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Profit
Published by the Consumer and Community Affairs Division

The Federal Reserve
Bank of Chicago

Spring 2002

PERSPECTIVES ON
CREDIT SCORING AND FAIR
MORTGAGE LENDING

Fourth of a Five-Part Series

Profit

The Fed
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The Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
Spring 2002 Edition

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Perspectives on Credit Scoring and
Fair Mortgage Lending: Part Four in
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PERSPECTIVES ON
CREDIT SCORING AND FAIR
MORTGAGE LENDING

MORTGAGE CREDIT PARTNERSHIP CREDIT SCORING COMMITTEE
Credit scoring is an underwriting tool used to evaluate the creditworthiness of prospective
borrowers. Used for several decades to underwrite certain forms of consumer credit,
scoring has become common in the mortgage lending industry only in the past 10 years.
Scoring brings a high level of efficiency to the underwriting process, but it also has
raised concerns about fair lending among historically underserved populations.

The mission of the Federal Reserve System’s Credit Scoring Committee is to publish a
variety of perspectives on credit scoring in the mortgage underwriting process, specifically
with respect to potential disparities between white and minority homebuyers. To this
end, the committee is producing a five-installment series of articles. The introductory
article provided the context for the issues addressed by the series. The second article
dealt with lending policy development, credit-scoring model selection and model maintenance. The third article explored how lenders monitor the practices of their third-party
brokers, especially for compliance with fair-lending laws, pricing policies and the use of
credit-scoring models.

The fourth article focuses on staff training, the level and consistency of assistance provided
to prospective borrowers and the degree to which applicants are informed about
the ramifications of credit scoring and data accuracy in the mortgage application and
underwriting process.

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Representatives of three organizations were
asked to comment. They were selected
because of their different perspectives on
credit scoring and fair lending.

WILLIAM N. LUND
Maine Office of Consumer Credit Regulation
Mr. Lund is director of Maine’s Office of Consumer
Credit Regulation. A graduate of Bowdoin College
and the University of Maine School of Law, he worked
in private practice and with the Maine Attorney
General’s Office prior to assuming his current position
in 1987. Mr. Lund has served as chair of the Federal
Reserve Board’s Consumer Advisory Council. He
writes and speaks frequently on consumer law issues.

Mr. Dunlap is the loan processing manager/chief
underwriter for Midwest BankCentre. Mr. Dunlap
has 11 years of experience in mortgage underwriting,
compliance, Home Mortgage Disclosure Act and
Community Reinvestment Act reporting, and loan
platform maintenance. He is a graduate of Southeast
Missouri State University and has been with Midwest
BankCentre for five years.

JOSH SILVER
National Community Reinvestment Coalition

JOHN M. ROBINSON III AND KEN DUNLAP
Midwest BankCentre
Mr. Robinson is the audit director/compliance officer
and Community Reinvestment Act officer for Midwest
BankCentre in St. Louis. Mr. Robinson has 16 years
of banking experience with the last 10 in internal
audit and compliance management. He is a graduate
of Westminster College, of Cambridge University’s
master’s program and of the American Bankers Association’s National Compliance School. He is chairman
of the Missouri Bankers Association Compliance
Committee and a board member and speaker on
compliance topics for the Gateway Region Center
for Financial Training.

2

Mr. Silver has been the vice president of research and
policy at the National Community Reinvestment
Coalition (NCRC) since 1995. He has a major role in
developing NCRC’s policy positions on the Community Reinvestment Act (CRA) and other fair-lending
laws and regulations. He has also written congressional testimony and conducted numerous research
studies on lending trends to minority and workingclass communities. Prior to joining NCRC, Mr. Silver
was a research analyst with the Urban Institute.
Mr. Silver holds a master’s degree in public affairs
from the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs
at the University of Texas at Austin and a bachelor’s
degree in economics from Columbia University.

