2000

Vertical

i2 Technologies,
Commerce One

General Motors and Commerce One add i2’s B2B supply chain services to
eMarketplace

1/19/2000

Vertical

Ariba

Chevron and Ariba unveil eMarketplace for energy industry

1/20/2000

Vertical

VerticalNet

VerticalNet and Microsoft join to accelerate B2B commerce on the Internet

2/09/2000

Vertical

Ariba

Azurix introduces Ariba-powered eMarketplace for water buyers and sellers

2/14/2000

Vertical

i2 Technologies

United Technologies, Honeywell, and i2 to create eMarketplace for aerospace industry

2/17/2000

Horizontal

Commerce One

Citigroup and Commerce One announce plan to build eMarketplace

2/23/2000

Vertical

i2 Technologies

Toyota and i2 form eMarketplace for automotive replacement parts market

2/23/2000

Vertical

Commerce One

BellSouth and Commerce One launch joint venture to build eMarketplaces for
telecommunications industry

2/25/2000

Vertical

Commerce One,
Oracle

Ford, General Motors, and DaimlerChrysler create eMarketplace

2/28/2000

Vertical

Oracle

Sears, Carrefour, and Oracle to form eMarketplace for retail industry

2/28/2000

Vertical

i2 Technologies

i2 creates eMarketplace for softgoods industry

2/29/2000

Horizontal

i2 Technologies

i2 creates eMarketplace for logistics industry

3/01/2000

Vertical

Ariba

Sabre and Ariba announce B2B eMarketplace for travel and transportation industry

3/08/2000

Horizontal

Ariba,
i2 Technologies

IBM, Ariba, and i2 form alliance to accelerate global adoption and benefits of
B2B e-commerce

3/08/2000

Vertical

VerticalNet

VerticalNet to acquire Tradeum to expand B2B e-commerce platform

3/08/2000

Vertical

Oracle

Chevron, McLane, and Oracle to form eMarketplace for convenience store industry

3/13/2000

Vertical

Oracle

Oracle and fibermarket.com announce B2B eMarketplace for global forest
products industry

3/14/2000

Vertical

Ariba

Cargill and Ariba announce eMarketplace for food and beverage industries

3/15/2000

Horizontal

FreeMarkets

FreeMarkets announces agreement to acquire iMark.com

3/22/2000

Horizontal

FreeMarkets

FreeMarkets announces agreement to acquire Surplus Record and SR Auction

3/22/2000

Horizontal

i2 Technologies

i2 announces eMarketplace for aftermarket parts and service management

3/23/2000*

Vertical

Commerce One

Boeing, Lockheed Martin, BAE Systems, and Raytheon to create B2B eMarketplace
for aerospace and defense industry

3/26/2000

Vertical

Oracle

Hutchison and Oracle announce B2B eMarketplace for transportation service
industry

* The press release was dated March 28, 2000, but on March 23, several newspapers reported these firms’ plans to form a B2B exchange.

16

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

Table 2

Average Abnormal Returns by Type of eMarketplace
event windows are preferable to one-day windows because of rumors of the announcement
and insider information. These calculations indicate whether the returns to the shareholders of
the e-commerce technology providers are
abnormal compared with those expected from
general market movements.
The market model in Equation 2 breaks
down the total return on stock j into two
components: one that reflects general market
movements and one that reflects price variations caused by firm-specific events. Deducting
(αj + βj Rmt ) from Rjt (as shown in Equation 1)
neutralizes the effect of general market movements but does not neutralize firm-specific price
variations caused by events other than the
eMarketplace announcement. To neutralize
these firm-specific variations, the cross-sectional
average of the abnormal returns for the total
sample of stocks for each period is computed.
For a sample of n stocks, the mean abnormal
return for each day t is
(3 )

MARt =

1
n

CAR (−1, t 1 ) =

Overall

Horizontal
eMarketplace

Vertical
eMarketplace

Day before announcement
(t = –1)

1.25%
(1.893)

1.33%
(1.228)

1.19%
(1.442)

Day of announcement
(t = 0)

4.05%***
(4.401)

3.55%**
(2.168)

4.36%***
(3.896)

Day after announcement
(t = +1)

2.08%
(2.151)

1.18%
( .862)

2.64%
(2.060)

Two-day event window
(t = –1 to t = 0)

5.30%***
(4.450)

4.88%**
(2.401)

5.56%***
(3.774)

Three-day event window
(t = –1 to t = +1)

7.38%***
(4.875)

6.06%**
(2.459)

8.20%**
(4.271)

Number of firms

39

*** Significant at the 0.01 level.
** Significant at the 0.05 level.
NOTE: t statistics in parentheses.

stock price events and cover the period from
July 28, 1999, through March 26, 2000.

n

∑ AR jt ,
j =1

SHAREHOLDER RETURNS

where t = –1, 0, +1. The cross-sectional average
neutralizes firm-specific price variations unrelated to the B2B eMarketplace announcements.
Hence, the expected value of MARt is zero in
the absence of abnormal returns due to B2B
eMarketplace announcements.
The final calculation of abnormal returns
is to compute cumulative average abnormal returns from day t = –1 to t = 0 and from t = –1
to t = +1, using the formula
(4 )

Event period

Table 2 presents a summary of the average abnormal returns for all the firms in our
sample, as well as a breakdown by whether
they are announcing horizontal or vertical B2B
eMarketplaces.6 Average abnormal returns for
five event periods are reported: the day before
the announcement, the day of the announcement, the day following the announcement,
cumulative returns from the day before the
announcement to the day of the announcement,
and cumulative returns from the day before
the announcement to the day following the
announcement. Also reported are the t statistics
and significance levels that test whether the
returns differ significantly from zero.
All of the announcements taken together
produced positive ARs to shareholders. Most
noteworthy are the two- and three-day CARs.
The two-day CAR is 5.3 percent, and the threeday CAR is 7.38 percent, with twenty-six of the
thirty-nine firms receiving positive abnormal
returns during both event windows. Abnormal
returns to shareholders are significantly different
from zero for both windows at the 0.01 level.
This result strongly supports Hypothesis 1,
which postulates that investors react favorably
to firms announcing B2B eMarketplaces.
When the announcements are segregated
by the type of B2B eMarketplace, we find both
horizontal and vertical eMarketplace announcements result in significantly positive CARs.

