View original document

The full text on this page is automatically extracted from the file linked above and may contain errors and inconsistencies.



REAL ESTATE RESEARCH

May 20, 2015

Are Millennials Responsible for the Decline in First-Time Home Purchases?

First-time homebuyers play a critical role in the housing market because they allow existing homebuyers to sell their homes and trade up, triggering a cascade of home
sales. While their share of all purchases has remained fairly flat over time (see our previous post on this topic), the number of first-time homebuyers has declined
precipitously since the real estate crash. Many think of first-time homebuyers as younger households, and believe millennials are largely behind the decline in first-time
homebuying. There are a variety of theories about why millennials have been slow to enter homeownership. One theory says that millennials would rather rent in dense
urban areas where land is scarce than buy homes in the suburbs. Another theory blames steep increases in student debt for crowding out mortgage debt and reducing
the homeownership opportunities of younger generations. Yet another theory argues that because the recession lowered incomes, younger people can't afford to buy.
Finally, underwriting standards tightened after the recession, causing mortgage lenders to require larger down payments and higher credit scores in order to buy a
home. Some worry that this more stringent lending environment has raised the bar too high for millennial homebuyers in particular.
We can't examine all these theories in a blog post, but we can examine the validity of the assumption that millennials are driving the decline in first-time homebuyers.
We approached this from two angles. We first looked at whether the age distribution of first-time homebuyers has changed, and then we tried to discern patterns in
first-time home buying across states. In general, we find that the age distribution of first-time homebuyers has become younger, not older, since the crisis. We also
found that the dramatic fall in purchases varies much more strongly across states than by age. The preliminary figures suggest that housing market and local economic
conditions may explain as much or more of the decline in first-time homebuyers than a generational divide.
Searching the data for first mortgages
Our analysis is based on the Federal Reserve Bank of New York Consumer Credit Panel/Equifax data. This data set provides longitudinal, individual data, using a 5
percent sample of all persons with a credit record and social security number in the United States.i We examined the age, location, and credit scores of people who
bought homes for the first time and looked at how these characteristics changed after the crisis.ii
To identify first-time homebuyers, we flagged the first year of the oldest mortgage for each individual in the credit panel. This reveals the first instance of someone
obtaining a mortgage, even if they subsequently buy another home or even transition back to renting. The trade-off is we were able to observe only those who use debt
finance, and thereby excluded all cash purchases. While many homeowners do own their homes outright, we expect most first-time buyers and certainly most young
buyers to have a mortgage.iii
Having isolated first-time homebuyers in this data set, we looked at their purchasing trends and demographic attributes from 2000 to 2014. In this data set, we found
that roughly 1 percent to 2 percent of the population purchased a mortgage-financed home for the first time in a given year. Forty-nine percent to 53 percent had no
mortgage (this category combines renters and those who own their homes outright), and 45 percent to 50 percent were paying down an existing mortgage.

Buyers aren't getting older
We found that the number of first-time home buyers fell precipitously after the crash, from 3.3 million a year to around 1.5 million to 1.8 million. However, the age
distribution of these first-time homebuyers does not change dramatically, though the median age of actually went down slightly since the peak. If we were to believe
that the decline in first-time buyers was driven primarily by younger workers requiring more time to amass a down payment or pay off student debts, then we would
expect to see first-time buyers getting older.

We did not see a strong explanation for dramatic declines in first-time homebuyers when we compared younger and older adults. It doesn't appear that millennials are
driving the decline. By comparison, when we reviewed the number of first-time home purchases by state, we found very dramatic differences that population alone
cannot explain. Unsurprisingly, first-time homebuying fell further in places where the housing crisis hit the hardest.
The chart shows the number and percent change in first-time homebuyers from 2001 to 2011 by state. There is a wide variety in the percent change in first-time
homebuyers, with declines as strong as 65 percent in some states and as low as 10 percent in others. North Dakota was the only state to have increases in first-time
homebuyers, likely due to the oil industry growth there.

(enlarge)
This analysis does have some weaknesses. For one, as we mentioned, it omits cash buyers, who are an increasingly important segment of the housing market,
especially in hard-hit states like Georgia and Florida. Also, other research has shown that the transition from renter to owner and back can happen many times in a
person's lifetime, and this data set does not control for homeownership "spells" older than one year (see Boehn and Schlottman 2008). Notwithstanding, this analysis
suggests that the decline in first-time homebuying is driven not by swiftly changing preferences nor the economic constraints of the younger generation but by regional
and local economic conditions. Stay tuned for more, as we plan to look further into how the real estate crisis altered the home purchase decisions of young first-time
homebuyers relative to older generations.
By Elora Raymond, graduate research assistant, Center for Real Estate Analytics in the Atlanta Fed's research department, and doctoral student, School of
City and Regional Planning at the Georgia Institute of Technology, and
Jessica Dill, economic policy analysis specialist in the Atlanta Fed's research department
_______________________________________
i

The data is a 2.5 percent sample of all individuals with a credit history in the United States. So, for example, this sample resulted in 636,638 records in 2014, which
would correspond to an estimated 254,655,200 individuals with credit records and social security numbers in 2014.
ii

We excluded anyone who had an older mortgage in a prior year. Doing so resulted in only a very small percentage of records being excluded.

iii

Our approach and results are similar to those cited in Agarwal, Hu, and Huang (2014), who find that the homeownership rate between 1999 and 2012 varies between

44 percent and 47 percent for individuals aged 25—60 using a different time frame and age distribution of the same data set. Because our definition—and that of
Agarwal, Hu, and Huang—is unique, it differs from the widely cited homeownership rate published by the U.S. Census Bureau. The rate published by the Census
Bureau ranges between 65 and 68 percent for individuals over 25 years old and is calculated by dividing the number of owner-occupied households by the total
number of occupied households. Homeownership rates have also been derived using other data. Gicheva and Thompson (2014) derive a homeownership rate using
the Survey of Consumer Finance and find the mean homeownership rate to be 61 percent between 1995 and 2010. Gerardi, Rosen, and Willen (2007) used the Panel
Survey of Income Dynamics (PSID), which tracks households over time and captures changes in tenure status, to identify home purchasers. They reported a range of
5.6 percent (in 1983) to 9.6 percent (in 1978) of households buying homes in the 1969—99 timeframe.
May 20, 2015 in Financial crisis, Homeownership, Housing boom, Housing crisis | Permalink

REAL ESTATE RESEARCH SEARCH

Search
RECENT POSTS

Assessing the Size and Spread of Vulnerable Renter Households in the Southeast
What's Being Done to Help Renters during the Pandemic?
Examining the Effects of COVID-19 on the Southeast Housing Market
Southeast Housing Market and COVID-19
Update on Lot Availability and Construction Lending
Tax Reform's Effect on Low-Income Housing
Housing Headwinds
Where Is the Housing Sector Headed?
Did Harvey Influence the Housing Market?
Is the Share of Real Estate Sales to Investors Increasing?
CATEGORIES

Affordable housing goals
Credit conditions
Expansion of mortgage credit
Federal Housing Authority
Financial crisis
Foreclosure contagion
Foreclosure laws
Governmentsponsored enterprises
GSE
Homebuyer tax credit
Homeownership
House price indexes
Household formations
Housing boom
Housing crisis
Housing demand
Housing prices
Income segregation
Individual Development Account
Loan modifications
Monetary policy
Mortgage crisis
Mortgage default
Mortgage interest tax deduction
Mortgage supply
Multifamily housing
Negative equity
Positive demand shock
Positive externalities
Rental homes
Securitization
Subprime MBS
Subprime mortgages