PERSPECTIVES ON CREDIT SCORING AND FAIR MORTGAGE LENDING

STATEMENT OF WILLIAM N. LUND
The contributors to this article were asked to
respond to the following statement:
In the past, the terms “thick file syndrome” and
“thin file syndrome” were used to represent the
assertion that white and minority mortgage
applicants received differing levels or quality of
assistance in preparing mortgage applications.
These terms were used primarily before the
advent of credit scoring in mortgage lending.
In the current mortgage market environment,
credit and mortgage scoring have taken a
front seat to judgmental systems. With greater
reliance on these automated systems and less
human judgment in the decision process, the
quality of assistance provided to applicants is
even more important.
Given the increased reliance on automated
underwriting, what should lenders do to
ensure that:
• Lending policy is strictly observed and that
any assistance offered to loan applicants or
prospective applicants to improve their
credit score is offered equitably?
• Applicants have a clear understanding of
the importance of their credit score to the
approval and pricing processes?
• Staff training and oversight regarding
credit policy and fair lending guidelines
are adequate to ensure consistent and fair
treatment of loan applicants?

Maine Office of Consumer Credit Regulation
As a regulator enforcing Maine’s credit reporting laws,
I have tried to learn as much as I can about credit
scoring. The ingenuity of the scoring models and
the complexity of the applied mathematics are very
impressive, and I have no doubt that use of such
scores permits creditors to make fast decisions on
consumers’ applications. However, from the consumer’s perspective, I harbor great concerns about
the exponential growth in the use of such scores,
not only for credit decisions, but also for seemingly
unrelated charges such as automobile insurance
premiums. I can summarize my concerns as follows:

CONCERN #1:
Credit scoring has led to a “re-mystification”
of the credit reporting system.
In 1969, during the debate on the original Fair
Credit Reporting Act (FCRA), Wisconsin Sen.
William Proxmire spoke of the congressional
intent behind the law:
“The aim of the Fair Credit Reporting Act is
to see that the credit reporting system serves
the consumer as well as the industry. The
consumer has a right to information which
is accurate; he has a right to correct inaccurate or misleading information, [and] he has
a right to know when inaccurate information is entered into his file…The Fair Credit
Reporting Act seeks to secure these rights.”
In other words, passage of the FCRA represented
an effort to “de-mystify” the credit decision-making
process. In the years since passage of the act, consumers, creditors, and regulators have become
relatively comfortable with the use of traditional
credit reports.

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However, I fear that the creation and use of credit
scoring systems constitutes a step backward from
the goals of the Fair Credit Reporting Act to make
credit reporting data accessible, understandable and
correctable, and to make credit reporting agencies
responsive to consumers. In other words, just as the
FCRA “de-mystified” the storage and use of credit
information, credit scoring is now serving to “remystify” that process.

CONCERN #2:
A double impact results when an error in the
underlying data impacts a credit score.
The fact that a large percentage of credit report data
is accurate is of little comfort to a consumer whose
report contains harmful errors. If errors in the underlying data result in a low credit score, in effect, the
original error is compounded.
In addition, the consumer now finds himself twice
removed from the actual problems. A credit-scoring
system creates a new layer of data, and that new layer
separates the consumer from the raw data. The system
as a whole becomes less accountable to consumers.
When the Federal Trade Commission decided not
to treat credit scores the same as traditional reports,
not only did this decision remove the legal responsibility to disclose the score, but also to correct an
inaccurate score and notify previous recipients at the
consumer’s request.

CONCERN #3:
Because there are so many different products, and
because these products are ever-changing, consumers
cannot be educated about common rules or standards.
Let’s look at the current range of products: Trans
Union has Empirica, Experian uses the name
Experian/Fair Isaac, and Equifax offers Beacon.
In addition, Fannie Mae has developed Desktop
Underwriter, while Freddie Mac uses its Loan
Prospector. Other lenders use Axion or Pinnacle.

4

Over the years, those of us who assist consumers
with credit report issues have managed to get our
arms around the “big three,” but it is much more
difficult to make sense of the myriad variations on
the credit-scoring theme. Even something as simple
as score values is very confusing: My files contain
the statements of four different experts who describe
the range of scores in the basic Fair Isaac (FICO)
model as 300 to 900, 400 to 900, 336 to 843, and 395
to 848. If product offerings are such that the “experts”
can’t agree on basic information, how can consumers
be expected to gain a meaningful understanding of
the scoring process and its impact?

