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244
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UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR

CHILDREN’S BUREAU

*

PUBLICATION No. 244

PROHIBITION OF INDUSTRIAL HOME WORK
IN SELECTED INDUSTRIES UNDER THE
NATIONAL RECOVERY ADMINISTRATION


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UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
F rances P erkins , Secretary
CHILDREN S BUREAU - - - - Katharine F. Lenroot, Chief

+

Prohibition o f Industrial Home Work
in Selected Industries Under the
National Recovery Administration
br
MARY SKINNER

+
Bureau Publication N o. 244

United States Government Printing Office
Washington : 1938

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C.


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Price 10 cents


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CONTENTS
P age

Letter of transmittal___________ *____________________________________
Introduction_______________________________________________________
Plan of the study____________________________ __________________ '_____
The manufacturer and prohibition of industrial home work______________
Action taken by manufacturers in regard to home-work operations__
Number of workers given factory employment_____________________
Factors affecting the transfer of home workers to the factory_______
Effect of the prohibition of home work on production______________
The home worker and prohibition of home work_____ ______________ ;___
Factory employment of home workers_______ ____________________
Reaction of home workers to factory employment_________________
Family problems arising from prohibition of home work_______ :
Home workers receiving relief________________________ ;___________
Summary and conclusions___________________________________________
3


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LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

U

n it e d

States D

epartm ent

C

of

h i l d r e n ’s

B

L abor,
ureau,

Washington, June 7, 19S8.

There is transmitted herewith a report on industrial home
work under the National Recovery Administration in selected indus­
tries in which home work was abolished under the codes. This is
the second of two reports dealing with the subject of industrial home
work under the National Recovery Administration which were made
jointly by the Women’s Bureau and the Industrial Division of the
Children’s Bureau. The first, concerned with industries in which
home work was not prohibited under the codes, has been published as
“Industrial Home Work Under The National Recovery Administra­
tion,” Children’s Bureau Publication No. 234.
The study of the prohibition of industrial home work in selected
industries under the National Industrial Recovery Act was made
immediately following the invalidation of the act. Because the pro­
hibition of industrial home work set up for the first time regulations
which affected entire industries without regard to State lines, it was
believed that the experiences of industries in adjusting to the prohi­
bition would be valuable and should be made available for future
use.
The field work for this study was carried on under the supervision
of Rebecca Smaltz, of the Women’s Bureau, and Mary Skinner, of the
Children’s Bureau. The report was written by Mary Sldnner.
Respectfully submitted.
M

adam

Hon.

:

K
F

rances

P

a t h a r in e

F. L

enroot,

Chief.

e r k in s ,

Secretary of Labor.
5


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Prohibition o f Industrial Home W ork in Selected Indus­
tries Under the National Recovery Administration
INTRODUCTION

This study is the second of two surveys dealing with the problem of
industrial home work under the National Industrial Recovery Act,
which were undertaken jointly by the Women’s Bureau and the
Children’s Bureau of the United States Department of Labor. The
earlier study,1 which was made at the request of the Administrator of
the National Recovery Administration, covered industries in which
home work was not prohibited by the codes and was concerned with
the effect of code regulations on industrial home-work standards.
The present study, on the other hand, deals with conditions in indus­
tries in which home work was prohibited by the codes. Plans for the
study were made while the National Industrial Recovery Act was still
in effect, but before the field work could be gotten under way the act
was declared unconstitutional. It was believed, however, that the
experiences of industries in adjusting to the prohibition of home work
would be valuable and should be made available for future use. In
gathering information for the study interest was centered on the way
m which manufacturers had adjusted to code prohibitions of home
work, the extent to which home workers had been absorbed into the
factories, and the effect of the prohibition of home work on the home
workers and their families.
Five industries in which home work had been prohibited by the pro­
visions of the codes were covered by the study—the men’s clothing
industry, the artificial flower and feather industry, the medium- and
low-priced jewelry manufacturing industry, the men’s neckwear in­
dustry, and the tag industry. All are industries in which home work
was important prior to the period of the N. R. A.. The men’s clothing
industry, in particular, had been outstanding from the point of view of
the number of home workers employed. In the western centers of
manufacture home work had already been very largely eliminated
from this industry prior to the establishment of the codes, but in the
eastern centers, especially New York City and Philadelphia, the
finishing processes were still being done almost exclusively in the home
at the time home work was prohibited.2
When the National Industrial Recovery Act was invalidated May
27, 1935, prohibition of home work had been in effect for varying
periods in these five industries. The codes of the men’s clothing in­
dustry and the medium- and low-priced jewelry manufacturing in' Industrial Home Work Under the National Recovery Administration. U . S. Department of Labor,
Children’s Bureau Publication No. 234. Washington, D . C., 1936.
2 Child Labor in N ew Jersey—Pt. 2, Children Engaged in Industrial Home Work, p. 11. U . S. Depart­
ment of Labor, Children’s Bureau Publication No. 186. Washington, D . C., 1928.

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8

PRO HIBITION OF INDUSTRIAL H OM E WORK

dustry were among the first to be approved, and home work in these
two mdustries was abolished in December 1933. Men’s clothing
manufacturers and medium- and low-priced jewelry manufacturers,
therefore, had had approximately 17 months to adjust to the shift of
work from the factory to the home when this study was made.
In the artificial-flower industry the home-work provisions of the
codes went into effect at practically the same time as did those for the
men’s clothing and jewelry industries, but the code provisions for
this industry permitted a gradual elimination of home work so that
the period of complete prohibition was considerably shorter than in
the other two industries. A 50-percent reduction m the number of
home workers was required by January l, 1934, but complete prohibi­
tion did not go into effect until May 1934—approximately 1 year prior
to the invalidation of the codes.
In the men’s neckwear industry the prohibition of home work be­
came effective June 15, 1934, but home work was discouraged during
the 2 months immediately preceding that date by a code provision
prohibiting the employment of home workers at piece rates below
those set by the code for the same or similar operations in the factory.
Because of difficulties in adjustment and vigorous opposition to
prohibition on the part of some manufacturers, home work in the tag
industry was prohibited at a much later date than in any of the other
industries studied. Tag manufacturers, however, had a longer period
in which to prepare for prohibition than did the manufacturers in the
other four industries, and their adjustment, therefore, should have
been more complete by the time abolition went into effect. The tagindustry code as approved February 1, 1934, provided for the elimina­
tion of all home workers by May 1, 1934, but two stays and an amend­
ment to the code obtained by the code authority extended the date to
January 1, 1935. During the brief period from November 1, 1934, to
January 1, 1935, however, it was provided that home workers should
receive rates of pay that would yield at least 80 percent of the code
minimum.


