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3/19/2020

Statement of Under Secretary David Malpass Before the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Multilateral International Devel…

Statement of Under Secretary David Malpass Before the U.S.
Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Multilateral
International Development, Multilateral Institutions, and
International Economic, Energy, and Environmental Policy
November 27, 2018

Thank you for holding this hearing and for inviting me to testify.
My testimony a year ago to Congress addressed the topic of achieving faster U.S. and global
growth in ways that improve a er-tax wages for American workers. While there has been
substantial progress in the United States, growth abroad has so ened materially, causing
challenges for international economic policy. In this context, I would like to provide an update
on some of the major policies we implemented over the past year, and describe our policy
direction for 2019. I will also present a detailed explanation of our policies on the International
Financial Institutions (IFIs).

MAJOR POLICY DEVELOPMENTS IN 2018
In 2018, we worked to orient better the G20, G7, International Monetary Fund (IMF) and
multilateral development banks (MDBs) toward growth and accountability. With engagement
by the World Bank, IMF, and other partners, Secretary Mnuchin has pushed forward an initiative
on debt transparency that will, in the near term, significantly increase public disclosure and
broaden the existing definition of international debt beyond traditional bonds and loans. This
will reduce the frequency and severity of developing country crises and help push back on
China’s over-lending to fragile developing nations, including those with weak governance. The
World Bank and IMF have focused on more comprehensive and transparent reporting of public
sector liabilities of borrowers to assist with our initiative.
We engaged repeatedly with China on our trade and investment concerns and the problems
caused by their One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative, which o en leaves countries with
excessive debt and poor-quality projects. If countries default on these debts, China o en gains
influence over the host government and may take ownership of the underlying assets. We have
built a common awareness of these concerns in the G7 and G20. In lending, China o en fails to
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adhere to international standards in areas such as anti-corruption, export credits, and finding
coordinated and sustainable solutions to payment di iculties, such as those sought in the Paris
Club. With evidence mounting in Asia and Africa that OBOR has undermined domestic
institutions and economic strength in borrowing countries, countries such as Malaysia are reexamining the costs and benefits of OBOR-related projects.
With Congress’s bipartisan support, we have enhanced America’s national security through the
enactment and ongoing implementation of the Foreign Investment Risk Review Moderation Act
of 2018 (FIRRMA), which has strengthened and modernized the Committee on Foreign
Investment in the United States (CFIUS).
We have worked multilaterally to forge a new currency consensus in the G20 and International
Monetary and Financial Committee recognizing the growth and investment benefits of currency
stability. The Administration recently concluded the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA),
which included the first currency chapter in a trade agreement, consistent with congressional
directives promulgated under Trade Promotion Authority. We also reached an understanding
with South Korea on currency stability and transparency at the time of the update to the U.S.Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS). Argentina’s new IMF program includes a nominal
monetary anchor and an important commitment to leaving currency intervention unsterilized,
policies that quickly stopped Argentina’s mid-2018 currency crisis and are dramatically reducing
the rate of inflation.
Treasury also launched the America Crece (The Americas Grow) initiative to promote growth in
the Western Hemisphere. One key element of this initiative is to deepen U.S. commercial ties
with Latin America in energy and infrastructure. In 2018, we signed energy framework
arrangements with Panama and Chile, plan to sign one with Jamaica tomorrow, and hope to
soon conclude one with Argentina. Looking forward, we are working with Colombia and have
identified other attractive partners. These energy framework arrangements seek to achieve a
high degree of energy development, integration, faster economic growth, and security with our
partners through heightened and impactful trade, investment, and finance transactions that
rely primarily on private capital.
We have refocused the Financial Stability Board (FSB) on its systemic risk mandate, including
the adoption of an activities-based approach for insurance activities, the wind-down of work
streams unrelated to stability issues, and the evaluation of the e ectiveness of existing policies
before developing new policies. I served on the nominations committee for FSB leadership and