CONCERN #4:
Reason codes: Everyone gets four generic codes,
regardless of how good or bad their scores.
Reason codes are four numbers, found at the bottom
of a credit scoring report. They equate to generic reasons why the given score isn’t higher. For example,
on one basic FICO model, Code 28 means “Too Many
Accounts”; Code 5 means “Too Many Accounts with
Balances”; and Code 4 means “Too Many Bank or
National Revolving Accounts.”
Four codes are provided, whether your score is 400
or 800. For those with great scores, four may be too
many. For those with low scores, four may be too few.
Why can’t reason codes be specific, as in, “The fact
that your 1972 Pinto was repossessed in January
results in a reduction of about 40 points from your
score?” Don’t we have the technology to do that?
In addition, some of the factors used to determine
scores seem illogical on their faces, the most obvious
being the effect of closing existing, older, unused
credit accounts. From most real-life perspectives,
closing such accounts should be a good thing. From
a scoring perspective, however, that action harms a
score in two ways: First, it increases the ratio of used
credit to available credit, by reducing the denominator of that fraction. Second, it decreases the average
age of a consumer’s credit lines, resulting in further
score reduction.

PERSPECTIVES ON CREDIT SCORING AND FAIR MORTGAGE LENDING

As another example, industry sources have told me
that a consumer gains points for doing business with
established banks, but loses points for doing business
with small loan companies or check-cashers, even if
payment histories are identical. In other words, there
is good credit and bad credit, which may have more
to do with a consumer’s neighborhood and lifestyle
than with an accurate prediction of the chances of
future repayment.
And consider the advice that consumer advocates
have given for years: Compare APRs (Annual
Percentage Rates) and shop around for credit to get
the best deal. Shopping around these days means
piling up inquiries on one’s credit report. Despite
recent efforts within Fair Isaac FICO-based models
to discount groups of inquiries, the fact remains
that numerous inquiries negatively impact credit
scores (in one basic FICO model, Reason Code 8
translates to “Number of Recent Inquiries”).

CONCLUSION
Many aspects of the credit-scoring process have now
gotten ahead of the ability of consumers to make
sense of the system, and of regulators to meaningfully
assist those consumers. Providers of credit scores
should be required to share responsibility for ensuring
the accuracy of the underlying data, of correcting
that data and of disseminating the correct information
if requested by the consumer. Despite repeated
assertions by the industry that credit scoring is not
a mysterious black box, the lack of any uniformity,
oversight or accountability makes that analogy too
close to the truth.

Creditors are busy, and underwriters

The growing use of credit scores compounds the
illogical results. For example, if a consumer pays cash
for purchases throughout his or her life, should that
result in an increase in a consumer’s auto insurance
rate? That has been the actual outcome when “thin”
files result in a low credit score, which are subsequently (and legally) used by insurers to set insurance
policy premiums.

are often not rewarded for taking risks.

CONCERN #5:

was introduced as a tool expressly to

Creditors will likely begin to rely too heavily and
exclusively on credit scores, despite “instructions”
to the contrary.
Creditors are busy, and underwriters are often not
rewarded for taking risks. The logical outcome will
be a dependency on credit scores and a reluctance
to look to a broader picture. What was introduced
as a tool expressly to be used in balanced conjunction
with other criteria, is quickly becoming a litmus test.
To quote Chris Larsen, CEO of online lender E-Loan:
“Lenders are increasingly relying on these scores.
Many loan products, including some home equity
loans and auto loans, are based almost entirely on
your FICO score.”

The logical outcome will be a dependency on credit scores and a reluctance
to look to a broader picture. What

be used in balanced conjunction with
other criteria, is quickly becoming
a litmus test.

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STATEMENT OF JOHN M. ROBINSON III
AND KEN DUNLAP
Midwest BankCentre
Given the increased reliance on automated underwriting,
what should lenders do to ensure that their lending policy
is strictly observed, and that any assistance offered to loan
applicants or prospective applicants to improve their
credit score is offered equitably?