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PLAN OF THE STUDY

Field work for the study was begun in the summer of 1935, im­
mediately following the invalidation of the National Industrial Recov­
ery Act, and was completed the ensuing winter. Four States—New
Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, and Rhode Island—were visited in
the course of the investigation. In New York and Rhode Island only
urban centers were included, but in New Jersey and Pennsylvania it
was found necessary to include a number of smaller communities in
order to reach the industries selected for study.
The findings of the study are based chiefly upon information ob­
tained in interviews with manufacturers and contractors who had made
use of the home-work system and with home workers formerly in the
employ of those manufacturers and contractors. The data obtained
from these sources are supplemented by information secured from
directors of State departments of labor, code authorities, representa­
tives of manufacturers’ associations, and local union officials.
The following list shows the number and industrial distribution
of the firms and of the families doing home work that were visited in
the course of the study:
Industry

Number of Number of
manufac- families doing
turers
home work

Total....................................................................... 117
Men’s clothing..
Men’s neckwear.
Artificial flowers.
Jewelry________
Tags___________

52
23
20
15
7

505
151
100
77
81
96

In selecting the firms to be visited effort was made to include only
those that had been confronted with a real problem of adjustment when
home work was abolished. In the case of the men’s clothing industry
—by far the largest home-work industry of the 5 studied—only 2 firms
were visited that had employed less than 10 home workers. For the
other industries, in which the number of home workers per firm was
considerably less, the minimum was five home workers. As a matter
of fact about two-thirds of the firms visited reported at least 20 home
workers and more than half reported 30 or more (table 1).
With the exception of those in the men’s clothing industry, the firms
visited included all those, in the localities covered by the study, that
had employed the minimum number of home workers. In the men’s
clothing industry, in which the number of firms reporting home work
was considerably larger than in the other industries, the establishments
were selected at random from among those meeting the requirements
of the study.
Of the 117 firms represented, 96 were manufacturers or shop con­
tractors and 21 were home contractors. Shop contractors, as the
term is used in this report, are in reality manufacturers. They secure
their materials from the manufacturer, who actually is often only the
77455*— 38-----2


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10

PROHIBITION OF INDUSTRIAL HOM E WORK

owner of the material, and make up the merchandise in their own
shops or factories, employing home workers for the finishing processes.
Both manufacturers and shop contractors, in distributing materials
to home workers, often make use of home contractors. Home con­
tractors are distributing agents solely; no part of the work is done on
their own premises.
T able

1.—Industry and number of home workers employed by firm prior to abolition
of industrial home work
Number of home workers employed

Industry

Total
firms

Less
than
10

10, less 20, less 30, less 40, less
than
than
than
thnn
20
30
40
50

Total_______________________

117

14

20

19

11

7

M en’s clo th in g ...............................
M en’s neckwear..........................
Artificial flowers.................................
Jewelry__________ ____ _____
Tags...........................................................

52
23
20
15
7

2
5
3
4

9
3
5
3

12
3
4

4
3
3

5
1

50 or
more

36

10 or
more
(not
other­
wise
speci­
fied)
10

The home workers interviewed were selected at random from lists
submitted by the manufacturers and contractors visited in the course
of the study. The number chosen to represent any one establishment
was roughly in proportion to the total number of home workers
employed by that establishment.


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THE MANUFACTURER AND PROHIBITION OF INDUSTRIAL
HOME WORK
ACTION TAKEN BY MANUFACTURERS IN REGARD TO HOME-WORK
OPERATIONS

Of the 117 manufacturers and contractors interviewed in the course
of the study, 93 (75 manufacturers and 18 contractors) had brought at
least a part of their home workers into the factory during the period in
which home work was prohibited under the codes, and 3 had brought
the work inside without increasing the number of their factory workers.
In these three establishments work identical with that done in the
home had been done in the factory also, and a steadily decreasing
demand for the product in question did not warrant bringing the
home workers inside. Four other manufacturers had given the work
formerly done by home workers to contractors who, in turn, had
established themselves in shops and brought their home workers
inside.
The remaining 17 employers (15 percent of those interviewed) had
made no attempt to bring the home-work operations into the factory.
The following enumeration shows the number and kinds of firms
included in this group and their method of adjusting to home-work
prohibitions:
Adjustment

Number
of firms

Industry

1,

Men’s clothing.
Discontinued line of goods on which home workers Artificial flowers
were employed.
.Jewelry________
Artificial flowers.
Transferred line of goods to factory abroad,

1
1
1
1
1

5

Went out of business___________________________

1
2

Obtained special home certificates for all workers 3_i Artificial flowers.
Men’s neckwear.
Distributed home work in violation of code pro- Artificial flowers,
hibitions.

3

NUMBER OF WORKERS GIVEN FACTORY EMPLOYMENT

In practically all the establishments included in the study preference
in employment had been given to former home workers of the firm
when the home-work operations were brought into the factory. Of
the 93 firms bringing their home workers inside, 63 reported that they
s “ Because the immediate abolition of home work in industries in which it had been a custom for many
years might work a hardship to persons handicapped for factory employment, the President issued an
Executive order on M ay 15, 1934, exempting certain groups of workers from the home-work provisions of
Codes.
” This order was administered by the U . S. Department of Labor in cooperation with the National Recovery
Administration, and workers desiring exemption under the order were required to obtain home-work cer­
tificates from their State department of labor or other designated agency. Certificates were issued only to
(1) workers incapacitated for factory employment because of physical disability; (2) workers who had been
accustomed in the past to earn their living by home work and who were too old to adjust to factory routine;
and (3) workers whose services were absolutely essential at home to care for an invalid. Home workers
obtaining certificates under the Executive order were to receive the same rate of pay as factory workers
doing the same kind of work, and their hours of work were subject to the same limitations as those of factory
employees."—Industrial Home Work Under the National Recovery Administration, p. 7. U . S. Depart­
ment of Labor, Children’s Bureau Publication No. 234. Washington, D . C., 1936.

11

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PROHIBITION OF INDUSTRIAL. H OM E WORK

had recruited all, and 30 reported that they had recruited half of their
employees from among their former home workers. For the most part,
other workers had applied in person or had been referred by the union.
Manufacturers reported that the large majority were experienced
workers, the former home workers of other firms, who because of some
preference of their own or because there was no place for them in the
establishment from which they had obtained home work, had sought
employment elsewhere.
The following table shows by specific industry the number of home
workers employed in the factory on home-work operations at the
time of the study and the number of home workers employed prior
to the prohibition of home work as reported by the firms included in
the study.
T a b l e 2.—Industry

and number of home workers employed prior to abolition of
home work and number employed in factory after abolition
Firms visited

Industry

Number
reporting

Total

Home
workers
employed
prior to
abolition

Home workers ememployed in factory
after abolition

Number

Percent of
number
employed
prior to
abolition

117

108

5,352

3,094

67.8

52
23
20
15
7

48
21
18
15
6

2,301
834
471
1,228
518

2,153
435
168
90
248

93.6
52.2
35.7
7.3
47.9

FACTORS AFFECTING THE TRANSFER OF HOME WORKERS TO THE
FACTORY

The proportion of home workers taken into the factory for home­
work operations in the five industries studied depended to a large
degree upon three factors:
1. The extent to which manufacturers complied with code prohibitions of home
work.
2. The demand for the home-work product at the time of the transfer of the
work to the factory.
3. The changes effected in the home-work processes, when the work was brought
into the factory, which resulted in a displacement of workers.
Code violations and special certificates.