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was pleased with the recent announcement of Federal Reserve Vice Chair Randy Quarles as the
FSB’s next Chair, the first American to serve in this role.
We prepared and published a number of reports including: the MDB Evaluation Report, the
Foreign Exchange Report, the report of the National Advisory Council on International Monetary
and Financial Policies, the Export Credit Negotiations report, the Technical Assistance report,
and the Exchange Stabilization Fund report.
My testimony before Congress last year discussed the role of multilateral development finance
in global growth and prosperity. Since then, we have been successful in getting the World Bank
to commit to meaningful reforms to achieve sustainability in its lending, enforce its graduation
policy, implement di erential pricing, and agree to other reforms that would enhance
accountability. As discussed further below, a 2018 package for a World Bank capital increase
focuses on these areas and includes a new financial discipline mechanism that constrains
annual lending levels to stop the pattern of recurrent capital increases.

POLICY DIRECTION FOR 2019
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Looking into 2019, we are again aiming our initiatives at improving the U.S. and global growth.
We will follow through on the ongoing initiatives and push forward with new ones that will
contribute to our economic and national security. As a key part of this e ort, we maintain active
economic and financial dialogues with like-minded countries around the world in order to
exchange views on and assess systemic vulnerabilities and to support democratic principles and
institutions.
Here in the Western Hemisphere, we have emphasized the risks and challenges posed by ‘The
Troika of Tyranny,’ namely Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua. This ‘Troika’ has actively subverted
democratic institutions, looted its people’s assets and engaged in economic malfeasance, which
has resulted in one of the world’s gravest migration crises, creating serious fiscal burdens and
both security and public health risks for its neighbors in Colombia, Ecuador, Brazil, Peru,
Panama, and Costa Rica. There are nearly 50,000 Venezuelans per day crossing into Colombia.
Secretary Mnuchin has already held four meetings of finance ministers to review the crisis in
Venezuela and the impact on its neighbors and support the broad coalition pressing for
democratic change. In Nicaragua, we have built a strong consensus of donor countries to stop
the multilateral development banks from lending to the Ortega regime, which perpetuates itself
through the death, imprisonment, and exile of its many opponents.
A high priority in 2019 will be the continued implementation of FIRRMA. Pursuant to that
legislation, CFIUS launched an innovative pilot program on November 10, which includes
requiring declarations for certain foreign investments in U.S. businesses involved in critical
technologies in 27 specific industries.
There will be substantial work to deepen our major initiative on debt transparency. And we will
continue to challenge China’s unfair trade practices and lack of reciprocity in trade, lending, and
investment. We will continue our work in the G7, G20 and other forums to discuss the challenge
to our market system from China’s non-market policies. There is already widespread
acknowledgement of the problems in many key countries, but more work needs to be done on
strengthening the debt transparency and financial resiliency of market-oriented countries.
As Brexit approaches, Treasury is analyzing risks to the international financial system and
working with the EU and the UK to ensure continued market access for U.S. firms, including
financial services firms, and to avoid cli -edge risks. We are working toward an improved trade
arrangement with the EU and would like to pursue a bilateral trade agreement with the UK. The
Administration notified Congress on October 16, 2018 of its intent to start trade negotiations
with the U.K. once it leaves the EU in March 2019.
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Supporting the Administration’s trade agenda remains another high priority in 2019. We will
continue to increase reciprocity and market access, particularly for U.S. financial services firms.
The financial services chapter of the USMCA will result in the elimination of a Canadian data
localization rule that requires U.S. firms to store data in Canada. Other countries continue to
erect similar barriers, and we are continuing to engage with finance ministries and central banks
to achieve their regulatory objectives through other means while protecting U.S. firms from
cumbersome foreign data localization requirements.
Treasury’s O ice of Technical Assistance (OTA) will continue its work to improve financial
processes, including transparency, accountability, financial sector security and private sectorled growth. OTA works to improve budget and tax systems, while strengthening institutions
charged with combating terrorist financing and financial crimes. For example, in Colombia,
Indonesia and Uganda, Treasury’s OTA helped governments strengthen public-private
partnerships to finance infrastructure development in ways that mobilize private capital.
In Latin America, we will be building relationships with newly elected governments, including in
Brazil and Mexico. We have engaged with Mexico on strengthening donor cooperation with the
Northern Triangle, which is an area that the incoming Mexican government has also stressed as
a priority.
We continue to work to streamline the G20 and make it more e ective. In 2019, Japan will chair
the G20 while France will chair the G7. We will also start preparing for the United States to host
the G7 in 2020.
Through Treasury’s seats on the boards of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC),
the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), and the U.S. International Development Finance
Corporation (DFC) (the new organization to be established under the Better Utilization of
Investments Leading to Development Act of 2018 that will encompass OPIC), Treasury seeks
policies that provide strong financial coherence, further the national interest, and promote the
e ective use of taxpayer resources. Treasury is also leading U.S. e orts in the International
Working Group on Export Credits, and working with the interagency on reforms in connection
with the Export-Import Bank, to pursue relevant reforms.
We have been in discussions on the World Bank’s request for a capital increase. We are seeking
to improve the quality of IMF programs through existing cases and upcoming conditionality
reviews. We will be notifying Congress of negotiations related to the IMF’s request for a quota
increase under the 15th Quota Review (where we are in discussions to review the IMF’s funding
needs and the makeup of their resources) and have notified Congress of negotiations related to
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the International Development Association (IDA) and the African Development Bank (AfDB).
These IFI topics are discussed in more detail below.