Lending policies must be observed to ensure sound
financial business decisions and to avoid any potential
disparate treatment 1 of applicants. At the same time,
policies must allow lenders to evaluate individual
credit needs and varying applicant scenarios. Lenders
must be conscious of nontraditional applicants for
whom relaxed underwriting may be key in obtaining
a loan. For example, Midwest BankCentre offers the
FreddieMac Affordable Gold “97” mortgage product
for first time home-buyers. This program, in contrast
to many others, allows for a three percent down
payment from any source (e.g., gifts).

Underwriting standards and policy adherence are
very important. Allowing excessive overrides creates
an atmosphere for potential discrimination—when
a lender decides to override an established and
proven underwriting decision, the reason is personal
more times than not.

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How a mortgage credit decision is made is one of
the two keys of potential discrimination. Prescreening
is the other. Underwriting standards and policy
adherence are very important. Allowing excessive
overrides creates an atmosphere for potential discrimination—when a lender decides to override an
established and proven underwriting decision, the
reason is personal more times than not. Banks should
have workable, clearly written policies and underwriting guidelines. Every lending decision should be
fully and clearly documented, especially if a lender
overrides a prescribed credit score and makes the
loan. Lending institutions must give equal assistance
to all applicants.
To avoid problems with loan policy standards, the
following steps should be taken:
• Review bank policies and procedures. Compare
them with actual file reviews.
• Review all underwriting and credit score overrides.
Look for patterns.
• Review loan files and denials for adequate documentation. Look at all forms, documents and
disclosures in the files.

how to rectify any error or problem that appears on
their credit bureau reports.
If a bank or creditor does not use a credit bureau service, then the applicant’s credit history is not recorded.
These scores do not reflect information such as the
amount of down payment, income, cash flow, or
other mitigating assets. The score is only part of the
applicant’s credit picture. Therefore, one may conclude that too much reliance on credit scores or on
automated decisions could raise flags of disparate
impact 2 issues. In actuality, there may be many reasons why a low score would not be a negative in
the bank’s decision. For example, a large down payment or significant cash flow could justify overriding
a low score. We do make loans to applicants who
may not have stellar credit—Freddie Mac guidelines
allow for A- offerings—but the interest rates are
usually higher.
Given the increased reliance on automated underwriting,
what should lenders do to ensure that staff training and
oversight regarding the credit policy and fair-lending
guidelines are adequate to ensure consistent and fair
treatment of loan applicants?

Given the increased reliance on automated underwriting,
what should lenders do to ensure that applicants have
a clear understanding of the importance of their credit
score to the approval and pricing process?

First, all lenders in the bank should know the products
offered and always explain to prospective applicants
the loan product choices and their associated potential
costs. We need to take our responsibility to customers
seriously. We earn the trust of customers by how
we treat them.

Generally speaking, the average mortgage applicant—
especially the first-time home buyer—does not understand clearly how a credit score affects the mortgage
outcome. Applicants who have never had a loan or
a problem with a loan decision probably have never
heard of a credit score. Knowing how to use a credit
score involves knowing what is in the score and what
it does and does not tell about the prospective applicant. Because the score is based on data provided by
a credit bureau, applicants should be instructed on

Lenders using their own instincts instead of a score
have a different perspective on customer relationships.
When looking at the overrides in credit scores, management should look at the decisions made, and
where and by whom (which branch/lender). Management should look at patterns and at loans that have
gone bad and compare them with any initial credit
score. Self-testing and self-analysis with an eye on
patterns and trends related to any disparity are vital
to the organization.

1 Disparate treatment is defined as a situation in which a lender treats a credit
applicant differently on the basis of race or any other prohibited factor. It is
considered by courts to be intentional because no credible, nondiscriminatory
reason explains the difference in treatment.

2 Disparate impact is defined as a situation in which a lender applies a policy
or practice equally to credit applicants but the policy or practice has a disproportionate, adverse impact on applicants from a group protected against
discrimination.