In addition to the firms shown in the fist on page 11 that made
no effort to bring their home-work operations into the factory, 13
firms brought a minor part of their work inside but continued to dis­
tribute work to a large number of home workers. Twelve of these
firms (3 artificial-flower and 8 men’s neckwear manufacturers, and 1
tag manufacturer) had obtained special home-work certificates issued
under the President’s Executive order and T, an artificial-flower
manufacturer, had given out work in complete disregard of code pro-


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I N SELECTED IN DUSTRIES U N DER T H E N . R. A.

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hibitions. While these firms were the only ones encountered in the
course of the study that were willing to admit that they had continued
to distribute home work, it was reported by workers and employers
alike that the effectiveness of the code home-work prohibitions were
nullified to a considerable extent in both the artificial-flower and the
men’s neckwear industry by the issuance of large numbers of special
home-work certificates and by continual violation of the codes’ regu­
lations by many employers.
According to a report published by the Department of Labor and
Industry in Pennsylvania4 the number of home-work-exemption
certificates issued in the men’s neckwear industry in that State had
“assumed dangerous proportions” at the time the National Industrial
Recovery Act was invalidated. This industry employed more than
30 percent of the workers granted special certificates, although in
September 1933, the last date for which a report is available prior to
the prohibition of home work, it had employed only 2 percent of the
total number of home workers reported.
The number of artificial-flower firms giving out home work was
negligible in Pennsylvania, but in New York City, where a large
number of the firms making up this industry are concentrated, a
member of the code authority reported that not only had they received
complaints that exemption certificates had been made use of to cir­
cumvent the code prohibitions—certificated workers having been
urged to accept a larger assignment of work than they themselves
could do and to distribute it to neighbors and friends—but home work
had also been distributed openly without pretense of conforming to
code regulations. This had been done not only through contractors,
whose names had not been reported to the code authority as required,
but directly by manufacturers as well. One manufacturer, who had
given out home work regularly during the period it was prohibited,
frankly admitted in an interview that he made a practice of distribut­
ing work to his factory employees to be done by their friends and
relatives. The work was delivered to the employees at a designated
place several blocks from the factory when they left the plant in the
evening. When completed it was deposited in parcel lockers in sub­
way stations from which it was later collected by the firm.
Eleven of the twenty-three neckwear manufacturers interviewed
in the course of the study and 8 of the 20 artificial-flower manufac­
turers had secured home-work exemptions for at least some of their
workers. The number of certificated workers reported varied from
2 to 30, but in more than half it did not fall below 10, as the following
list shows. In the other three industries combined, only two firms
reported the employment of more than one certificated worker.
* Industrial Home Work in Pennsylvania Under the N . R. A., p. 10. Department of Labor and Industry,
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Harrisburg, 1935. (Mimeographed.)


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14

PROHIBITION OF INDUSTRIAL HOM E WORK

Number
of home Number
Number of home workers employed workers of home
prior to prohibition
taken workers
., ,
,
into
certifiMen s neckwear:
factory
cated

8__________ ...............
15_________ _______
30_________ _______
60_________ _______
20_________ _______
18_________ _______
125________
125________ _______
25_______ ._______
35_________ _______
40_________ _______

5
10
30
35
9
5
54
30
25
6
6

Number
of home Number
Number of home workers employed workers of home
prior to prohibition
taken workers
into
certifiArtificial flowers:
factory
cated

4
3
2
10
5
10
20
20
21
13
30

30__________
35__________
100_________
60__________
10__________
25__________
50__________
50__________

______
______
______
--------______
______
______
______

(«)

8
11
5

1
« 50
25
25

12
16
12
4
4
5

10
10

1 N ot reported.
6 At time of prohibition of home work this factory was about to increase the number of home workers.
Therefore when the work was brought into the factory the number of workers brought inside exceeded the
number of home workers employed before prohibition.

Decreased demand for home-work product.

The situation in the jewelry industry, in which the number of
workers given factory employment equaled only 7 percent of the
number of home workers employed prior to abolition, cannot be
attributed entirely to the prohibition of home work. It was due to a
large extent to causes that would have affected employment for home
workers even if employers had been permitted to continue the distri­
bution of the work. Five of the fifteen jewelry manufacturers inter­
viewed, who employed approximately 500 home workers, specialized in
a cheap as well as a better grade of jewelry. Only the cheaper grade
was sent into the homes. At the time the prohibition of home work
became effective in the industry the demand for this product had
decreased to such an extent that there would have been little or no
work even for home workers. According to the manufacturers the
slump in demand was due to a change in style of women’s dress and to
Japanese importations.
Even had the demand for cheap jewelry of the type made in the
home continued, however, it is probable that the absorption of home
workers in this industry would have been less than in the other
industries, so far as the firms included in the study are concerned.
One jewelry manufacturer, who employed some 500 home workers
to restring styles of bead necklaces for which there had been no sale
when styles changed, was forced to give up his business when home
work was prohibited. This employer frankly stated that only the
low wages paid to home workers had made it possible for him to
continue in business in the past.
Changes in home-work operations.

To offset the increased labor and overhead costs attending the
transfer of the work to the factory in many establishments, home­
work operations were replaced by machine operations whenever possi­
ble and, to speed up individual production, such hand operations as
could not be adapted to machines were broken down into simple
repetitive processes.
In the men’s clothing industry buttonholes had been made by ma­
chine on the cheaper grade of garments for a number of years, but, up
to the time of the codes, hand buttonholing was still being done on


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IK SELECTED IN DUSTRIES U N D ER T H E N . R. A.

15

the better garments. With the prohibition of home work, however,
manufacturers turned almost exclusively to machine-made button­
holes.
Machine operations also replaced some of the felling operations
on men’s clothing. As yet there is no machine that will do the more
complicated work on the shoulders, neck, and armholes of men’s
coats, but in comparatively recent years machines have been per­
fected for felling the under-arm seams and the bottom of the garment.
Even before the home-work provisions of the codes became effective
felling machines were used by some manufacturers and, with the pro­
hibition of home work, their use became more general.
Hand operations that could not be adapted to machines were some­
times broken down into as many as six processes; the usual break­
down, however, was into three processes. The more difficult work
on the sleeves of the coat, known among the workers as “f- lling
whites” because of the color of the lining, was assigned to the most
skilled workers; “felling blacks” (the work on the body of the coat)
was given to the less-experienced workers; and “cleaning” (pulling
bastings) to beginners.
In contract shops production was further speeded up by shop
specialization. In general, contract shops had always specialized in
one type of garment—coats, trousers, or vests—but, when the home­
work operations were brought inside, specialization was carried even
further and each shop confined its manufacture to only one or two
styles of garment^ such as sack coats, dress coats, full-lined coats,
and so forth.
The men’s clothing industry, it was generally recognized, made
the greatest effort of any of the industries included in the study to
eliminate home work. In spite of the fact that there was some dis­
placement of workers by machines and by other improved methods of
manufacture, the group of workers taken into the factory for home­
work operations equaled 94 percent of the number of home workers
employed prior to abolition. This was a much larger proportion than
was brought inside in any of the other industries included in the study.
This industry, however, unlike the other industries, had the interest
and aid of a strong union in enforcing code regulations, and practically
no complaints were received of violations of code prohibitions regard­
ing home work.
Tag manufacturers substituted machine operations for hand opera­
tions to an even greater extent than men’s clothing manufacturers.
According to information furnished by the code authority, in connection
with cost and time-study analyses made during the N. R. A. period,
more than 150 varieties of tags are manufactured. Almost all these
had been strung by home workers prior to the time that home work
was abolished in the industry. With the prohibition of home work,
manufacturers turned to machines for the stringing of their standard­
ized products, putting existing machinery into more constant opera­
tion and installing new machines when necessary. Hand work was
continued only on those varieties of tags that were in less demand or
on those for which no machine had as yet been perfected. In order to
speed up the work of hand workers, motion and time studies were
made by the code authority, and on the basis of these studies assistance
was given to individual producers in reorganizing their methods of
production.