SEISMIC SHIFTS IN GLOBAL FINANCE
My testimony a year ago discussed the seismic shi s that have occurred in the global financial
landscape and that are challenging the relevance of the international financial institutions (IFIs).
The structure of global interest rates has moved substantially lower a er the inflation peaks of
the late 1970s and early 1980s. Large inflows of private sector capital at increasingly a ordable
interest rates have materially added to growth and prosperity in many developing countries and
dwarfed the resources of the IFIs. Similarly, emerging markets have gained far more access to
external private capital, including directly from the capital markets as well as through global
banks that borrow on the capital markets, resulting in private capital flows dwarfing o icial
flows.
But these inflows have presented challenges, including renewed debt sustainability risks in
more vulnerable countries with weaker institutions and macroeconomic policies.
Consequently, the availability of increased financing must be accompanied by a dramatically
increased level of debt transparency, the capacity to manage liabilities prudently, and the
capability to deploy resources toward their most productive use.

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Many emerging economies—particularly larger middle-income and upper middle-income
economies—have gained access to longer maturity debt, increasingly in local currency. This has
allowed these countries to build domestic yield curves, providing a solid foundation for ongoing
market-sourced borrowing.

In addition to greater private capital flows, there is another important feature in the creditor
landscape: developing economies are grappling with significant and growing inflows from nontraditional o icial creditors such as China. While Chinese financing may fill some gaps in
financing for infrastructure investment in developing countries, there are o en negative
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repercussions associated with Chinese lending. China’s use of non-market export credits,
opaque financing, and exclusive procurement practices o en benefits the donor more than the
recipient and undermines debt sustainability, domestic institutions, and environmental and
social standards. China, for example, does not adhere to legally binding international standards
to criminalize bribery of foreign public o icials in international business transactions. Its
financing also o en includes conditions that do not show up on the government balance sheet
but burden borrowing countries with future liabilities such as commodity deliveries.
These major developments—the increase in developing country access to global capital
markets and the surge in their o icial inflows from state-directed capital (mainly from China)—
not only have profound consequences for developing countries, but also for the MDBs.
To deliver on their policy goals— positively shaping the conditions for growth and higher
median incomes in developing countries—the MDBs need to focus more on the quality of their
project loans rather than the quantity and on helping developing countries get their policy
environment right for using private capital inflows e ectively. The MDBs must ensure that they
themselves do not displace private capital or lower their lending standards to compete with
China’s.