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Lenders should follow these basic steps:
• Disclose and explain any conditions for a product or
service as well as the benefits of each.
• Offer the same product to everyone who has comparable qualifications.
To ensure fair and equal treatment of all customers
in the application of our credit policies, Midwest
BankCentre’s compliance department holds annual,
mandatory fair-lending and diversity awareness
training seminars for staff. The sessions are intended
to generate discussion about how well employees
understand fair-lending laws and issues of cultural
diversity in the workplace. We use a video titled
“True Colors,” the ABC Prime Time Live telecast
filmed on location in St. Louis, and each attendee
receives the booklet “Closing the Gap—A Guide to
Equal Opportunity Lending,” published by the
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston. We have also used
other videos from corVISION Media Inc.—in particular, “Valuing Diversity at the Interpersonal Level.”
Participants complete and discuss a self-assessment
checklist that underscores their own perceptions of
understanding differences and adopting changes.
Being a community bank, we do not rely heavily
on credit scoring; we still consider the individual
borrower’s overall credit reputation. Because we
continue to have direct interaction with our applicants throughout the credit process, it is important
that our mortgage lenders receive ongoing training
in what constitutes fair and consistent treatment.

STATEMENT OF JOSH SILVER
National Community Reinvestment Coalition
TOWARD MEANINGFUL DISCLOSURE AND
DISCUSSION OF CREDIT SCORES
All of us have credit scores, but most of us don’t know
what they mean. If we knew what they meant, would
we be more likely to get approved for a low-cost loan?
The answer is probably, but the disclosures of credit
scores have to be meaningful if they are to be helpful
to the borrower.
Credit scores are numbers ranging from 300 to 800
that are supposed to reflect the risk that we, as
borrowers, pose to banks. The higher the score, the
less risky we are and the less likely that we will be
late on loan payments or default on the loan altogether. Credit scores are calculated on the basis of
a credit history that is collected and stored in three
major credit reporting agencies or private sector
credit bureaus. The record of paying on time or paying late, the amount of debt compared with the
amount of available credit on credit cards, and the
length of time using credit are major factors that
contribute to the score.
If a borrower has a score above 660, he/she most
likely will qualify for a prime rate loan at interest
rates advertised in newspapers. If a borrower has
a score significantly below 660, he/she is likely to
receive a subprime loan at interest rates ranging
from two to four percentage points above widely
advertised rates. The rationale behind the higher
rate on subprime loans is that the bank is compensated for accepting the higher risk of delinquency
and default associated with lending to a consumer
with blemished credit.
Credit scores have been used for decades for consumer and credit card lending. In the mid-1990s,
credit scores became a widely used tool in mortgage
lending as well. It is not the only criterion banks
and mortgage companies use, but it is an important
criterion, ranking up there with loan-to-value ratios
and total debt-to-income ratios. Proponents of credit
scoring assert that its use has increased lending to

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PERSPECTIVES ON CREDIT SCORING AND FAIR MORTGAGE LENDING

minority and low- and moderate-income borrowers
because it is an objective assessment of a borrower’s
creditworthiness: subjectivity is removed from the
loan process, and the chances of discrimination are
decreased. It is further claimed that credit scoring
makes the loan process much more efficient and saves
resources that can be devoted to carefully analyzing
marginal cases.
The National Community Reinvestment Coalition
(NCRC) does not believe that credit scoring has
revolutionized access to credit, and neither has the
advent of subprime lending, for that matter. Instead,
the strengthening of the Community Reinvestment
Act (CRA) and the stepped-up enforcement of fairlending laws have been the major forces behind the
explosion of credit for minority and low- and moderate-income borrowers during the 1990s. Lenders
made only 18 percent of their home mortgage loans
to low- and moderate-income borrowers in 1990. The
low- and moderate-income loan share surged 8 percentage points to 26 percent by 1995, but by 1999 it had
climbed only 3 more percentage points, to 29 percent.
Let’s review the major events coinciding with the big
jump in lending during the first part of the 1990s and
the major events during the lending slowdown in the
second half. Congress mandated the public dissemination of CRA ratings in 1990 and the improvement
of Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA) data to
include the race, income and gender of the borrower.
In 1995, after a highly visible and lengthy review
process during previous years, federal banking agencies strengthened CRA regulations to emphasize lending performance, as opposed to process on CRA
examinations. During the same time period, the
Justice Department settled several fair-lending lawsuits with major lending institutions. After 1995, the
mortgage industry widely adopted credit scoring, and
subprime lending took off. Home mortgage lending
increased in the first part of the decade as policymakers strengthened and applied CRA and fair-lending laws. Lending slowed down in the second half
of the decade; during this period, credit scoring and
subprime lending were on the rise. Economic conditions played less of a role in the different trends in
lending because we were blessed with a tremendous
economic recovery during the entire 1990s.