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16

PROHIBITION OF INDUSTRIAL. H OM E WORK

In the other three industries little change was made in the home­
work processes when they were brought into the factory. Some neck­
wear manufacturers divorced the sewing and pressing operations, and
a few artificial-flower firms, making a sincere effort to eliminate home
work, reduced the amount of hand work on their goods; but in general
no serious attempt was made to change existing methods of manu­
facture in any of these industries. The fact that a large amount of
home work was still being distributed in the men’s neckwear and the
artificial-flower industry, either in violation of code provisions or by
authority of special home-work certificates, undoubtedly accounts to
a large extent for the comparatively small number of home workers
taken into the factory in these industries.
EFFECT OF THE PROHIBITION OF HOME WORK ON PRODUCTION

A large majority of the manufacturers interviewed in the course of
the study reported that ODce the shift from the home to the factory
had been made home workers adjusted to factory employment with
far less difficulty than had been anticipated. The 5-day week pre­
vailing during the period of the N. R. A. in the industries studied
made it easier, of course, for housewives to accent employment out­
side the home, and many firms allowed women with family responsi­
bilities to report for work a little later and leave somewhat earlier
than the regular factory force in order that they might be at home
during the hours their children were free from school. Most of the
firms reported that these concessions had been neither difficult to
arrange nor inconvenient.
After 3 or 4 weeks in which to adjust themselves to the factory
routine, most of the home workers were able to keep pace with other
factory employees. A few manufacturers reported that they had
been obliged to dismiss a considerable number of their former home
workers because they had not been able to earn the minimum code
wage, but the majority felt that there was little difference between
former home workers and other workers in this respect. N or did age
seem to make a difference, many of the older women interviewed
being among the higher-wage earners. In one shop a grandmother,
63 years of age, was the pride of the workers because in the first week
of her factory employment she had earned the minimum code wage
of $14 and in a few weeks had exceeded it. In fact, in the men’s
clothing industry older women were preferred to the younger workers
because of their more “all-round” experience. When the work is
done in the home the tasks of the younger members of the family are
apt to be limited to the less-skilled processes.
Although the home workers chosen for factory employment were, so
far as possible, among the most capable workers, selection depended
also upon whether the worker could leave home, so that the choice of
the employer was limited to a considerable extent.
With the concentration of home workers in the factory there was,
according to a large number of the manufacturers interviewed, an
improvement in both the amount and the quality of work produced.
It was felt that steadier application on the part of the workers and
improved methods of work, which it had been possible to inaugurate
when the work was brought dnder closer supervision, had increased


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I N SELECTED IN DUSTRIES U N D E R T H E N . R. A.

17

output considerably. Also, the flow of goods from one department
to another had been facilitated when the work was concentrated in
the plant, and shipments, consequently, had been made more promptly.
The loss from waste and spoilage—a large item when the work was
done in the home, especially in the jewelry industry—had been reduced
appreciably. Furthermore, it had been possible to demand higher
standards of work.
Only in the artificial-flower industry were there consistent com­
plaints or any considerable number of complaints regarding home
workers as factory workers. Many manufacturers in this industry
reported that, in spite of concessions made in the matter of hours of
work, the labor turn-over among former home workers was excessive;
that they were slow and unable to earn the code wage; that they were
constantly complaining and moving from one factory to another. In
this industry, however, it was found that many firms had brought
their home work inside at the prevailing piece rates for home work
and, according to manufacturers and home workers alike, at those
rates “ it was impossible for an individual to earn a fair wage in 8
hours.” One manufacturer, arguing for the return of home work,
frankly admitted that “the workers cannot make enough inside.
At home neighbors and children can help with the work, but in the
factory each worker has to do his job alone.”
The complaints of workers in regard to their inability to earn the
code minimum wage in the factory were intensified by the fact that
some artificial-flower manufacturers were continuing to distribute
home work in spite of the code prohibition and that, in some instances,
neighbors, who were working long hours and utilizing the services of
all members of the family, were making more at home work than the
factory workers could make in their 8 hours at the factory.


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THE HOME WORKER AND PROHIBITION OF HOME WORK
FACTORY EMPLOYMENT OF HOME WORKERS
The home-work group.

Although the name of only one member of the family appears on
the manufacturer’s pay roll under the home-work system, the family
group rather than the individual is usually the working unit and others
m the household assist with the work. In the families of the 505 home
workers whose names were selected for study from the manufacturers’
pay rolls, there were 1,211 workers. Of the 1,114 for whom age was
reported, 578 were between the ages of 20 and 50, a potential labor
supply of experienced workers.
T a b l e 3.— Age

of industrial home workers, in families visited, who were employed
in specified industry prior to abolition of home work
Industrial home workers
Industry in which employed
Total
M en’s
clothing

Age

M en’s
neckwear

Per­
Per­
N um ­ cent N um ­ cent N um ­
dis­
dis­
ber tribu­ ber tribu­
ber
tion
tion
T o ta l-.. . ____

1,211

Age reported___________ 1,114
Under 14 years...........
14 years, under 16___
16 years, under 18___
18 years, under 20___
20 years, under 30___
30 years, under 40___
40 years, under 50___
50 years and over___

89
98
129
124
179
177
222
96

Age not reported_______

97

318

Artificial
flowers

Per­
cent N um ­
dis­
tribu­ ber
tion

Per­
cent N um ­
dis­
tribu­ ber
tion

138

170

Jewelry

Tags

Per­
Per­
cent N um ­ cent
dis­ ber dis­
tribu­
tribu­
tion
tion

280

305

100

293

100

146

100

108

100

274

100

293

100'

8
9
12
11
16
16
20
9

28
31
34
31
30
44
73
22

10
11
12
11
10
15
25
8

1
8
15
9
31
42
26
14

1
5
10
6
21
29
18
10

9
6
6
10
23
14
25
15

8
6
6
9
21
13
23
14

35
32
44
35
42
34
39
13

13
12
16
13
15
12
14
5

16
21
30
39
53
43
59
32

5
7
10
13
18
15
20
11

25

24

30

6

12

Number and age distribution of home workers taken into the factory.