ROLE OF MDBS
For the MDBs to e ectively deliver on these goals, they must conduct sweeping reforms:
Refocus assistance on poorer and more vulnerable countries. Strengthen institutions in those
countries, and work with them to implement sound policies that attract private investment,
deepen private markets, and accelerate economic growth. Potential reforms include limiting
lending to defined needs and existing resources, introducing mechanisms to promote financial
discipline including through budget and salary constraints, di erentiated loan pricing,
graduation of borrowers, and sustainable lending practices.

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We are working in the G-20 and G-7 to improve coordination among the IFIs. The G-20 has
agreed on a set of principles whereby the IFIs will coordinate with each other, particularly
regarding budget support lending. This helps ensure that the MDBs are not competing with the
IMF to lend into di icult situations where the macroeconomic framework is inadequate. The
MDBs are also striving to coordinate better at a strategic and operational level. One approach,
coordinated country strategies, would help the MDBs and other donors avoid duplicating their
e orts in a particular country and respond more e ectively to the challenges it faces.

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With regard to China’s excessive lending, the MDBs (alongside the IMF) can be an e ective tool in
helping vulnerable countries better understand the risks and implications of such lending. The
MDBs present a better source of development finance with higher environmental, social,
procurement, and debt sustainability standards. They can also help countries constructively
channel bilateral loans toward growth-positive projects that serve the borrower, not just the
lender. Finally, the MDBs and IMF can help countries build capacity to negotiate transparent,
non-corrupt terms for infrastructure projects with foreign financiers, taking into account the
macroeconomic consequences of new non-concessional debt.
But it is worth noting that China has made substantial inroads into the MDBs despite its
financing practices. In combination, China is absorbing decades of financial knowhow into its
institutions in a few short years, a similar pattern to its absorption of manufacturing
technology.
We are working with allies and like-minded countries to guide the MDBs away from what could
be viewed as endorsement of China’s geopolitical ambitions.

WORLD BANK CAPITAL INCREASE
Regarding the World Bank’s request for a capital increase, we secured commitments on most of
the reforms discussed in my testimony before Congress a year ago. Though it will take time to
implement, it is a solid reform package that better aligns the World Bank with U.S. national
security, foreign policy, and economic priorities.
Treasury pushed hard for the adoption of a new mechanism to limit World Bank lending and
ensure the durability of this capital increase. Based on this push, the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) will adopt a new financial sustainability framework
that restricts annual lending commitments to those that can be sustained in real terms over the
next 10 years through organic capital accumulation alone. The framework also includes a bu er
to allow for a crisis response without the World Bank having to approach the United States and
other shareholders for a capital increase. This new framework is aimed at achieving financial
discipline and avoiding future capital increase requests. IBRD Governors will review the
framework every five years, providing them an opportunity to push for any needed
enhancements to ensure the IBRD continues operating within its existing financial resources.
As a direct result of the reform package, the IBRD committed to directing a bigger share of its
lending to poorer countries, with the share of lending going to countries below the IBRD
graduation income threshold increasing to 70 percent (from the current level of 60 percent); and
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to applying its graduation policy more rigorously, freeing up resources for countries that most
need them. The reform package introduced di erentiated loan pricing, making it the first MDB
to adopt di erentiated pricing for non-concessional sovereign lending. This will provide bettero , more creditworthy countries with an incentive to pursue market financing, rather than IBRD
financing.
The World Bank will also constrain the growth of sta salaries, which are the biggest driver of
increases in its administrative budget. Beginning with the World Bank’s FY 2020 budget, the
annual general salary adjustment for sta salaries will be capped. Management will also
conduct a study of recruitment and retention, strengthen performance management, and
undertake e orts to remove low performers. With these changes, sta compensation and World
Bank administrative costs will grow at a slower rate than in past years.
The IBRD capital increase is packaged with an increase in the capitalization of the International
Finance Corporation (IFC), the part of the World Bank Group that focuses on lending to and
investing in the private sector in developing countries. We declined to participate in the IFC
capital increase based on our assessment that the IFC did not need more capital to be
impactful. Other countries wanted to expand the IFC on their own, and packaged their support
for the IBRD reforms to an IFC expansion. Our voting power will be diluted to 16.4 percent from
21.0 percent, but we maintained our veto through a reduction in the IFC’s veto threshold, which
will be adjusted from 20 percent to 15 percent. However, we succeeded in negotiating that
shareholders will, in parallel, seek an amendment to the IFC Articles of Agreement to reduce the
threshold that allows the United States to maintain our veto over any future IFC capital
increases from 20 percent to 15 percent. We will also be seeking Congressional authorization to
vote for such an amendment.
We will work with Congress regarding the subscription to the IBRD capital increase. Supporting
the GCI would lock in the reforms, improve the e ectiveness of World Bank programs, and
complement U.S. assistance for strategically important partners. In short, the package will
encourage countries to be more self-su icient in financing their development, focus o icial
development resources on needier countries with less access to other sources of finance, and
create a more financially-disciplined World Bank whose lending growth is constrained and
therefore more sustainable. The reform package will also advance other U.S. foreign policy
objectives, including o ering developing countries development finance based on transparency
and high standards to counter Chinese over-lending.