t1

∑ MARt ,

t = −1

where t 1 = (0, +1) and CAR (–1,t 1) is the cumulative average abnormal return for the sample
of n stocks over the event period interval from
t = –1 to t 1. The expected value of CAR is zero
in the absence of abnormal performance. Tests of
significance are discussed in the box on page 20.
Table 1 lists the announcements in our
sample. We define an event as the release of a
firm’s B2B eMarketplace announcement through
the media.5 Our events are derived from a list of
defining events in B2B by Phillips and Meeker
(2000). The events in this report include
announcements of B2B e-commerce IPOs,
eMarketplaces, acquisitions, joint ventures, and
alliances. We include all announcements that
involved an established, publicly traded e-commerce technology provider except those that
announced an IPO. The resulting thirty-six
announcements include thirty-nine individual

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

17

15

24

Horizontal B2B eMarketplace announcements
result in a two-day CAR of 4.88 percent and a
three-day CAR of 6.06 percent. Ten of the fifteen
firms making a horizontal B2B eMarketplace
announcement received a positive return in
both windows.
For vertical B2B eMarketplace announcements, the two-day CAR is 5.56 percent and
the three-day CAR is 8.2 percent. Sixteen of
the twenty-four firms making a vertical B2B
eMarketplace announcement received a positive
return in both windows. While the returns are
higher for firms making vertical eMarketplace
announcements, they do not statistically differ
from the returns for firms making horizontal
eMarketplace announcements. These results lend
weak support to Hypothesis 2, in that investors
prefer vertical over horizontal eMarketplaces,
although the positive abnormal returns for both
groups are not statistically different. In any case,
investors seem to view both types of eMarketplaces favorably and anticipate increased efficiencies and reduced costs that will produce
future benefits.
Table 3 shows the results of dividing the
B2B eMarketplace announcements by the type
of partner, if any, the e-commerce technology
provider announced it would be working with.
For the six firms that announced they were
acquiring another e-commerce company, the

two- and three-day CARs are 1.15 percent and
4.1 percent, respectively, neither of which is significantly different from zero. Interestingly, the
AR for the day before the announcement is
–3.24 percent, with five of the six firms experiencing negative abnormal returns. This negative
average abnormal return is quickly erased, however, as five of the six firms received positive
ARs on the day of the announcement, for an
average event-day return of 4.39 percent. In
conformance with Hypothesis 3, these results
suggest investors see acquisitions of other technology providers as neither a positive nor a
negative.
For the nine firms announcing plans to
develop B2B eMarketplaces on their own, the
two- and three-day CARs are 3.95 percent and
4.84 percent, respectively. Neither CAR is significantly different from zero. However, it is interesting that the first five announcements (those
prior to February 2000) resulted in significantly
positive CARs, whereas the last four announcements (those after January 2000) resulted in significantly negative CARs. The two- and threeday CARs for the first five announcements are
9.38 percent and 15.91 percent, respectively.
For the last four announcements, the two- and
three-day event-window returns are –2.83 percent and –9 percent, respectively. These results
suggest the possibility of a first-mover advan-

Table 3

Average Abnormal Returns by Type of Partner
Event period
Day before announcement
(t = –1)

Acquisition

Alone

Alliance
computer

Alliance
competitor

Alliance
Old Economy

– 3.24%*
(–1.025)

.70%
(.723)

4.82%**
(1.774)

.47%
(–.062)

2.39%
(2.148)

Day of announcement
(t = 0)

4.39%*
(1.488)

3.25%
(1.831)

7.40%***
(2.551)

11.09%***
(4.331)

1.40%
(1.027)

Day after announcement
(t = +1)

2.96%
(1.016)

.89%
(.925)

Two-day event window
(t = –1 to t = 0)

1.15%
(.328)

3.95%
(1.806)

12.22%***
(3.058)

11.55%***
(3.019)

3.79%
(2.245)

Three-day event window
(t = –1 to t = +1)

4.10%
(.854)

4.84%
(2.008)

18.46%**
(3.743)

14.43%**
(2.911)

4.64%
(2.101)

6

9

5

Number of firms

6.25%
(2.158)

2.88%
(.773)

4

.84%
(.464)

15

*** Significant at the 0.01 level.
** Significant at the 0.05 level.
* Significant at the 0.10 level.
NOTE: t statistics in parentheses.

18

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

Table 4

Average Abnormal Returns by the Timing of the Announcement
Event period

1999

January 2000

February 2000

March 2000

Day before announcement
(t = –1)

3.31%
(2.114)

2.33%
(1.143)

2.23%
(1.699)

–1.92%
(–.942)

Day of announcement
(t = 0)

5.95%***
(3.218)

4.87%**
(2.121)

3.94%
(2.128)

2.08%
(1.433)

Day after announcement
(t = +1)

6.78%***
(3.526)

7.55%
(3.480)

–2.40%
(–1.147)

–1.29%
(–.952)

Two-day event window
(t = –1 to t = 0)

9.26%***
(3.770)

7.20%*
(2.309)

6.16%**
(2.706)

Three-day event window
(t = –1 to t = +1)

16.04%***
(5.114)

14.75%*
(3.894)

3.76%
(1.548)

–1.13%
(– .266)

7

10

12

Number of firms

10

.16%
(.348)

*** Significant at the 0.01 level.
** Significant at the 0.05 level.
* Significant at the 0.10 level.
NOTE: t statistics in parentheses.

from alliances with competitors and computer
industry leaders.
In fact, returns for alliances with competitors and computer industry leaders are significantly higher than those made through partnerships with Old Economy leaders. Investors may
react more favorably to competitor and computer industry partnerships because of the perceived synergies, name recognition, and increased operating efficiencies created by such
alliances. Also, these partnerships mean neither
party has to expend additional resources to
compete for B2B eMarketplace business.
Table 4 shows the results from examining
the timing of the announcements. The earlier
announcements received ARs and CARs much
higher than announcements made later during
our sample period. The 1999 announcements
have two- and three-day CARs of 9.26 percent
and 16.04 percent, respectively. These returns
are significantly different from zero at the 0.01
level, and all ten firms making these announcements experienced positive abnormal returns
over the three-day event window.
For the seven firms making announcements in January 2000, six experienced twoand three-day positive CARs. As a whole, these
firms have two- and three-day CARs of 7.2 percent and 14.75 percent, respectively, which are
both significant at the 0.10 level. But the returns
get lower later in the sample period. For February 2000, six of the ten firms received positive