In almost half of the 505 families visited (241) at least one member
of the household had been taken into the factory when home work was
prohibited under the N. R. A. As most manufacturers had attempted
to compensate as many families as possible for the loss of their work in
the home, factory employment was usually offered to only one member
of the family; in several households, however, two and in one case
three home workers had been given factory employment.
Altogether, in the 505 families visited, 277 workers had obtained
factory employment—226 of these from the firm or contractor for
18


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19

IN SELECTED IN DUSTRIES UNDER T H E N . R. A.

whom they had formerly done home work and 51 from new employers.
The large majority were engaged in the factory on operations identical
with those they had done in the home, or, where these operations had
been broken down into simpler processes, upon some part of the home
operations. A ttle over one-tenth were engaged upon new opera­
tions all or at least a part of the time.
Contrary to the argument frequently advanced in defense of the
home-work system—that the older and more experienced home
workers woula be prevented by family responsibilities from accepting
factory employment and that manufacturers, therefore, would be
faced with a shortage of skilled labor—it was found that the home
workers taken into the factory had by no means been recruited exclu­
sively from the younger-age groups. In fact there was surprisingly
little difference in the proportion of younger and older workers who
were given inside employment. Of the 318 home workers 40 years of
age and over in the families visited, 26 percent, and of the 480 between
the ages of 18 and 40 years, 29 percent had been taken into the factory.
Of the total number of home workers who had obtained factory em­
ployment and for whom age was reported, slightly more than one-third
(35 percent) were 40 years of age or over (table 4).
T a b l e 4.— Age

of worker and industry in which employed; industrial home workers,
in families visited, who were employed in factory following abolition of home work
Workers employed in factory
Industry in which employed
Age
Total
M en’s
clothing

M en’s
neck­
wear

Arti­
ficial
flowers

Jewelry

Tags

T otal______________________ _____

277

101

53

45

26

52

Under 18 years...................................................
18 years, under 20.............................................
20 years, under 30............... ...........-.................
30 years, under 40 ..........................................
40 years, under 50_______ _______ _______

18
39
46
54
68
15
37

2
7
9
27
37
8
11

1
1
12
12
9
2
16

1
6
7
6
13
3
9

7
11
6
2

7
14
12
7
9
2
1

N ot reported______ _____ ______________

Older workers were particularly conspicuous in the group taken into
the factory in the men’s clothing industry, the artificial-flower indus­
try, and the men’s neckwear industry. In the first two industries
approximately half and in the third industry one-third of the home
workers who had obtained inside employment were at least 40 years
of age. In the jewelry and tag industries, on the other hand, where
nimble fingers rather than skill and experience are a requisite, the
group given factory employment was younger. In the jewelry indus­
try no worker 40 years of age or over, and in the tag industry only
about one-fifth of those who had obtained factory employment, had
reached 40 years.
Factory earnings of former home workers.

Home workers, corroborating the statements made by manufacturers,
reported that piece rates paid to factory workers following the transfer
of home-work operations to the factory were double and in some

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20

PRO HIBITION OP INDUSTRIAL H OM E WORK

instances even treble those paid home workers for identical operations.
In factories where the home-work operations had been broken down
into simple processes the rate paid for a single process often equaled
or even exceeded the rate paid for the complete operation done m the
home.
.
.
.
An estimate of hourly earnings from home work just prior to its
abolition was obtained from the chief home workers in 325 of the fam­
ilies interviewed.7 The median for the group was 14 cents. The
median hourly earnings of a group of 1,715 factory workers8 engaged
on identical operations following their transfer to the factory were 44
cents—a little more than three times as great as those of the home work­
ers. Unquestionably the effect of the codes had been to increase to
some extent the earnings of factory workers, but even had factory
wages not been raised there would have been a substantial increase
in the earnings of the home workers taken into the factory.
A more accurate conception of the extent to which home-work wages
had to be increased to make them commensurate with factory wages
under the codes may be obtained from the figures in the following
table, which represent the hourly earnings from home work and from
identical work done in the factory of 107 home workers from whom
information on earnings from both factory and home work could be
obtained.
T a b l e 5.— Hourly

earnings reported from home work and from factory work following
abolition of home work; chief home worker in families visited
Chief home workers employed in factory
Hourly earnings from factory work

Hourly earnings from industrial Total
borne work
report­
35
40
25
30
20
45
10
15
50
Less cents,
ing
cents, cents, cents, cents, cents, cents, cents,
earn­ than less less less less less less less less cents
10 than than than than than than than than
ings
cents 15
35
40
45
20
25
30
50
Total reporting earnings..

10

24

5 cents less than 10..................
10 cents, less than 15...............
15 cents, less than 20..............
20 cents* less than 25............. .
25 cents, less than 30_______
30 cents, less than 35_______
35 cents, less thna 40...............
40 cents, less than 45_______
45 cents, less than 50........... . .
50 cents or more___________
7 This estimate was based upon the usual weekly earnings of the workers and the rate of pay received
together with the worker’s statement regarding the time required to complete a given unit of work.
• Median earnings of factory workers were computed from information obtained from the pay rolls of 48 of
the 117 manufacturers interviewed in the course of the study.


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IN SELECTED IN DUSTRIES U N D ER T H E N . R. A.

21

As the table shows, 76 of these workers earned less than 25 cents an
hour at industrial home work, while only 18 earned less than that
amount in the factory. Only in the artificial-flower industry—and in
that industry only in the case of learners during the first 3 months of
their employment—was the minimum wage set by the code for factory
workers as low as 25 cents an hour. The figures quoted, however,
represent the actual earnings of the workers exclusive of any “make
up” paid by the manufacturer to bring their earnings up to the code
minimum.
In analyzing the weekly earnings of the home workers taken into
the factory it was found that in 80 percent of the families in which
home work was replaced by factory work the earnings of the one factory
worker in the household exceeded the usual earnings of the entire
family from home work and equaled the amount in another 8 percent
of the families.
No comparison of weekly earnings is possible on the basis of the
individual worker for the group interviewed as a whole, since home­
work earnings usually represent family earnings, but for the 67 families
in which there was only 1 home worker for whom earnings were re­
ported, figures show that the weekly earnings from factory work wefe
at least half again as high as those from home work in 11 instances;
they were at least double in 24 instances; and in 7 instances they were
at least 3 times the home-work earnings.
REACTION OF HOME WORKERS TO FACTORY EMPLOYMENT
Adjustment to factory employment.

In spite of the fact that in the 505 families visited 35 percent of
the home workers taken into the factory were 40 years of age and over,
the great majority (90 percent) reported that on the whole they had
experienced little difficulty in fitting into the factory routine and other­
wise adjusting themselves to factory employment. Most employers
had allowed their workers a period of 2 to 6 weeks in which to become
accustomed to the work, but the majority of the workers interviewed
reported that within a few days, or a week at the most, they had be­
come used to the work. Many of them had been accustomed to
working long hours at home work, and the opportunity to work
without the confusion of family life around them was a relief rather
than a hardship.
Of the 277 home workers who had been taken into the factory when
home work was abolished 150 were still employed at the time of the
study. Of the 127 whose employment had been terminated only
19 reported that they had left their jobs or had been laid off because
they could not adjust to the work or because they had been unable to
earn the minimum code wage. These 19 workers were not entirely
from the older-age group, as might have been expected; 11 of the
workers in this group were under 40 years.