A consumer must have a clear
understanding of what the credit
score is and what factors affect
his/her score. The disclosure of the
number itself has little meaning . . .
the consumer needs to know which
factors in his/her credit history
had the most impact.

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An unanswered question is,
how many borrowers who were
inappropriately placed into
the subprime loan category
could have avoided this if they
had simply known about their
credit scores?

The reason credit scoring was not responsible for
the explosion of home mortgage lending to lowand moderate-income borrowers is that credit scoring
is not designed to serve those who have the least
experience with the financial industry. Credit scoring
depends on an established credit history, so that
econometric equations can judge the odds of a borrower paying late or defaulting. Officials at one
large bank NCRC interviewed for this article stated
that they do not use credit scores in their approval
decisions regarding special affordable loan programs.
They indicated that those people among the lowand moderate-income population who are targeted
by special affordable loan programs have low credit
scores because they do not have much of a credit
history. Instead, the bank uses nontraditional credit
history, such as evaluating the timeliness of rent and
utility payments. It is likely that CRA encouraged
this bank to establish the special affordable loan
programs. For this large bank, and probably for many
other banks, CRA has more to do with increasing
lending to low- and moderate-income borrowers
than credit scoring.

WHY DISCLOSURE WOULD HELP
While credit scoring has not had a noticeable impact
on increasing credit to traditionally underserved
borrowers, meaningful disclosures of credit scores
would nevertheless help increase access to affordable
credit. The optimal time for disclosure is before a
customer applies for a loan. If a customer obtains a
credit score and the major factors for that score before
reaching the loan application stage, he/she would
have a good idea of his/her creditworthiness. The
customer would be in a better position to know if
he/she was getting a good deal on the loan or
whether to bargain with the lender.
The caveat is that a consumer must have a clear
understanding of what the credit score is and what
factors affect his/her score. The disclosure of the
number itself has little meaning. If the credit score
is low, for example, the consumer needs to know
which factors in his/her credit history had the most
impact on lowering the score. He/she could then
decide whether to delay applying for the loan and

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PERSPECTIVES ON CREDIT SCORING AND FAIR MORTGAGE LENDING

how best to clean up his/her credit. For this reason,
HomeFree-USA, a counseling agency in Washington,
D.C., and a member organization of NCRC, always
includes credit score counseling in its homebuyer
preparation courses. Similarly, NCRC educates
consumers about their credit scores in its financial
literacy curriculum.
Although credit scores are imperfect estimators of
creditworthiness, disclosure of credit scores can help
reduce the incidence of discrimination in prices,
particularly in the area of subprime lending. Fannie
Mae’s chief executive officer has been quoted as
saying that 50 percent of subprime borrowers could
have qualified for lower rates. Freddie Mac issued
a statement on its Web page a few years ago saying
that up to 30 percent of subprime borrowers could
have qualified for lower-priced credit. A paper commissioned by the Research Institute for Housing
America concluded that after controlling for credit
risk, minorities were more likely to receive subprime loans.
An unanswered question is, how many borrowers
who were inappropriately placed into the subprime
loan category could have avoided this if they had
simply known about their credit scores? Also, how
many of them could have obtained lower interest rate
loans, even if the loans remained subprime? For
example, if an educated borrower knew that his/her
score was 620, which is generally considered A–
credit, and was quoted an interest rate 4 percentage
points higher than the widely advertised rate, he/she
would know that he/she was being overcharged.
While other underwriting factors, such as loan-tovalue and debt-to-income ratios, also contribute to
the pricing decision, meaningful credit score disclosures alert borrowers when quotes are (or at least
seem) far higher than they should be.
As California was passing a law requiring credit
bureaus to disclose credit scores, Fair Isaac and Co.
Inc., one of the major firms producing scores, took a
constructive step and made credit scores available for
a small fee through its Web site, myfico.com. The company also has a description on its Web page of the
major factors influencing the score and the weight of
each factor.