tage to firms that position themselves as B2B
eMarketplace leaders. (This is discussed with
respect to the entire sample below.)
For firms announcing alliances to develop
B2B eMarketplaces with other firms, the returns
are positive and mostly significant, as Hypothesis
4 suggests. The two- and three-day CARs for the
five firms announcing an alliance to develop a
B2B eMarketplace with a large and established
computer industry business are 12.22 percent
and 18.46 percent, respectively. For the four
firms announcing an alliance with another
e-commerce technology provider, the two- and
three-day event-window returns are 11.55 percent and 14.43 percent, respectively. Taken together, such alliances result in two- and threeday CARs of 11.92 percent and 16.67 percent,
respectively, both of which are significant at the
0.01 level.7
The firms announcing the development of
B2B eMarketplaces with Old Economy leaders
also received positive average abnormal returns,
but they are not significantly different from
zero. The two- and three-day CARs for the fifteen firms announcing B2B eMarketplaces with
these leaders are 3.79 percent and 4.64 percent,
respectively. Nine of the fifteen firms received
positive returns over the two event windows. It
appears investors view alliances with industry
leaders favorably. However, the returns are fairly
low (and not significantly different from zero),
especially when compared with the returns

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

19

Tests of Significance
To test the significance of MARt , the average standardized abnormal return is
estimated using the following statistic, as described in Dodd and Warner (1983):

Only four of the twelve firms making B2B
e-commerce announcements in March have
positive CARs over the event windows. Overall,
for the two- and three-day event periods, CARs
are 0.16 percent and –1.13 percent, respectively,
neither of which is significantly different from
zero.
Thus, before February 2000, firms making
B2B eMarketplace announcements generally
received significantly positive abnormal returns.
For the firms in our sample, the two- and threeday CARs are 8.41 percent and 15.51 percent,
respectively, both of which are significantly different from zero at the 0.01 level. After January
2000, however, investors reacted less favorably
to B2B eMarketplace announcements. While the
CARs are still positive, they are not significantly
different from zero. The two-day CAR for firms
making announcements in February and March
2000 is 2.89 percent. The three-day CAR is 1.09
percent.
These results suggest the possibility of significant first-mover advantages.8 However, this
conclusion must be viewed with caution
because of the extreme volatility of technology
stocks at the end of our sample period. The
Internet sector in general has experienced substantial volatility, making those firms particularly
sensitive to announcements of B2B e-commerce
initiatives.

1 n AR jt
SARt = ∑
,
n j =1 s jt

(B.1)

where sjt is the estimated standard deviation of the abnormal returns for stock j in
event period t and is computed by

 1
s jt = s 2j 1+ +
 T



(B.2)



(R − R )  ,
∑ (R − R ) 

2

mt

m

T

k =1

2

mk

m

2

where s j is security j ’s residual variance from the market-model regression, T is the
number of days in the estimation period (150), Rmt is the rate of return on the market
–
index for day t of the event period, R m is the mean rate of return on the market index
during the estimation period, and Rmk is the rate of return on the market index for
day k of the estimation period.
As shown in Equation B.2, the standard error of the forecast for the event
period, sjt , involves a slight adjustment from the standard error of the estimate, sj .
This adjustment reflects the deviations of the independent variables in the estimation period from the values employed in the original regression and are typically
close to 1 (Peterson 1989).
Assuming cross-sectional independence, SARt approaches a normal distribution and the test statistic is unit normal:
(B.3)

t statistic = nSARt .

This test statistic is used to test the hypothesis that the average abnormal
returns for a given sample of stocks (MARt ) are significantly different from zero at
various levels for each of the event periods t = –1, 0, +1.
A similar test statistic is employed to test the hypothesis that the cumulative
average abnormal returns (CAR ) are significantly different from zero. In this case,
the relevant test statistic must be modified to fit the particular interval over which the
returns are calculated, as follows:
(B.4)

t statistic =

t1
n
∑ SARt ,
(t1 + 2) t = −1

CONCLUSIONS

where t 1 = (0, +1) to compute cumulative average abnormal returns over the two-day
event period from t = –1 to t = 0 and the three-day event period from t = –1 to t = +1.
To test whether abnormal returns from two groups of stocks statistically differ,
we use
(B.5)

t statistic =

CAR1 − CAR2
2
1 T
∑ (Z − Z )
(T − 2) t =1 t

Table 5 summarizes our hypotheses and
findings. Overall, we find that shareholders
view B2B eMarketplace announcements favorably. These initiatives promised increased
efficiencies and reduced costs from streamlining operations up, down, and across industry
supply chains. Firms making B2B eMarketplace
announcements received significantly positive
average abnormal returns around the date
of the announcement, suggesting that B2B
e-commerce strategies create significant future
benefits.
We also find significant positive average
abnormal returns associated with both vertical
and horizontal eMarketplace announcements. The
returns to firms making vertical eMarketplace
announcements are slightly higher than those
to firms making horizontal announcements, but
they do not differ significantly. It appears
investors foresee gains from both types of
eMarketplaces, whether they create efficiencies
up and down the supply chain or at a single
point across the supply chains of different
industries.

,

where CAR1 is the cumulative average abnormal return for one group of stocks,
CAR2 is the cumulative average abnormal return for another group of stocks, T is the
number of days in the estimation period (150), Z t is the difference in returns between
CAR1 and CAR2 at time t, and Z is the average difference in returns between CAR1
and CAR2 over the estimation period.

abnormal returns over the event windows.
Overall, the ten firms have two- and three-day
CARs of 6.16 percent and 3.76 percent, respectively. Only the two-day event-window return is
significant at the 0.05 level.
In March 2000, investors began to dump
technology stocks and firms making B2B
eMarketplace announcements no longer experienced significantly positive abnormal returns.

20

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

Table 5

Summary of Hypotheses and Findings
Hypothesis

Findings

1. For e-commerce firms making B2B
eMarketplace announcements, the abnormal
returns should be positive.

Strong statistical support.
(Abnormal returns are positive and significantly
different from zero.)

2. Abnormal returns to firms announcing vertical
eMarketplaces should be greater than those to
firms announcing horizontal eMarketplaces.

Weak support.
(The two groups do not statistically differ, although
both groups have positive abnormal returns
significantly different from zero.)

3. Firms announcing plans for the acquisition of
e-commerce technology providers should
experience insignificant abnormal returns.

Support.
(Abnormal returns are positive but not significantly
different from zero.)