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22

PROHIBITION OF INDUSTRIAL H OM E WORK

The specific reasons given by the workers interviewed for terminat­
ing their factory employment are shown in the following list:
Heatons for terminating factory employment

Number of
workers

Adjustment satisfactory_______________________________________ 108
Work slack______________________________________________
Illness___________________________________________________
Firm closed down temporarily or permanently______________
Factory returned to home work after invalidation of N. R. A_
Needed at home__________________________________________
Machines installed_____________________________________;__
Other members of family obtained employment_____________
Obtained better job_______________________________________
Marriage________________________________________________
Discharged for reasons other than slack work and inability to
make code wage_______________•________________________
Factory gave work to contractor___________________________
Under age for factory employment_________________________
Wages reduced after invalidation of N. R. A________________
Factory or family moved__________________________________
Obtained special home-work certificate_____________________
Other reasons____________________________________________
Reason not reported__________________________________

21
17
14
8
5
4
3
3
3

Adjustment unsatisfactory.I___________________________________

19

Discharged for failure to make code wage___________________
Unable to do the work____________________________________
Did not like factory work_________________________________
Earnings too small_______________________________________

11
4
2
2

3
2
2
2
2
1
5
13

A manufacturer interviewed in the course of the study summed up
the attitude of most home workers toward factory employment when
he remarked to the Children’s Bureau agent, “They have tasted better
now; they will never go back to home work.” The majority of the
group taken into the factory were mothers with families and, as
has been stated, more than one-third were 40 years of age or over; yet
79 percent of these women reported that factory employment was to
be preferred to home work. Many who had dreaded making the
initial break from the home—among them some who had had con­
siderable difficulty for the first few days in adjusting to factory
routine—were emphatic in their assertion that they would never
again do home work.
Shorter and more regular hom*s of work, no night work, the oppor­
tunity of working without the interruptions of household duties, and
well-equipped quarters in which to work, were among the advantages
of factory employment cited by the workers. The two outstanding
reasons given for their preference, however, were increased earnings
and the relief of a home freed from the “everlasting clutter” of work—
a boon appreciated by the entire family.
Even the comparatively few women who would have preferred to
do home work, if it had been available, were impressed with the fact
that conditions of work—wages in particular—were better in the
factory than at home. In almost the same breath in which they asked
for home work again they condemned the conditions under which it
had to be done. Except for the fact that they had a family to care
for and “felt that a mother’s place is in the home” many of these
women, too, would have preferred factory work.


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IN SELECTED IN DUSTRIES U N D E R T H E N . R. A.

23

The women who had been able to adjust to the new conditions
had profited by their contact with the factory and with factory
workers. As home workers, isolated from other workers and ignorant
of the wages paid in the factory, they had accepted, under the pres­
sure of daily needs, whatever wage was offered. The remark of a
woman to a Children’s Bureau agent, in the course of a study pub­
lished in 1928, that “we don’t get much for all the hard work, but
we’re lucky to get any work at all,” typifies the attitude of home
workers prior to the period of the N. K. A. However, once they
have worked outside the home with more adequate wages and shorter
and more regular hours, home workers are m a better position to
evaluate their services. The statement of one woman encountered in
the course of the present study is the opinion of most home workers
now: “I would never take home work again, even at the factory
rates, because I know the rates would be cut before long.”
FAMILY PROBLEMS ARISING FROM PROHIBITION OF HOME WORK

On the assumption that most home workers are mothers with young
children or persons otherwise handicapped for factory employment,
much has been said regarding the hardships that loss of work would
entail for home workers and their families. Home workers, it has been
urged, would not be in a position to accept factory employment. If
they were not actually tied to the home by family responsibilities or
physical handicaps, the difficulties of providing adequate care for the
family would be so great that both mother and children would suffer.
So far as the findings of this study indicate, neither of these assump­
tions seems warranted. In fact, as the following enumeration shows,
an analysis of the records of the 505 families interviewed indicates that
for a much larger proportion of the families than is generally assumed,
lack of opportumty rather than family responsibilities or physical
handicaps prevented employment outside the home.
Number

Employment status of 505 families interviewed
families
Total________________________________________________________
505
At least 1 home worker taken into factory.___________________________
No home workers taken into factory_______________ __________________

241
264

Other employment secured by some member of the family______ ___

35

Former home workers____________________________________ •_
Others in family____________________________________________

29
6

Employment outside home not secured but'possible_____________

156

Former home workers_______________________________________
Others in family__________________________________

100
56

Employment outside home impossible____________________________

73

Physically handicapped_____________________________________
Family responsibility_______________________________________
Other reasons, and reasons not reported----------------------------------

19
45
9


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24

PROHIBITION OF INDUSTRIAL H OM E WORK

Adjustment necessary for factory employment—home workers taken into factory.

In most of the 241 families in which the home workers obtained
factory employment the problem of family adjustment was com­
paratively simple. In 95, almost two-fifths, of the 241 families in
which home work was replaced by factory work either some member of
the household other than the mother obtained inside employment or
there were no children in the family under 16 years of age to require
close supervision. For those families factory employment resulted in
little or no change in the family routine.
,
In the remaining 146 families it was the mother of a growmg family
who was taken into the factory when home work was no longer
available. Even for the majority of these families, however, adjust­
ment did not prove difficult. In 67, almost half their number, another
responsible adult was present in the home to assume the household
duties and the care of the children during the mother’s absence, and
in 33 the children were all in school and old enough to prepare their
own lunches and look after themselves and younger brothers and sisters
until the mother returned from work. In another 24 families satis­
factory arrangements were made for the care of the children outside
the home. In some cases relatives in the neighborhood assumed this
responsibility; in' others day nurseries, settlements, and so forth,
were utilized. In a few cases arrangements were made with schools
whereby younger children were allowed to remain in the building until
older brothers or sisters were released from the classroom. Less
frequently neighbors and friends accepted the care of the children.
In only 22 of the 146 families was the adjustment so difficult that the
mother reported she would have preferred to work at home had home
work been available. In eight of these families the care of the children
was left to brothers and sisters who were unable to cope with them or
to older people who because of age or other duties were unable to bear
the responsibility easily; in the remainder, relatives, friends, and
neighbors assumed their care. In only 8 of these 23 families, however,
were there any children under school age, and in only 1 was there a
child under 1 year of age.
Possibility of accepting factory employment—home workers not taken into
factory.

In almost half (49 percent) of the 264 families in which none of the
home workers were taken into the factories, there was at least one home
worker in the household who was free to accept outside employment.
In fact, a number of the home workers were heads of families, or grown
sons and daughters who had been assisting with the work during
periods of unemployment. In another 23 percent of the families,
although none of the home workers themselves were in a position to
accept factory employment, there were other unemployed members of
the household who could have done so. Thus in 72 percent of the
families it should have been possible to compensate for the loss of
home-work earnings with other employment. At the time of the
study work had been obtained in only a little more than one-tenth of
these families, but again it must be borne in mind that the period
during which home work was prohibited was one of general unemploy­
ment. Undoubtedly under more normal conditions a larger number


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IN SELECTED IN DUSTRIES U N D ER T H E N . R. A.