HOW BANKS SHOULD DISCLOSE
AND USE CREDIT SCORES
The new California law also requires banks to disclose credit scores to consumers applying for loans.
California is the only state to require this disclosure.
Several bills working their way through Congress
would also require credit bureaus and banks to
disclose credit scores.
For the consumer, it is advantageous to be armed
with credit score information and to take action to
improve the score, if needed, before applying to a
bank. However, if a consumer does not have a credit
score prior to application, disclosure by the lending
institution is still valuable. In a loan approval decision, for example, disclosure of the credit score will
help the borrower understand why his/her loan had
a certain interest rate. If the interest rate is in the
subprime range, the borrower may want to take steps
to improve his/her credit before closing on the loan.
In the cases of loan denial, a lender is required under
the Equal Credit Opportunity Act to send a borrower
an “adverse action notice.” If the reason for the
rejection involves one of the factors in a credit score,
that factor must be discussed in the adverse notice.
Lending institutions can run afoul of fair-lending laws
quickly if they are not careful about using credit scores
when helping borrowers apply for loans. For example, in 1999, the Department of Justice settled a fairlending lawsuit with Deposit Guaranty National Bank
over Deposit Guaranty’s alleged arbitrary and discriminatory use (or disregard) of credit scores. The
lawsuit came about after an examination by the Office
of the Comptroller of the Currency concluded that
Deposit Guaranty disregarded low credit scores
when approving loans for whites but rejected blacks
with similar credit scores. As a result, the declination
rate for blacks was three times the declination rate
for whites.
It is important and valuable for a bank to institute
a review process for declined applicants, especially
those on the margins of approval. Such a review
process may help banks make more loans to minority
and low- and moderate-income applicants with little
traditional credit history. A judgmental review process

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must establish consistent criteria by which to overrule
credit scores. Such criteria can include consideration
of nontraditional credit, including rental and utility
payment histories.

DISCLOSURE WITH A TWIST
The NCRC believes that information in the HMDA
data about credit scores could be instrumental in
resuming steady increases in access to credit for
minority and low- and moderate-income borrowers.
Several months ago, the Federal Reserve Board asked
for public comment on its proposal to include the
annual percentage rate (APR) in HMDA data.
In response to the Federal Reserve’s proposal, NCRC
pointed out that the APR, along with credit score
information, could vastly improve our knowledge
of how credit scores affect pricing and approval
decisions. Because many kinds of credit scores exist,
it would be difficult to interpret what actual numerical scores mean if they were added to HMDA data.
At the very least, the loan-by-loan data could indicate
whether a credit-scoring system was used and the
type, such as a bureau or custom score. Policy-makers
would then have important insights as to whether
most loans to minority and low- and moderateincome borrowers are credit-scored and whether
banks using credit-scoring systems are more or less
successful in approving loans to traditionally underserved borrowers. Community groups and counseling
agencies could then use this additional information in
HMDA data in the advice to borrowers about which
banks are most likely to use credit-scoring systems in
a fair manner to provide loans at reasonable rates.

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CONCLUSION
In announcing a Bush administration proposal to
provide the public with data on the quality of nursing
homes and Medicare health plans, Thomas Scully, a
senior official at the Department of Health and Human
Services, stated: “Collecting data and publishing it
changes behavior faster than anything else.” The
motivational force of data disclosure under CRA and
HMDA has helped activists and the public at large
work with banks to increase lending to minority and
working-class borrowers. Meaningful disclosures of
credit scores to consumers and incorporating credit
score information in HMDA data would be two more
valuable tools for building wealth in traditionally
underserved communities.

This concludes the fourth installment in our series. The
Federal Reserve System’s Mortgage Credit Partnership
Credit Scoring Committee thanks the respondents for
their participation. The topic of the fifth installment is
the use of counteroffers, overrides and second reviews of
credit scored applications. Although each of these activities plays a vital role in the mortgage process, there is
potential for disparate treatment of borrowers. The fifth
installment addresses where disparate treatment may
occur and helps identify solutions.