4. Firms announcing alliances to develop B2B
eMarketplaces should receive higher abnormal
returns than those creating B2B eMarketplaces
on their own.

Strong statistical support.
(Abnormal returns are highest for alliances with
competitors and computer industry giants. These
returns are significantly different from the
abnormal returns for alliances with Old Economy
leaders and going it alone.)

When subdividing the data by the type of
partner the e-commerce provider aligns with,
we find that investors reward firms the most
when they partner with a competitor, especially
a large computer-industry giant like IBM,
Microsoft, or EDS. Abnormal returns from these
announcements are more than three times
higher than those from announcements of plans
to develop a B2B eMarketplace alone or with an
Old Economy leader. This is noteworthy, as it
suggests that shareholders value alliances between e-commerce technology providers more
than solo B2B e-commerce initiatives or those
undertaken with an Old Economy leader. One
explanation for this is that when e-commerce
technology firms combine resources, there is one
less competitor. When e-commerce technology
providers develop B2B e-commerce strategies
on their own or with an industry leader, competition is not lessened and investors view the
news less favorably.
Finally, we find that announcements made
earlier in our sample period had much higher
average abnormal returns than announcements
made closer to the end of the period. One possible explanation is a first-mover advantage:
investors may tend to reward firms that position themselves as leaders and pioneers in B2B
e-commerce. Another explanation may be the
sample period used. During 1999 and early 2000,
technology stocks were the darlings of Wall Street.

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

But in late February and early March 2000, investors began to dump them because of increasing fear that these stocks were overvalued.
Because our sample period covers this unsettled
time, returns may be somewhat distorted.
NOTES

1

2

3

4

5

21

The authors would like to thank John Duca, Kenneth
Robinson, and Mark Wynne for their extremely insightful comments and suggestions, which improved the
quality of this article.
See www.forrester.com/ER/Press/ForrFind/
0,1768,0,00.html.
McWilliams and Siegel (1997) outline procedures for
using the event-study framework.
While we have no information about whether alliances
with competitors, computer industry giants, or Old
Economy leaders will result in higher abnormal returns,
we can test for significant statistical differences
between groups of stocks.
Most published event studies use the S&P 500 index
to estimate the parameters for calculating abnormal
returns.
Because information about B2B eMarketplace
announcements may have leaked prior to the issuance
of press releases, a search of major news and business publications using the Dow Jones Interactive
News Service was conducted to see if any information
was anticipated. In one case — Commerce One’s
involvement with the creation of a B2B exchange for

6

7

8

the aerospace and defense industry — there were
several news reports five days prior to the March 28,
2000, press release. As a result, the event window
used for this announcement is based on a March 23
announcement date.
All the abnormal returns this article reports are based
on using the S&P 500 stock market index in the
market-model regressions. These results are, however,
qualitatively robust when using either the Wilshire 5000
stock market index or the Nasdaq composite stock
index. These other indexes were used to test whether
the technology-sector stock correction of early 2000
and potential investor sentiment swings affected
relative returns.
Because of the low number of observations, these
results must be viewed with caution. Nevertheless,
taken together, alliances with computer industry giants
and competitors in B2B e-commerce initiatives do
generate statistically significant positive abnormal
returns. Further, the statistical significance for these
results is not driven by any particularly large return
for just one firm.
Milbourn, Boot, and Thakor (1999) discuss why
shareholders should benefit from scope-expanding
early entry.

Dyckman, Thomas, Donna Philbrick, and Jens Stephan
(1984), “A Comparison of Event Study Methodologies
Using Daily Stock Returns: A Simulation Approach,”
Journal of Accounting Research 22 (Supplement): 1– 30.
Fama, Eugene F., Lawrence Fisher, Michael C. Jensen,
and Richard Roll (1969), “The Adjustment of Stock Prices
to New Information,” International Economic Review
10 (February): 1– 21.
McWilliams, Abagail, and Donald Siegel (1997), “Event
Studies in Management Research: Theoretical and
Empirical Issues,” Academy of Management Journal
40 (June): 626 – 57.
Milbourn, Todd T., Arnoud W. A. Boot, and Anjan V.
Thakor (1999), “Megamergers and Expanded Scope:
Theories of Bank Size and Activity Diversity,” Journal of
Banking & Finance 23 (February): 195 – 214.
Peterson, Pamela P. (1989), “Event Studies: A Review of
Issues and Methodology,” Quarterly Journal of Business
and Economics 28 (Summer): 36 – 66.
Phillips, Charles, and Mary Meeker (2000), “The B2B
Internet Report: Collaborative Commerce” (Morgan
Stanley Dean Witter Equity Research , April).

REFERENCES
Armitage, Seth (1995), “Event Study Methods and
Evidence on Their Performance,” Journal of Economic
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Roll, Richard (1988), “Empirical Evidence on Takeover
Activity and Shareholder Wealth,” in Knights, Raiders,
and Targets, ed. John C. Coffee, Jr., Louis Lowenstein,
and Susan Rose-Ackerman (New York: Oxford University
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Brookes, Martin, and Zaki Wahhaj (2000), “The ‘New’
Global Economy — Part II: B2B and the Internet,” Global
Economics Weekly (Goldman Sachs, February 9, 3 –13).

Subramani, Mani R., and Eric Walden (1999), “The Dot
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Management Information Systems Research Center,
University of Minnesota (September).

Dodd, Peter, and Jerold B. Warner (1983), “On Corporate
Governance: A Study of Proxy Contests,” Journal of
Financial Economics 11 (April): 401– 38.

22

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

Long-standing restrictions on where banks
could locate their operations began to erode
more than twenty years ago and were mostly
eliminated with the passage of interstate branching and banking legislation in 1994. As a result,
the U.S. banking industry experienced substantial consolidation.1 While this has likely contributed to the industry’s robust performance of
late, it could have important consequences for
banks’ small business lending. Large, complex
banking organizations are traditionally not seen
as significant sources of financing for small businesses.
On the other hand, the banking industry,
like other segments of the economy, is an active
participant in the information and communications revolution. Credit scoring models lower
the costs of extending credit and improve
access to small business financing, especially
for larger banks. So, while consolidation could
reduce small business lending, technological
advances may increase the flow of small business credit.
In this article we summarize some of the
ways consolidation and advances in technology
may affect small business lending. We then
examine the available data on small business
loans over the period 1994 through 1999 to
detect any changes in small business lending
patterns and their possible consequences.
Although small business lending has
increased since 1994, we find that the share of
total lending devoted to small business loans
has declined. However, the aggregate numbers
conceal some important trends across organizations of different sizes. We find evidence that
large banks are increasing their presence in the
smallest segment of the small business loan
market and that the average loan size has
declined, especially at larger institutions. Larger
banks also appear to have narrowed the gap
relative to small banks in their focus on the
smallest loans. These trends are consistent with
the view that new information technology, most
notably credit scoring, is changing the structure
of small business lending.