25

of those workers would have been taken into the factory or would have
obtained other employment.
With the more regular employment furnished those workers who
went into the factory it could hardly be expected that the entire group
of home workers would be absorbed even under more normal condi­
tions. Also there would always be some displacement of workers by
machines. In any case, technologic changes would have had to be
faced by home workers sooner or later, just as they have been faced by
factory workers. To a limited extent machines had been in use several
years prior to the inauguration of the codes. Prohibition of home
work may have hastened their general use, but their advent was
inevitable.
Leaving out of consideration, then, those families in which under
normal industrial conditions it would have been possible to replace
home-work earnings by other employment (either of the home worker
or of some other adult member of the family) there remain only 73
families, 14 percent of the 505 included in the study, in which, accord­
ing to the statement of the home worker interviewed, no member of
the household was in a position to accept outside employment.
(See p. 23.) In a few cases the home worker was incapacitated by
illness or was too old to adjust to factory routine; in one or two
instances factory work had been attempted and discarded. In
most of the families in this group, however, the home worker stated
that she was prevented by family responsibilities from accepting
employment outside the home, although in some instances it would
seem that possibilities of adjustment might have been found that would
release her for outside employment.
HOME WORKERS RECEIVING RELIEF

It can hardly be said in regard to the home workers included in the
study, as has been suggested for home workers in general, that the loss
of home-work earnings resulted in any large number of families
applying for relief. It is true that of the 374 families visited in which
home-work earnings were not replaced by factory work or in which
factory work had been obtained but had terminated before the codes
were invalidated, 162, almost half, had received some relief. How­
ever, a considerable number of these families had already been re­
ceiving relief prior to the period that home work was abolished, and
their need can hardly be attributed to their loss of home work. Only
49 families had made their first application for assistance after the
date on which home work was abolished, and in 31 of these families
investigation revealed that it was not the loss of home work but the
recent unemployment of other members of the family that had been
the immediate cause of need. It is possible that if home work had not
been prohibited these families might have managed on their home-work
earnings without applying for relief, though it is doubtful, since prior
to the prohibition of home work only eight of these families reported a
weekly income from home work in excess of $5, and in only one were
earnings as high as $10.
All in all, it seems safe to conclude that in only 18 families, 4 percent
of the 505 interviewed, did the loss of home-work earnings cause the
family to apply for relief.


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SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
T h e experiences o f m a n u fa c tu r e r s a n d h o m e w orkers in
e s ta b lis h m e n ts th a t m a d e a sin cere e ffo rt to c o m p ly w ith code
p r o h ib itio n o f in d u s tr ia l h o m e w ork, p a r tic u la r ly in th e m e n 's
c lo th in g in d u s tr y , in w h ic h 94 p e r c e n t o f th e h o m e w orkers
w ere ta k e n in to th e fa c to ry , in d ic a te th a t p r o h ib itio n o f h o m e
w o rk is n o t im p r a c tic a b le fr o m th e s ta n d p o in t o f e ith e r th e
m a n u fa c tu r e r or th e h o m e w orker.
I n general, m a n u fa c tu r e r s r e p o rte d t h a t th e d iffic u ltie s o f
c o m p ly in g w ith code p r o h ib itio n s h a d n o t b e e n so g re a t as h a d
been a n tic ip a te d . C o n tra ry to e x p e c ta tio n s, n o sh o rta g e o f
e x p erien c e d labor d evelo p ed a n d , o n c e th e s h if t fr o m h o m e to
fa c to r y h a d been a c c o m p lish e d , h o m e w orkers a d ju s te d to
fa c to r y r o u tin e w ith c o m p a ra tiv e ly little d iffic u lty . W ith th e
c o n c e n tr a tio n o f th e w o rk in sid e , losses fr o m w a ste a n d sp o ilage w ere a p p recia b ly red u ced , s h ip m e n ts w ere b e in g m a d e m o re
p r o m p tly , a n d b o th th e q u a n tity a n d th e q u a lity o f th e p r o d u c t
im p ro v e d . S te a d ie r a p p lic a tio n o n th e p a r t o f th e w o rkers
a n d m o re e ffic ie n t m e th o d s o f w ork, w h ic h i t h a d been p o ssib le
to in a u g u r a te w h e n th e w o rkers w ere b r o u g h t u n d e r closer
su p e rv isio n , h a d th e ir e ffe ct. O nly in th e artificia l-flo w er i n ­
d u s tr y , in w h ic h a n u m b e r o f firm s h a d b r o u g h t th e w o rk
in sid e a t th e o ld p iec e ra te s fo r h o m e w o rk, w ere a n y a p p re ci­
able n u m b e r o f c o m p la in ts received regarding th e fa ilu r e o f
h o m e w orkers to a d ju s t to fa c to r y e m p lo y m e n t.
H o m e w orkers, as w ell as m a n u fa c tu r e r s , w ere im p r e ss e d
w ith th e a d va n ta g e s o f fa c to r y e m p lo y m e n t. A lth o u g h th e
m a jo r ity o f th e w orkers ta k e n in sid e w ere w o m e n w ith f a m i ­
lies —a c o m p a ra tiv e ly large n u m b e r o f th e m 40 y e a rs o f age or
over— 79 p e r c e n t re p o rte d th a t th e y p re fe rre d fa c to r y w o rk to
h o m e w ork. A s reasons fo r th e ir p re fe re n c e th e y c ite d th e ir
in cre a se d ea rn in g s, s h o r te r a n d m o re reg u la r h o u rs, a n d fre e ­
d o m fr o m n ig h t w ork. T h e y a p p re cia ted , also, th e c o n v e n ­
ien c e o f w e ll-e q u ip p e d w o rk in g q u a rte rs, th e o p p o r tu n ity o f
w o rk in g w ith o u t th e in te r r u p tio n o f h o u s e h o ld d u tie s , a n d n o t
lea st, th e r e lie f o f a h o m e fre e d fr o m th e c lu tte r o f h o m e -w o r k
m a te ria ls. E ven w o m e n w h o h a d d re a d ed m a k in g th e in itia l
b rea k fr o m th e h o m e w ere o fte n e m p h a tic in th e ir a sse rtio n s
th a t th e y w o u ld n ever again do h o m e w o rk u n d e r th e c o n d itio n s
th a t e x is te d p rio r to th e code p r o h ib itio n s .
Piece ra te s p a id to fa c to r y w orkers fo r h o m e -w o r k o p e ra tio n s,
fo llo w in g th e tra n sfe r o f th e w o rk to th e fa c to ry , w ere d o u b le
a n d s o m e tim e s even treb le th o se p a id to h o m e w o rkers fo r
id e n tic a l o p e ra tio n s. I n fa c to rie s w h ere h o m e -w o r k o pera­
tio n s h a d been b ro k e n d o w n i n to s im p le p rocesses in order to
sp e e d u p p r o d u c tio n , i t was f o u n d th a t p iec e ra te s fo r a sin g le
p ro cess o fte n e q u a le d or exceeded th e ra te p a id fo r th e c o m p le te