ILLINOIS LAUNCHES NEW
STATE TAX CREDIT AND GRANT
PROGRAM
By Harry Pestine, Illinois Community Affairs Program Director, Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago

A new state housing tax credit program that could
introduce over $26 million per year into Illinois’
affordable housing efforts became effective on
January 7, 2002.
Governor George H. Ryan said, “The need for decent,
safe and sanitary housing for all our citizens is great.
That’s why I’m glad to announce the Illinois Affordable
Housing Tax Credit Program is up and running.”
Ryan said the Illinois Housing Development Authority
(IHDA), the state’s housing finance agency, will receive
three quarters of the new housing tax credits, with
24.5 percent earmarked for the city of Chicago. The
state housing authority and the city housing department have distinct application procedures.
IHDA Executive Director, Peter R. Dwars, said enactment of what is informally called the “Donation Tax
Credit” represents the state’s second direct commitment
of affordable housing resources. The first was passage
in 1989 of the Affordable Housing Trust Fund, under
which IHDA has helped finance nearly 27,000 units.

THE DONATION TAX CREDIT
The Donation Tax Credit allows individuals or organizations to give a minimum of $10,000 in cash, securities,
personal property, or real estate to participating nonprofit housing developers. If the nonprofit applies
successfully to IHDA or Chicago’s Department of
Housing, the donor will receive a 50-cent-on-the-dollar
state income tax credit. This means an affordable

housing gift worth $10,000 costs a donor just $5,000,
a cost that may be further reduced by deducting the
donation on the donor’s federal tax return.
Meanwhile, the non-profit affordable housing developer
uses its IHDA or Chicago housing tax credit award
to help finance projects providing reasonably priced
housing. The General Assembly authorized up to $13
million annually in housing credits. If $13 million
in donations are made, the total first-year affordable
housing infusion is $26 million. The state commitment
increases 5 percent a year until the credit program
expires in 2006.

SIMILAR TO FEDERAL CREDITS
Dwars said the new state Donation Tax Credit can be
used either by itself or along with the long-established
federal Low Income Housing Tax Credit, also administered by IHDA. Since the federal housing tax credit
was made available in the 1980s, IHDA has used this
federal resource in the financing of about 25,000
affordable housing units.
However developers choose to use Illinois and federal
housing tax credits reserved for them, the credits in
most cases will be used in conjunction with other funding sources, such as bank loans, developer contributions
and other government housing funds.
Application materials and more information about
Donation Tax Credits can be found at IHDA’s Web
site, http://www.ihda.org.

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SPECIAL PROVISIONS IN STATE LAW

COLLABORATIVE GRASSROOTS INITIATIVE

The Illinois Affordable Housing Tax Credit Program
earmarks $1 million for technical assistance and
general operating support and $2 million for Employer-Assisted Housing (EAH) under which Illinois
companies offer employees down payment and
closing cost assistance, reduced-interest mortgages,
mortgage guarantee programs, rent subsidies, or
individual development account savings plans.

House Bill 1135 was sponsored by State Sen. William
Peterson (R-Long Grove). Governor Ryan signed the
bill on August 23. It was offered by Peterson at the
urging of the Chicago Rehab Network, a regional
coalition of neighborhood-based, non-profit housing
groups seeking policy changes at local, state and
national levels. For more than 20 years, the group
has been a leading technical assistance provider in
the Chicago area and works to create affordable
housing and promote community development
without displacement.

All these methods to lower employee housing costs
are designed to help workers secure housing near
their place of employment, as long as they are in
moderate-income households. In 2001, the Authority
gave the Metropolitan Planning Council a $268,000
grant to attract Chicago-area “collar county”
employers to the program.

IHDA is a housing finance agency created in 1967
by the Illinois Legislature to bring private sector
housing and banking expertise to bear on the need
for safe, decent and reasonably priced housing for
Illinois citizens. IHDA has helped finance about
135,000 affordable units (both single-family and
multi-family), using chiefly private bond market
proceeds and some state and federal funds.
For additional information, contact Charlotte Flickinger,
Director of Tax Credits, Illinois Housing Development
Authority, 312/836-5200.

“The need for decent, safe and sanitary housing for all
our citizens is great. That’s why I’m glad to announce
the Illinois Affordable Housing Tax Credit Program is
up and running.” Governor George H. Ryan

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TO OUR READERS
WE WOULD LIKE YOUR FEEDBACK

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