Consolidation, Technology,
and the Changing
Structure of Banks’ Small
Business Lending
David P. Ely and Kenneth J. Robinson

L

arge banks are increasing
their presence in small

business lending, especially
in the smallest-sized loan
category, reflecting both
consolidation trends and
greater use of new
information technology.

WHY LOOK AT BANKS’ SMALL BUSINESS LENDING?
Small business lending by banks has been
the subject of extensive theoretical and empirical investigation. This reflects the value of small
businesses to the U.S. economy and the potentially unique role of banks in small business
lending. Small businesses (those with fewer
than 500 workers) employ 53 percent of the private nonfarm workforce and are responsible for

David Ely is a professor of finance at
San Diego State University. Kenneth Robinson
is a senior economist and policy advisor
in the Financial Industry Studies Department
at the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas.

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

23

51 percent of private gross domestic product.
Small businesses are also responsible for a
major portion of job creation. From 1990
through 1995, small businesses created more
than three-fourths of all new jobs (U.S. Small
Business Administration 1999).

preexisting relationship, regardless of the length
of that relationship.
One of the premises of relationship lending is that larger, more complex banks might
find the gathering and monitoring of information for nonstandard small business loans too
expensive. To the extent that larger banks find
it more costly than smaller ones to evaluate
small business borrowers, larger banks would
be expected to extend less small business credit
than smaller banks. On the other hand, larger
organizations may enjoy greater diversification
and lower costs, which could serve to increase
small business lending.

Relationships
Banks fill an important niche in financing
small businesses. Small firms are more likely to
obtain financing from a commercial bank than
from other sources, including depository and nondepository institutions (Cole and Wolken 1995).
Small business lending is often viewed as
idiosyncratic and relationship-based. It depends
on collecting and analyzing detailed, proprietary
information because public information on small
firms is often lacking. Many small business loans
are treated in the same manner as consumer
loans because the creditworthiness of the firm’s
owner—rather than the firm —is frequently a
key factor in the lending decision. In contrast,
ample public information is usually available
about larger borrowers. The unique information
requirements for small business loans may give
smaller, more locally based banks an advantage
in extending these types of loans (Berger and
Udell 1996).
Lending relationships between banks and
firms can reduce the monitoring and oversight
costs associated with small business loans.
Theoretical models of relationship lending can
be found in Greenbaum, Kanatas, and Venezia
(1989), Petersen and Rajan (1994, 1995), and
Boot and Thakor (2000). These articles stress
the presence of information asymmetries
between borrowers and lenders and how banking relationships can overcome the problems
associated with providing small business credit.
For an overview of issues involved in studies of
relationship banking, see Boot (2000).
An extensive number of empirical investigations also support the view that banking
relationships generate information about bank
customers and yield benefits, such as lower
funding costs and increased availability of credit
to customers. Petersen and Rajan (1994) find
that the length of the borrower relationship
affects the availability of small business lending
but not the price. Berger and Udell (1995) use
lines of credit to isolate relationship loans and
find that firms having longer relationships with
banks pay lower rates. They also report that a
longer relationship decreases the likelihood that
the lender will require collateral to secure a
loan. Cole (1998) finds that banks are more
likely to lend to firms with which they have a

Consolidation and Small Business Lending
Individual states began allowing out-ofstate-institutions to establish operations across
state lines more than twenty years ago. This
process culminated with the Riegle–Neal Interstate Banking and Branching Efficiency Act of
1994, authorizing interstate banking and branching nationwide. Proponents of the legislation
pointed to the efficiency and cost-saving potential of freeing banks from geographic restrictions on their operations. However, as this
legislation was likely to accelerate the consolidation trends already evident in the industry, it
also raised concerns about the effects on banks’
small business lending. The number of U.S.
banks peaked at over 14,400 in 1984 and currently stands at roughly 8,500. In 1990, the top
ten banking organizations accounted for 25.5
percent of U.S. banking assets; by 1999, they
held 46.2 percent.
Several studies have looked at the effects
of bank mergers and acquisitions (M&As) on
small business lending. Berger et al. (1998)
examine both the static and dynamic impacts of
mergers and acquisitions, using more than six
thousand M&As from the late 1970s to the early
1990s. The static effect is the predicted change
in lending from simply combining the balance
sheets of the participating banks. Using results
from a model of lending activity, Berger et al.
find that the small business lending predicted
for the combined bank is less than that of the
two (or more) pre-M&A banks. However, when
dynamic effects are considered, such as changes
in the consolidated institution’s lending focus or
the response by other banks in the same market, they find that the static declines in small
business lending are mostly offset.
Peek and Rosengren (1998a,b) present evidence that acquiring banks recast their targets in
their own image. But, because most mergers are
between two or more small banks and because

24

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

acquirers are likely to have larger small business
loan portfolios than their targets, any concerns
about the effects on small business lending from
mergers and acquisitions may be unwarranted.
Strahan and Weston (1998) point out that
smaller banks may not realize lower costs relative to larger banks if size-related diversification
advantages offset organizational diseconomies
in business lending. Their finding that consolidation among small banks increases lending to
small businesses while other types of mergers
have little effect is consistent with important
diversification effects that come with size.
Jayaratne and Wolken (1999) provide evidence that small banks have no cost advantage
in making small business loans. These authors
also find that young firms and firms with poor
credit histories are as likely to have a line of
credit from a large bank as a small bank.
Because loans to these firms usually require
closer scrutiny, this result is also consistent with
no cost advantage for smaller banks to engage
in small business lending.
As these studies show, fears that the ongoing consolidation of the U.S. banking industry
may diminish small business lending are generally not supported by the evidence. Also, the
possibility that larger banks find themselves at a
cost disadvantage in extending small business
loans is open to question. One factor that may
reduce the costs of small business lending is
banks’ increasing use of advances in information technology.

Loan Officer Opinion Survey on Bank Lending
Practices contained several questions on the use
of credit scoring in small business lending.
Thirty-eight of the fifty-four banks responding
indicated they used credit scoring models in
extending small business loans. Larger banks
(those with assets greater than $15 billion) were
more likely to use credit scoring models than
smaller banks (Federal Reserve Board 1997). To
the extent that credit scoring reduces large
banks’ costs of extending small business loans,
it would be expected to narrow the gap
between large and small banks’ emphasis on
small business lending.
Levonian (1997) reports that lenders view
business loans below a certain size as analogous
to consumer loans, making these smaller loans
attractive candidates for credit scoring models.
An article in the Wall Street Journal noted that
over the past five years banks have turned to
scoring models in their small business lending
and that about 90 percent of big banks use a
credit scoring model known as the Fair Isaac
system (Prager 1999). A recent survey of credit
scoring found that the median loan size scored
in 1998 was $150,000, up from $100,000 in 1997
(American Banker 1998).
When looking at mergers, Peek and
Rosengren (1998b) find that the largest acquiring banks (those with assets greater than $1 billion) show an increase in their portfolio shares
of small business loans with original amounts of
$100,000 or less. On the other hand, smallersized acquirers record decreases in their portfolio shares of loans of $100,000 or less. Peek
and Rosengren argue that larger banks’ investment in information technology enables them to
use credit scoring models to service small business loans at lower costs.
To obtain some insights into what role
consolidation and technological advances play
in the small business loan market, we examine
the available data on small business lending.

Technology and Small Business Lending
Banks’ growing presence online may be
the industry’s most obvious embrace of the new
economy (Couch and Parker 2000). But banks
are also adopting recent advances in information technology and computing —particularly
credit scoring models —to their small business
lending decisions.
In the past, banks relied on personal credit
histories and their own judgment in deciding
whether to extend credit. Credit scoring uses
sophisticated statistical models to evaluate
potential borrowers, isolating characteristics that
best predict riskiness. These models then produce scores that banks can use to rank their
borrowers in terms of risk. Originally used for
credit card and other consumer loans, credit
scoring is now making significant inroads into
mortgage origination (Mester 1997).
Even more important for our purposes, an
increasing number of banks are adopting credit
scoring models for use in small business lending. The Federal Reserve’s January 1997 Senior

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

SMALL BUSINESS LENDING:
SOME PATTERNS AND IMPLICATIONS
Banks’ Reports of Condition and Income,
or call reports, contain data on small business
loans based on the size of the loan, which
serves as a proxy for the size of the borrower.
Three categories are identified: loans with original amounts of $100,000 or less; those with original amounts of $100,001–$250,000; and those
with original amounts of $250,001– $1 million.
These data are collected yearly and appear in
the second quarter call reports.2

25

Table 1

Banks’ Market Share by Bank Size, 1994– 99
(Percent of total loans)
Asset size
Less than $300 million
$300 million to less than $1 billion
$1 billion to less than $5 billion
$5 billion and greater

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

12
7
9
72

11
6
8
74

11
6
8
75

11
7
8
75

10
7
8
76

9
6
7
77

NOTE: Assets in 1999 dollars.
SOURCE: Report of Condition and Income.

In the following sections, we investigate
trends in aggregate small business lending at
U.S. banks. However, because aggregate data
could conceal substantial variation in lending
activity and focus, we also examine lending at
banks of four different asset sizes: those with
assets less than $300 million; those with assets
of $300 million to less than $1 billion; those
with assets of $1 billion to less than $5 billion;
and those with assets of $5 billion and greater.
All total asset and loan values are expressed in
1999 dollars, using the consumer price index to
remove the effects of inflation. We use data at
the organization level because intracompany
transactions among banks that are part of a
multibank holding company could make banklevel comparisons misleading (Strahan and
Weston 1998). For example, Demsetz (1999)
presents evidence that such banks are more
likely to buy and sell loans than are independent banks or banks that are part of a one-bank
holding company.3

1999. These data are consistent with the available evidence that consolidation of the U.S.
banking industry has not led to large declines in
small business lending.
The portfolio shares of the three lending
categories from 1994 through 1999 for all U.S.
banks are displayed in Figure 2. We measure the
shares using both total assets and total loans as
the base. The overall asset share of small business lending has held steady at U.S. banks at
close to 8 percent. However, when using total
loans as the base, portfolio shares drop from 13
percent in 1994 to 11.9 percent in 1999, reflecting differences between small business loan
growth and total loan growth at U.S. banks.
While total small business lending has increased
20 percent since 1994 (in inflation-adjusted
terms), it has not kept pace with overall loan
growth, which increased 31 percent between
1994 and 1999.

Consolidation Trends
Table 1 indicates the consolidation trends
in the industry over our analysis period by
revealing banks’ market shares in terms of total
loans. Only the largest bank size classification
recorded an increase in market share. Banks
with assets of $5 billion and above accounted
for 72 percent of all loans in 1994; in 1999, this
share increased to 77 percent. The other size
classifications recorded declines in their loan
shares, especially banks with assets of less than
$300 million.
Figure 1 shows how total small business
lending and the three categories of loans have
increased from 1994 through 1999.4 All categories have grown, with the exception of loans
of $100,000 or less, which declined slightly in

Figure 1

Small Business Lending, 1994 – 99
Index, 1994 = 100
130

$100,000 or less
$100,001–$250,000
$250,001–$1 million
Total

125

120

115

110

105

100
’94

’95

’96

’97

’98

’99

SOURCE: Report of Condition and Income.

26

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

Figure 2

Small Business Lending Portfolio Shares in Percent of Assets and Loans, 1994 –99
Assets

Loans

Percent

Percent

14

14
$250,001–$1 milllion

12

12

$100,001–$250,000
$100,000 or less

10

10

8

8

6

6

4

4

2

2

0

’94

’95

’96

’97

’98

0

’99

’94

’95

’96

’97

’98

’99

SOURCE: Report of Condition and Income.

Figure 3 highlights two general trends in
small business lending over 1994–99 for the
four bank size groups. The first trend is the
growing presence of the largest banks in the
small business loan market. While the value of
loans controlled by the smallest-sized banks fell
from $95 billion to $92.3 billion, the holdings of
banks with $5 billion or more in assets
increased from $158.2 billion to $204.3 billion.
The middle-sized banks also show modest gains
in holdings of small business loans.

The second trend of note in Figure 3 is the
shifting focus of small business loans. For the
smallest banks, the value of loans of $100,000 or
less decreased from $48.7 billion in 1994 to
$39.8 billion in 1999, but loans greater than
$100,000 increased. For the middle-sized banks,
business loans of less than $100,000 increased
between 1994 and 1999 but less so than the
loans in the ranges of $100,001– $250,000 and
$250,001–$1 million. The largest banks’ holdings of loans of $100,000 or less expanded grad-

Figure 3

Small Business Loans Outstanding by Bank Size, 1994 – 99
Billions of 1999 dollars
225
$250,001–$1 milllion

200

$100,001–$250,000
$100,000 or less

175

150

125

100

75

50

25

0
’94

’95

’96

’97

’98

’99

’94

< $300 million

’95

’96

’97

’98

’99

$300 million–<$1 billion

’95

’96

’97

’98

$1 billion–<$5 billion

SOURCE: Report of Condition and Income.

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

’94

27

’99

’94

’95

’96

’97

$5 billion +

’98

’99

Table 2

Banks’ Ratio of Small Business Loans to Total Loans, 1994 – 99

Loan size
$100,000 or less
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
Change 1994 – 99

All banks

Loan share (percent)
Bank asset size
$300 million
$1 billion
Less than
to less than
to less than
$300 million
$1 billion
$5 billion

$5 billion
and greater

4.23
3.91
3.81
3.69
3.54
3.36
– 20.57

15.17
14.57
14.13
13.71
13.42
12.72
–16.15

7.59
7.55
7.66
7.40
7.19
6.78
–10.67

5.23
4.69
4.63
4.75
4.59
4.68
–10.52

1.90
1.85
1.88
1.82
1.82
1.81
– 4.73

$100,001 to $250,000
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
Change 1994 – 99

2.59
2.54
2.50
2.49
2.48
2.44
– 5.80

5.23
5.36
5.51
5.47
5.55
5.64
7.84

5.12
5.35
5.31
5.36
5.46
5.56
8.59

3.59
3.58
3.70
3.81
4.10
4.31
20.05

1.78
1.75
1.69
1.66
1.65
1.60
– 10.11

$250,001 to $1 million
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
Change 1994 – 99

6.21
6.06
5.97
5.96
5.94
6.10
– 1.77

9.13
9.71
9.94
10.07
10.40
11.15
22.12

11.97
12.06
12.19
12.48
12.53
13.22
10.44

9.03
8.96
9.19
9.06
9.85
10.80
19.60

4.82
4.65
4.52
4.46
4.37
4.43
– 8.09

All small business loans
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
Change 1994 – 99

13.03
12.51
12.28
12.14
11.96
11.89
– 8.75

29.52
29.64
29.58
29.24
29.37
29.51
–.03

24.68
24.96
25.17
25.24
25.18
25.55
3.52

17.85
17.23
17.52
17.62
18.54
19.79
10.87

8.50
8.26
8.09
7.94
7.84
7.85
– 7.65

NOTE: Assets in 1999 dollars.
SOURCE: Report of Condition and Income.

the business cycle, lending would tend to
increase. This cyclical effect could cause various
loan-to-asset ratios to rise independent of any
change in banks’ lending focus.
Our emphasis is on the smallest loans—
those with outstanding amounts of $100,000 or
less — because they should show the most
noticeable effects of credit scoring, given their
similarity to consumer loans.
As shown in the table, for all banks combined, the aggregate ratio of loans of $100,000
or less to total loans has declined more than 20
percent since 1994. A downward trend is also
evident for the various bank size categories,
especially the smallest. Banks with less than
$300 million in assets recorded an aggregate
loan share of nearly 15.2 percent in 1994 but

ually from $35.4 billion in 1994 to $47.2 billion
in 1999. While these trends largely reflect U.S.
banking industry consolidation, a more detailed
examination of changes in lending shares also
provides evidence that technology is changing
the structure of small business lending.
TECHNOLOGY’S ROLE
Lending Focus
Table 2 presents details on banks’ share of
total loans devoted to small businesses for
1994–99. We calculate the aggregate shares for
each bank size classification as a group and for
all banks combined. We focus on loan shares
rather than asset shares to account for cyclical
effects on lending. That is, during an upswing in

28

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

Table 3

Banks’ Average Small Business Loan Size by Bank Asset Size, 1994 –99
(Thousands of dollars)
Loan size

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

p -value

31.1
53.1

30.1
53.0

29.5
53.2

29.6
53.8

30.0
55.6

29.8
57.9

.000
.000

33.1
108.9

31.4
98.8

31.0
95.9

30.8
96.8

30.0
97.4

29.2
97.7

.000
.007

34.9
126.9

32.7
127.9

31.3
123.6

29.7
112.9

29.9
115.5

28.3
110.3

.000
.192

30.5
115.0

29.3
112.0

28.3
104.1

26.2
98.7

26.0
99.2

25.4
104.5

.033
.593

Banks with assets less than
$300 million
$100,000 or less
Total small business loans
Banks with assets $300 million
to less than $1 billion
$100,000 or less
Total small business loans
Banks with assets $1 billion
to less than $5 billion
$100,000 or less
Total small business loans
Banks with assets $5 billion
and greater
$100,000 or less
Total small business loans
NOTE: Assets in 1999 dollars.
SOURCE: Report of Condition and Income.

12.7 percent by 1999. The declines in loan
shares at banks with assets greater than $300
million were substantially less.
These results show the industry has
reduced its lending focus on the smallest small
business loans. This pattern could reflect less
lending demand or less supply or a combination
of both. As is clear from Table 2, though, the
largest banks have reduced their emphasis on
this loan category by a smaller amount than
other organizations, which is consistent with the
large banks’ adoption of credit scoring for small
business loans. The cost reductions made possible by credit scoring may have partially offset
the forces otherwise causing the industry to cut
back on the smallest loans.
The aggregate shares of loans of $100,001
through $1 million declined slightly for the
entire set of banks. However, these loan shares
tended to increase for all but the largest banks,
indicating that the largest organizations’ emphasis on the larger loan categories has not kept
pace with other banks.
Finally, Table 2 shows that total small business lending, as a percent of total loans, declined
for all banks as a group. However, the lending shares varied little at the smallest banks,
increased a bit at the intermediate-sized institutions, and declined steadily at the largest banks.
These trends in lending share suggest
larger banks are changing their small business
lending focus relative to the smaller banks.
While the smallest loans declined in importance

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

for all organizations, this decline was substantially less at large banks. At the same time, the
smaller banks increased their emphasis on the
larger loans, while large banks decreased their
focus on these loans. Consequently, the gap in
lending emphasis between large and small
banks in the smallest loan category has narrowed, consistent with credit scoring models
becoming more important. An examination of
trends in the average size of small business
loans can also help ascertain the growing relevance of credit scoring.
Average Loan Size
Because inflation would likely push loans
above the $100,000 cutoff, we would expect the
share of the $100,000 or less category to fall
over time, as it has, especially at the smaller
banks. One explanation for a more moderate
decline in this category at larger banks is that
the adoption of credit scoring models has offset
this inflation effect.
To explore further the possible impact of
such technology, we examine patterns of average loan size over time. Because the costs of
offering smaller loans would tend to fall when
credit scoring is employed, the average small
business loan size should also fall. We calculate
the average loan size for small business loans of
$100,000 or less and for total small business
loans. These results appear in Table 3. The dollar value of small business loans was divided
by the number of loans outstanding to calcu-

29

Table 4

Banks’ Market Shares of Small Business Loans Outstanding by Asset Size, 1994 – 99
(Percent)
Percent of total small business loan category
Loan size

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

45
25
18
28

43
24
18
27

41
24
18
26

40
23
18
26

38
22
17
24

35
21
17
23

12
13
13
13

12
13
13
13

13
13
13
13

13
14
14
14

12
14
14
14

12
15
14
13

11
12
13
12

10
12
12
11

10
12
12
11

10
12
12
12

10
13
13
12

11
13
13
12

32
49
56
47

35
51
57
49

37
51
57
49

37
50
56
49

39
50
56
50

41
51
56
51

Banks with assets less than
$300 million
$100,000 or less
$100,001– $250,000
$250,001– $1 million
Total small business loans
Banks with assets $300 million
to less than $1 billion
$100,000 or less
$100,001– $250,000
$250,001– $1 million
Total small business loans
Banks with assets $1 billion
to less than $5 billion
$100,000 or less
$100,001– $250,000
$250,001– $1 million
Total small business loans
Banks with assets $5 billion
and greater
$100,000 or less
$100,001– $250,000
$250,001– $1 million
Total small business loans

NOTE: Assets in 1999 dollars. Shares might not total 100 due to rounding.
SOURCE: Report of Condition and Income.

tent with anecdotal evidence on the growing
use of such technology.

late average loan amounts for each bank. These
amounts were then averaged across organizations. The p -values are significance levels for
F -statistics that test for differences in means
over time.5
The average loan size decreases for loans
of $100,000 or less for all size groups. For banks
with assets less than $300 million, the average
loan of $100,000 or less fell from $31,132 in
1994 to $29,840 in 1999, while the average loan
amount of all small business loans increased
from $53,092 to $57,917.
The decreases in the average loan
amounts in the $100,000-and-under category
are more substantial for organizations with over
$1 billion in assets. For organizations with assets
of $1 billion to less than $5 billion, the average
loan amount dropped from $34,883 in 1994 to
$28,331 in 1999. For organizations with over $5
billion in assets, the average loan amount
dropped from $30,461 in 1994 to $25,421 in
1999. While we have not offered a direct test on
the use of credit scoring models to lending
activity, the declines in the average loan
amounts, especially at larger banks, are consis-

CONSOLIDATION AND TECHNOLOGY:
TRENDS IN MARKET SHARE
An increase in the overall presence of
larger banks in small business lending would be
expected from the combined effects of consolidation and the greater use of credit scoring
models. And calculations of the market shares
of small business loans indicate substantial shifts
in shares, especially between large and small
banks and particularly in the smallest lending
category. Table 4 contains the market shares of
the three categories of small business lending,
classified by bank size, for 1994– 99. The market
shares of small business loans for the two intermediate-sized groups — banks with assets of
$300 million to less than $1 billion and those
with assets of $1 billion to less than $5 billion —
have remained constant. The biggest shifts in
market share have occurred at the largest and
smallest banks and in the smallest loan category. In 1994, 45 percent of small business loans

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FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS

of $100,000 or less were held by banks with
assets less than $300 million, and 32 percent
were held by banks with assets of $5 billion and
above. In 1999, the proportion of these loans
held by the smallest banks had fallen to 35 percent while the proportion held by the largest
banks had increased to 41 percent.6
These data on market shares are consistent with both a more consolidated banking
industry and a greater role for technology in
lending. The industry is becoming more concentrated, with the largest banks controlling a
greater portion of loans, including small business loans. Consequently, small businesses have
become more dependent on large banking
organizations. And the sharp increase in the
largest banks’ market share of loans with outstanding amounts of $100,000 or less could indicate a greater role for credit scoring technology
in small business lending.

perfect indicator of small business lending by banks.
Also, the data are only for loans secured by nonfarm,
nonresidential property and commercial and industrial
loans, while bank credit to small businesses can take
other forms, such as personal lines of credit and home
equity loans. Throughout our analysis, we exclude any
bank that did not report total loans for the year in
question. Also, we exclude banks under five years of
age because younger banks may exhibit unusual
patterns in small business lending. See Goldberg and
White (1998) and DeYoung, Goldberg, and White (1999).
3

4

5

CONCLUSIONS
Consolidation and technological change
have characterized the U.S. banking industry
recently. Each of these has important implications for small business lending, which has
grown steadily since 1994. Large banks’ market
share of small business lending has increased
at the expense of smaller banks. The largest
banks are making the greatest inroads with the
smallest loans, and the gap in lending focus
between large and small banks has narrowed in
this area. Moreover, the average small business
loan has declined in size. These results are consistent with advances in technology playing a
larger role in small business lending. However,
given the variety of regulatory and market
forces that could also affect small business
lending, we cannot be sure that advances in
technology are the driving force behind the
changes we have observed. Beyond consolidation, though, the role of technology is well
worth considering when trying to understand
changes in banks’ lending to small businesses.

6

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NOTES

1

2

——— (1996), “Universal Banking and the Future of
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The authors would like to thank Jeff Gunther and Bob
Moore for helpful comments and suggestions.
See Moore (1995) for evidence that the industry was
consolidating before passage of interstate branching
legislation. All data used in this paper are expressed
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Because the data are based on the size of the loan
rather than the size of the business, they are not a

ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL REVIEW FIRST QUARTER 2001

Our conclusions are unchanged, however, if we use
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Data on small business lending are available beginning in 1993. However, the 1993 data were found to
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These tests are based on ANOVA methods to detect
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