IMF’S ROLE IN GROWTH
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We are pursuing policies at the IMF to help make the institution both more e ective and more
focused on its core mission, including the purposes laid out in Article 1 of the IMF’s Articles of
Agreement, to promote high levels of employment and real income, promote exchange stability,
maintain orderly exchange arrangements among members, and avoid competitive exchange
depreciation.
We have pressed the IMF to prioritize this core mission in its analysis of exchange rates and
global imbalances. As mentioned above, the IMF has, in its communiques starting in October
2017, highlighted that sound policies and strong fundamentals are essential to the stability of
exchange rates, contributing to robust and sustainable growth and investment.
With strong U.S. support, the IMF approved in April 2018 a new enhanced framework for
assessing corruption in its member countries. Under the new framework, IMF sta will assess
the extent to which corruption is a macro-critical issue and propose policy recommendations to
member countries. IMF lending programs may also include steps aimed at reducing endemic
corruption.
As countries approach the IMF for support, the United States has stepped up its engagement in
shaping program design. We prefer programs with design elements that prioritize the potential
for broad-based growth (i.e., increases in real median income, not just GDP) and allow countries
to pivot away from policies that have not worked. This involves three major changes to the
IMF’s current approach. First, fiscal policy changes need to be growth oriented. The projection
of a reduction in the fiscal deficit cannot be an end in itself, because spending reductions o en
fail to materialize and recessions o en derail deficit reduction based on tax increases. Second,
IMF programs have o en measured the success of a privatization in terms of the projected
proceeds for the government, which o en means continued monopoly power. That is a mistake
since de-monopolization of critical sectors generally has a more lasting growth impact. Third,
monetary policies that provide sound money are at the core of a successful growth program.
The last point was recently illustrated by Argentina’s first IMF program earlier this summer that
neglected the exchange rate, which weakened precipitously. At the heart of the revised IMF
program for Argentina is a commitment to a strong nominal anchor to recover confidence in the
currency. By expressly limiting the growth of the monetary base, a policy that the United States
strongly supported, the central bank was able to arrest the precipitous decline in the exchange
rate, and the authorities there are on track to reduce interest rates and inflation very
significantly (which had reached 6.5 percent per month in September and 5.4 percent in
October), which will allow interest rates to support credit and growth. We support President
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Macri’s vision for economic reforms, and believe that the monetary and structural reforms in the
IMF program, if implemented, will place the Argentine economy on a path of sustainable
growth.

IMF QUOTA REVIEW
The IMF is undertaking its 15th General Review of Quotas, with the goal of completing the
review no later than the Annual Meetings in October 2019. The review will both assess the
adequacy of the IMF’s resources and determine whether or not to adjust members’ quotas and
quota shares. The IMF has requested a buildup in its quota resources and claims that it needs to
be the center of the global financial safety net. We will be seeking a constructive size for IMF
resources that contributes fully to the stability of the international financial system, but
recognizes that the IMF is just one part of the global financial system and its various support
mechanisms.
Current IMF Resources
SDR
USD
billions
billions
Quota
476
$661
Of which:
U.S.
NAB (40)

83

$115

182

$253

28

$39

314

$436

o.w. U.S.
Total

0
972

0
$1,349

o.w. U.S.

111

$154

o.w. U.S.
Bilateral
loans (40)

Pursuant to Section 41 of the Bretton Woods Agreement Act, we will shortly send a notification
that IMF negotiations related to quota will begin in 2019 to provide you with formal advance
notice of discussions. As the IMF conducts its quota review, we will work closely with it to
improve the approach to conditionality in lending programs in order to make them more growth
oriented. We will be heavily engaged in an upcoming review of IMF compensation and benefits
with the goal of making IMF operations less costly and ine icient. And we will ensure that the
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IMF is su iciently and e iciently resourced to carry out its mission and role. In this regard, we
note that the IMF has ample resources to achieve its mission, countries have considerable
alternative resources to draw upon in the event of a crisis, and the post-crisis financial reforms
have helped strengthen the overall resiliency of the international monetary system.

MDB AUTHORIZATION TOPICS AND SPECIFIC MDB
OBJECTIVES
We have notified Congress of the launch of negotiations on fund raising e orts by IDA and the
AfDB.
The negotiations for the 19th replenishment of IDA (IDA-19) were launched on November 15,
2018 and will be carried out over the course of 2019. Under discussion is the donor funding for
IDA’s fiscal 2021-2023, running from July 2020-June 2023. Substantial changes were made to
IDA’s financial model and policy agenda before and during the current replenishment period. As
a result, we expect IDA-19 to focus on taking stock of the IDA-18 reforms and IDA’s ability to
implement productive projects. We also have several reform priorities. First, we will work with
other donors to ensure IDA-19 addresses rising debt levels among low-income countries.
Second, we will seek to review and better target the support the World Bank provides for
countries as they grow wealthier and transition from concessional financing under IDA to lessconcessional financing through the IBRD. Third, we will seek to ensure that IDA retains a strong
focus on fragile and conflict-a ected countries, gender and development, and good
governance, including in the area of debt management and transparency.
The Governors of the AfDB, over a U.S. objection, have decided to commence negotiations on
the AfDB’s capital needs in December 2018. Given Africa’s enormous development challenges,
we want a strong AfDB to serve the continent. However, new capital alone will not achieve a
stronger institution. The AfDB needs to make greater progress on ongoing institutional reforms
and agree on a set of further reforms that would accompany any new capital to ensure that it
uses such funds more prudently and e ectively. Among other items, we hope to see the AfDB fill
critical vacancies in its accountability functions, better focus its lending on areas where it is
most impactful, improve the readiness of projects before seeking board approval, strengthen
project supervision and monitoring, and put in place a framework for financial discipline.
As with IDA, replenishment negotiations for the African Development Fund (AfDF), the AfDB’s
concessional arm, will occur in 2019. We intend to notify Congress of the launch of this
negotiation in 2019. We are seeking many of the same improvements that are needed for the
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AfDB. In particular, given its relatively small scale, we want the AfDF to increase the selectivity of
the areas it works in, with an emphasis on regional transport and trade facilitation, electricity
access, and water and sanitation. As a majority of AfDF recipient countries are now classified as
fragile, heavily a ected by conflict in neighboring countries, or otherwise at high risk of debt
distress, we also expect the AfDF to maintain a strong emphasis on addressing fragility, conflict,
and violence and helping countries improve their debt management.
We are strongly committed to enhancing growth and development within the U.S.-Mexico
border region. We continue to support the North American Development Bank (NADB). The
Administration has requested in our FY2019 budget that Congress authorize the United States to
subscribe to $10 million of paid-in shares at the NADB. We and our Mexican partners in the
NADB think that the NADB can do even more to improve the wellbeing of people in communities
along the border. To that end, we included the NADB in our America Crece initiative and are
exploring ways to boost the NADB’s capabilities. The goal is to improve infrastructure along
both sides of the border and create economic opportunities that increase median real incomes.
We are also assessing whether the NADB has the right strategic and financial tools. We look
forward to continuing these discussions once President-elect Lopez Obrador takes o ice and
working with his administration and Congress to realize these goals.
The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and the Asian Development
Bank (AsDB) are both currently well capitalized. Our paramount objective at both institutions is
to ensure they remain focused on project quality rather than using their existing capital to grow
more quickly without due regard for development outcomes. At the EBRD, this is all the more
important given that most of its traditional countries of operation in Central and Eastern Europe
have gained ample access to capital markets since the EBRD was created in 1991. We want the
EBRD to focus on priority countries with less access to capital—such as Egypt, Jordan, and
countries in Central Asia and the Balkans—while resisting calls to expand its existing geographic
footprint. At the AsDB, our principal objectives are to develop a path to graduation, reduce its
engagement in upper middle income countries such as China, and introduce higher loan prices
for countries with more access to private capital. We also seek to introduce an enhanced
financial sustainability mechanism to ensure that we do not encounter future unplanned
requests for shareholder capital.

MANDATES CAN COMPLICATE THE GOAL OF HIGH-QUALITY
MDB PROGRAMS
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Treasury is proud to have the statutory lead in representing the executive branch in the IFIs.
This is a serious task and we execute it faithfully. That said, we coordinate closely with
interagency colleagues, and we benefit from the input provided by other parts of the
government so that we can present a whole-of-government approach. For example, our State
Department colleagues actively keep us abreast of key foreign policy priorities in countries
where the IFIs are active; the Commerce Department informs American companies about
procurement opportunities that come about as a result of MDB projects; and USAID provides
technical advice regarding the soundness of individual projects and linkages to our bilateral
assistance. As we consider individual projects at the MDBs, we systematically solicit input from
any agency that is interested, and we seek to synthesize information so it can be provided as
useful feedback to the MDBs.
The U.S. government seeks high quality MDB projects that not only address the important
development needs of recipient countries but that are also well-designed, technically sound,
growth-enhancing, and based on strong consultation with the recipient government, a ected
communities, civil society, and other donor partners. We want to see strong monitoring of MDB
projects, robust evaluations of completed projects, and thorough results measurement
frameworks baked into every project so we can systematically track whether projects are
performing well or not.
We continue to press the MDBs to achieve high standards regarding transparency, procurement,
and environmental and social safeguards, with the goal of having our funds used correctly,
fairly, and transparently. These high standards set the MDB projects apart from projects
financed by other lenders who may provide funding, but without transparency and other
protections.
The MDBs have substantially improved their projects over the years, o en with significant help
from Congress, including leaders on this Committee. And while we work to avoid situations in
which people are hurt or abused in a project funded through the MDBs, there are instances
when something goes wrong with an MDB project. Hence, we are advocating for robust
independent mechanisms that improve MDB accountability and enable relief and redress.
Treasury follows numerous congressional mandates by using its voice and vote in international
organizations. However, implementing the plethora of mandates is expensive, consumes
significant sta time, and o en ends up reducing the U.S. ability to influence policy in the
direction Congress desires. Treasury is implementing a large number of legislatively required
mandates in the IFIs. At last count, there are well over 100 congressional policy and directed
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vote mandates on the books. In addition, while mandates are added year by year, few are ever
removed. We diligently follow these mandates from Congress. But as we seek to improve and
reform the MDBs, we also invite Congress’ attention to streamlining the number of legislative
directives. Mandates require considerable time and resources to implement, and can detract
from other important tasks related to loan quality. They can occasionally inadvertently
undermine U.S. leadership in the MDBs, as other member countries pay less attention to the
U.S. position because our votes and positions on a given loan are pre-determined. Many
mandates and reporting requirements are simply outdated. As we seek to reform the MDBs, we
look forward to having a dialogue with members about how we can ensure voting mandates
and reporting requirements have the impact that Congress intends but do not impede U.S.
e orts to advance our broader strategic objectives in the MDBs. We appreciate the dialogue that
we have had with the committee, not only on legislative mandates, but also on US engagement
at the MDBs as a whole. We look forward to continuing this dialogue today and into next year.

DEBT TRANSPARENCY INITIATIVE
Treasury has encouraged an initiative at the IMF and World Bank to develop, and disseminate to
the public, information on international borrowing. One of the principal thrusts of the initiative
is to modernize o icial debt data in line with market developments over the last 20 years.
Government debt obligations are no longer limited to traditional loans and bonds. New
liabilities ranging from derivative operations to pre-paid forward sales of commodities impose
the same calls on government budgets. If the burden on taxpayers is the same, the disclosure,
accounting and fiscal treatment must be the same. Investors will then have more and better
data to make decisions, allowing markets to function more smoothly and crises to be less
frequent and less severe.
Over the next two years, this new standard of debt disclosure should be defined and endorsed
by the o icial sector. In the case of the IMF, this practice is consistent with Section 42 of the
Bretton Woods Act, which specifically directs the Secretary of the Treasury to support
procedures to collect, and disseminate publicly, information on international borrowing.
The IFIs—including the IMF and World Bank—have a key role to play in enhancing debt
transparency in, and supporting sustainable borrowing and lending practices by, their member
countries. Developing countries need investment to grow, including in infrastructure. But
lending to low-income countries (LICs) that is non-concessional, non-transparent, and funneled
into poor quality projects will raise debt burdens without boosting productivity and growth.
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This, in turn, results in countries diverting scarce budget resources to service high levels of debt
and poses a threat to countries’ growth prospects and overall economic stability and
development.
On the borrower side, the IMF and World Bank are making e orts to obtain a comprehensive
picture of members’ debt positions in both IMF bilateral surveillance and as part of their lending
programs, with the goal of improving debt sustainability. In particular, we are working with
both institutions to improve the public disclosure of a broad range of sovereign debt statistics,
including publicly guaranteed contingent liabilities and forward sales of commodities, by
member countries to reduce debt surprises. This will improve policy making and reduce the
frequency and severity of financial crises. We also strongly support the IMF and World Bank’s
e orts to build borrower countries’ capacity in public debt management and disclosure.
On the creditor side, the IMF and World Bank also have roles to play, in particular with
emerging, non-traditional creditors such as China. The IMF and World Bank are engaging in
more structured outreach to non-Paris Club and multilateral creditors, including preparing and
providing workshops on debt sustainability analyses, lending frameworks, and external
coordination in debt resolution. At the same time, they are planning reviews of their respective
debt limit policies to strengthen data provisions and simplify conditionality. All of these steps
reflect our shared priorities with the IFIs in promoting debt transparency, debt sustainability,
and responsible burden sharing in debt resolution, which in turn will help reduce opportunities
for corruption.
***
In conclusion, while U.S. growth has accelerated, growth in many other countries has slowed.
This gives rise to new challenges in international economic policy that we are working to meet
through new initiatives. I appreciate the opportunity to present this Committee with a
description of our major activities in 2018 and policy direction for 2019 and beyond, and I invite
your views and questions.

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