26

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27

o p e ra tio n w h e n i t w as d o n e in th e h o m e . T h e m e d ia n h o u r ly
e a rn in g s o f 325 h o m e w orkers r e p o rtin g e a rn in g s p rio r to th e
p r o h ib itio n w ere 14 c e n ts. On th e o th e r h a n d , th e m e d ia n
h o u r ly ea rn in g s o f a g ro u p o f 1,715 fa c to r y w o rkers eng a g ed
o n th e sa m e o p e ra tio n s th e y h a d p e r fo r m e d as h o m e w orkers
w ere 44 c e n ts.
For m o s t o f th o se fa m ilie s in w h ic h th e h o m e w o rker w as
ta k e n in to th e fa c to r y w h e n th e w o rk w as b r o u g h t in sid e i t
h a d n o t p ro v e d d iffic u lt to arrange a d e q u a te care fo r th e fa m ily
d u r in g th e h o u rs o f e m p lo y m e n t. I n fa c t, a n a n a lysis o f th e
records o f th e 505 fa m ilie s in c lu d e d in th e s tu d y reveals t h a t in
m o s t fa m ilie s in w h ic h fa c to r y w o rk w as n o t se c u re d to c o m ­
p e n s a te fo r th e loss o f h o m e w o rk la ck o f o p p o r tu n ity r a th e r
th a n fa m ily re sp o n sib ilitie s or p h y s ic a l h a n d ic a p s p r e v e n te d
e m p lo y m e n t. I n a lm o s t tw o -fifth s o f th e 241 fa m ilie s in w h ic h
th e h o m e w orker o b ta in e d fa c to r y e m p lo y m e n t s o m e m e m b e r
o f th e h o u s e h o ld o th e r th a n th e m o th e r h a d been ta k e n in s id e
or th e re w ere n o c h ild re n in th e fa m ily u n d e r 16 y e a rs o f age to
req u ire close su p e rv isio n . I n 67 fa m ilie s th e m o th e r o f a
grow ing fa m ily h a d b e e n s e le c te d fo r in sid e e m p lo y m e n t, b u t
a n o th e r re sp o n sib le a d u lt h a d been p r e s e n t in th e h o m e to
a s s u m e th e h o u s e h o ld d u tie s a n d th e care o f th e c h ild re n .
W h ile o th e r a r r a n g e m e n ts h a d to be m a d e fo r th e care o f th e
c h ild re n in th e r e m a in in g 79 fa m ilie s , in o n ly 23 h a d th e a d ­
j u s t m e n t been so d iffic u lt t h a t th e m o th e r re p o rte d sh e w o u ld
ha ve p re fe rre d h o m e w o rk to fa c to r y w ork.
A s fo r th e fa m ilie s in w h ic h th e h o m e w orkers w ere n o t
ta k e n in to th e fa c to r y , i t w as fo u n d th a t in 49 p e r c e n t a t
le a st o n e h o m e w o rker in th e h o u s e h o ld h a d b e e n free a n d
able to a c c e p t fa c to r y e m p lo y m e n t, a n d in a n o th e r 23 p e r c e n t,
a lth o u g h n o n e o f th e h o m e w orkers th e m s e lv e s h a d b e e n in a
p o s itio n to leave h o m e , th e re w ere o th e r u n e m p lo y e d m e m b e r s
o f th e fa m ily w h o c o u ld have d o n e so.
E ven th e s m a ll s u m s th a t can be ea rn ed fr o m h o m e w o rk are
s ig n ific a n t in fa m ilie s o f s m a ll m e a n s . T h e p r o h ib itio n o f
h o m e w o rk, how ever, d id n o t r e s u lt in a n y large n u m b e r o f th e
fa m ilie s a p p ly in g fo r relief. A lth o u g h a lm o s t h a lf o f th e
374 fa m ilie s in w h ic h n o e m p lo y m e n t w as fo u n d to o ffs e t th e
loss o f h o m e -w o r k ea rn in g s, or in w h ic h fa c to r y w o rk w as te r ­
m in a te d b efore th e codes w ere in v a lid a te d , h a d received a s­
s ista n c e a t s o m e tim e d u r in g th e p e r io d in w h ic h h o m e w o rk
w as a b o lish ed , o n ly 49 h a d m a d e th e ir first a p p lic a tio n fo r a id
a fte r th e loss o f th e ir w o rk, a n d in m o r e th a n h a lf o f th e se
fa m ilie s in v e s tig a tio n p ro v e d i t w as n o t th e loss o f h o m e w o rk
b u t th e r e c e n t u n e m p lo y m e n t o f reg u la rly e m p lo y e d m e m b e r s
o f th e fa m ily th a t was th e im m e d ia te cause o f need . T h e i n ­
fo r m a tio n o b ta in e d in d ic a te s t h a t in o n ly 4 p e r c e n t o f th e 505
fa m ilie s in c lu d e d in th e s tu d y d id th e p r o h ib itio n o f h o m e
w o rk cause th e fa m ily to a p p ly fo r relief.
I n c o n sid e rin g th e fin d in g s o f th is re p o rt, i t m u s t be re ­
m e m b e r e d th a t th e p e r io d d u r in g w h ic h h o m e w o rk w as p r o ­
h ib ite d w as o n e o f g e n e ra l u n e m p lo y m e n t. U nder m o re
n o r m a l c o n d itio n s a larger n u m b e r o f h o m e w orkers w o u ld
u n d o u b te d ly have been ta k e n i n to th e fa c to r y ; b u t w ith th e


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PROHIBITION OF INDUSTRIAL HOM E WORK

m o r e reg u la r e m p lo y m e n t fu r n is h e d th o se w orkers w h o w e n t
in to th e fa c to r y i t c o u ld h a rd ly be e x p e c te d th a t th e e n tir e
g ro u p o f h o m e w orkers w o u ld be absorbed. Also, th e re w o u ld
alw ays be so m e d is p la c e m e n t o f w o rkers b y m a c h in e s. Tags tr in g in g a n d fe llin g m a c h in e s w ere in s ta lle d q u ite g en era lly
in th e tag in d u s tr y a n d th e m e n 's c lo th in g in d u s tr y d u rin g
th e p e r io d in w h ic h h o m e w o rk w as p r o h ib ite d . I n a n y case
te c h n o lo g ic c h a n g e s w ill have to be fa c e d b y h o m e w orkers
sooner or la te r, j u s t as th e y ha ve been fa c e d b y fa q to ry w orkers.
To a lim ite d e x te n t th e se m a c h in e s h a d been in use fo r several
y e a rs p rio r to th e in a u g u ra tio n o f th e codes. P r o h ib itio n o f
h o m e w o rk m a y have h a s te n e d th e ir g e n e ra l use; th e ir a d v e n t
was in e v ita b le .

o


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É


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis