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4/13/2022

Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on Way Forward for the Global Economy | U.S. Department of th…

Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on Way
Forward for the Global Economy
April 13, 2022

As prepared for delivery
My thanks to Fred and the Atlantic Council for hosting me today.
The course of the global economy over the past two years has been shaped by COVID-19 and
our e orts to fight the pandemic. Itʼs now evident though that the war between Russia and
Ukraine has redrawn the contours of the world economic outlook.
Vladimir Putinʼs unprovoked attack on Ukraine and its people is taking a devastating human
toll—with lives tragically lost, families internally displaced or becoming refugees, and
communities and cities destroyed. The atrocities in Bucha are the latest grim reminder of the
brutality of Putinʼs war of choice. Its impacts are reverberating to neighboring countries and
beyond. The Biden Administration stands firmly with the people of Ukraine as they defend
their lives, their homes, and their country. We are resolute in our commitment to hold Russia
accountable.
Russiaʼs horrific conduct has violated international law, including core tenets of the UN
Charter—challenging countries to demonstrate where they stand with respect to the
international order that has been built since World War II. Therefore, when I speak about a
changed global outlook, Iʼm not just talking about growth forecasts. Iʼm also referring to our
conception of international cooperation going forward.
I will focus my remarks today on the significance of international cooperation in this current
environment and for our future. The power of working together with our partners has been
essential in confronting Russia; we need to take that lesson on board as we tackle the most
pressing global issues we face today.
We have seen that swi and sweeping sanctions can have enormous force. The United States,
along with over 30 countries, representing well over half the worldʼs economy, has imposed an
unprecedented suite of financial sanctions and export controls on Russia.

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Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on Way Forward for the Global Economy | U.S. Department of th…

The multilateral approach that President Biden has taken has enabled us to impose significant
costs on Russia, degrading its ability to prosecute this war and to project power in the years
ahead. We were able to do this, for example, because the G7 plus the European Union account
for about half of Russiaʼs international trade, and our financial institutions have facilitated
most of Russiaʼs trade and investment finance. We, the sanctioning countries, are saying to
Russia that, having flaunted the rules, norms, and values that underpin the international
economy, we will no longer extend to you the privilege of trading or investing with us.
By joining together, we demonstrate that these sanctions are not motivated by any one
countryʼs foreign policy objectives. Rather, we are acting in support of our principles—our
opposition to aggression, to widespread violence against civilians, and in alignment with our
commitment to a rules-based global order that protects peace and prosperity.
Moreover, we are carving new paths in our technical work to target, monitor, and enforce
sanctions. The work of our team of experts at Treasury is now reinforced by other experts
around the world. With Attorney General Garland, I convened a novel taskforce of law
enforcement and finance ministry leaders from G7 and partner countries to advance our
e orts. Together, we are learning how to be more e ective. We are creating new habits of
cooperation, trust, and goodwill that create positive spillovers across the entirety of our
relationship.
Rest assured, until Putin ends his heinous war of choice, the Biden Administration will work
with our partners to push Russia further towards economic, financial, and strategic isolation.
The Kremlin will be forced to choose between propping up its economy and funding the
continuation of Putinʼs brutal war.
At the same time, we are marshalling the power of international cooperation to mitigate the
economic impacts of Russiaʼs war. Russiaʼs invasion will have direct impacts on the global
economy due to the contraction of Ukrainian and Russian exports—particularly energy, food,
fertilizer, and other commodities. When Russia made the decision to invade Ukraine, it
predestined an exit from the global financial system. Russian leaders knew that we would
impose severe sanctions, even if they underestimated the breadth, depth, and coordination of
the actions that the United States and its allies would take. We are now seeing higher
commodity prices that have added to global inflationary pressures and are posing threats to
energy and food security, trade flows, and external balances across many countries.
Much of our work next week during the IMF and World Bank Spring Meetings will be centered
on how we can better support developing countries as they weather these shocks, particularly
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Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on Way Forward for the Global Economy | U.S. Department of th…

as they are still recovering from COVID-19. With over 275 million people facing acute food
insecurity, I am deeply concerned about the impact of Russiaʼs war on food prices and supply,
particularly on poor populations who spend a larger share of their income on food. The
multilateral development banks are already providing financing to strengthen domestic food
production, bolster social safety nets, and unlock trade finance. They must also couple their
near-term responses with longer-term investments to address the underlying vulnerabilities in
food systems. I will be convening leaders in this field next week to discuss further potential
solutions.
The ultimate outcome for the global economy of course depends on the path of the war.
Russia could end this unnecessary war and the near-term impact could be contained.
While many countries have taken a unified stand against Russiaʼs actions and many companies
have quickly and voluntarily severed business relationships with Russia, some countries and
companies have not. Let me now say a few words to those countries who are currently
sitting on the fence, perhaps seeing an opportunity to gain by preserving their relationship
with Russia and backfilling the void le by others. Such motivations are short-sighted. The
future of our international order, both for peaceful security and economic prosperity, is at
stake. This is an order that benefits us all. And letʼs be clear, the unified coalition of
sanctioning countries will not be indi erent to actions that undermine the sanctions weʼve
put in place.
The war in Ukraine and sanctions against Russia highlight the pivotal role of China. China has
long claimed to hold sacrosanct key international principles—including those enshrined in the
UN Charter with respect to sovereignty and territorial integrity. Whatever Chinaʼs geopolitical
aims and strategies, we see no benign interpretation of Russiaʼs invasion, nor of its
consequences for the international order. China cannot expect the global community to
respect its appeals to the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity in the future if
does not respect these principles now when it counts.
China has recently a irmed a special relationship with Russia. I fervently hope that China will
make something positive of this relationship and help to end this war. Going forward, it will
be increasingly di icult to separate economic issues from broader considerations of national
interest, including national security. The worldʼs attitude towards China and its willingness to
embrace further economic integration may well be a ected by Chinaʼs reaction to our call for
resolute action on Russia.

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Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on Way Forward for the Global Economy | U.S. Department of th…

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has dramatically demonstrated the need for us to stand
together to defend our international order and protect the peace and prosperity that it has
conferred on advanced and developing countries alike. As we do so, it is worth considering
the breadth of unmet global challenges that would benefit from greater cooperation of the
kind we have mustered in confronting Russia.
On some issues, like trade and competitiveness, this will involve bringing together partners
that are committed to a set of core values and principles. We will also need to modernize our
existing institutions—the IMF and the multilateral development banks—so that they are fit for
the 21st century, where challenges and risks are increasingly global. And finally, we need to
build trust and cooperation to improve our ability to provide the global public goods that are
needed to address these challenges.
I will now present a set of propositions on how to turn some of our problems into
opportunities to move forward.
First, we need to modernize the multilateral approach we have used to build trade
integration. Our objective should be to achieve free but secure trade. We cannot allow
countries to use their market position in key raw materials, technologies, or products to have
the power to disrupt our economy or exercise unwanted geopolitical leverage. Letʼs build on
and deepen economic integration and the e iciencies it brings—on terms that work better for
American workers. And letʼs do it with the countries we know we can count on. Favoring the
“friend-shoring” of supply chains to a large number of trusted countries, so we can continue
to securely extend market access, will lower the risks to our economy, as well as to our
trusted trade partners. We should also consider building a network of plurilateral trade
arrangements to incorporate elements of the modern economy that are growing in economic
importance, especially digital services. We should harmonize our approaches to protecting
the privacy of data. And a modernized trade system will also require the ability to e ectively
enforce trade policies and practices, both multilateral and bilateral.
Second, we should implement last yearʼs global tax deal. Some 137 countries—representing
nearly 95 percent of the worldʼs GDP—have agreed to rewrite the international tax rules to
impose a global minimum tax on corporate foreign earnings and to partially reallocate taxing
rights from countries where companies are headquartered to those where they sell goods
and services. This tax deal is necessary to end the race to the bottom in corporate taxes and
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Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on Way Forward for the Global Economy | U.S. Department of th…

to reform profit reallocation rules that, by demanding a physical nexus to a taxing jurisdiction,
no longer reflect modern economic realities. By ensuring that profitable corporations pay
their fair share and operate on a level playing field, the deal will provide governments around
the world the resources they need to invest in their people and economies.
Third, we must ensure the IMF has the tools to fulfill its role of financial firefighter in the face
of modern, potentially more frequent, global crises. The IMF evolved to assist countries
needing domestic policy adjustment to overcome balance of payments di iculties. It was not
designed to deal with the novelty and breadth of the last two global crises. As a
consequence, the economic and financial response to the global financial crisis in 2008-2009
was too timid and short-lived. With inadequate global liquidity, the crisis caused lasting
damage. In response to the pandemic, the IMF acted creatively to support poorer countries.
Still, those countries with the resources to do so responded forcefully, protecting incomes
and profits, preventing debilitating bankruptcy, and rapidly reversing the decline in GDP. We
were less successful in supporting poorer countries, which led to a divergence in global
prospects. We will also need to consider the governance of the institution, to ensure that it
reflects both the current global economy and also membersʼ commitments to the IMFʼs
underlying principles and objectives.
Fourth, letʼs revisit our strategies, policies, and institutions to better mobilize capital in
support of people in developing countries. We have made great e orts to provide funding to
support human development, the creation of needed infrastructure, and more recently the
attainment of climate objectives. Multilateral development banks, bilateral o icial donors and
creditors, and growing private sector involvement deserve credit for important achievements.
That said, the response to date is not to the scale needed. Experts put the funding needs in
the trillions, and we have so far been working in billions. The irony of the situation is that
while the world has been awash in savings—so much so that real interest rates have been
falling for several decades—we have not been able to find the capital needed for investments
in education, healthcare, and infrastructure. There is little doubt that there are huge potential
returns, both human and eventually financial, in equipping billions of people in developing
countries with what they will need to succeed. Going forward, we need to evolve the
development finance system, including the World Bank and the regional development banks,
to our changing world, in particular to better mobilize private capital and fund global public
goods. However, the multilateral development banks alone will never meet the scale of
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Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on Way Forward for the Global Economy | U.S. Department of th…

financing needed—so we also need to revisit our strategies for making capital markets work
for people in developing countries.
Fi h, we must expedite the global transition to a more secure and cleaner energy future, with
more energy access for all. We know we have not yet done enough in terms of mitigation,
adaptation, green technology innovation and adoption, and funding for those e orts. The
recent IPCC reports confirm that our window of opportunity to leave our planet worthy of our
children and grandchildren is even closer to being permanently shut. We must redouble our
e orts to decarbonize our economies, recognizing that countries will use a range of tools—
including carbon pricing, regulation, and subsidies—to achieve needed emissions reductions.
Because those approaches will have quite di erent consequences for the costs of
production, we will see di ering impacts on trade competitiveness. We will need to work
together to avoid trade tensions and in time to coordinate and harmonize our approaches.
And finally, sixth, we need to complete work on strengthening the global health architecture
to boost pandemic preparedness and response. History teaches us that pandemic risks rise
with the interconnectedness of the world. And recent history shows us the incredibly high
cost of inadequate preparation. G20 countries are now working through a Joint Health and
Finance Task Force to leverage broad country and expert participation to address the current
gaps in the international health architecture for pandemic prevention, detection, information
sharing, and crisis response. We have also proposed a Financial Intermediary Fund as a vehicle
to help fill in the gaps in health system investments at the country, regional, and global level
so that we are collectively better able to prepare for and prevent future crises.
As we gather for the IMF and World Bank Spring Meetings next week, I look forward to
working with my partners to address these big issues. At the top of everyoneʼs minds will be
the direct impact and broader spillovers of Russiaʼs invasion of Ukraine. We will also advance
e orts to mobilize vaccine donations and delivery support, further discussions on tackling the
climate crisis, and continue to expand our e orts to support low-income countries.
Some may say that now is not the right time to think big. Indeed, we are in the middle of
Russiaʼs war in Ukraine, alongside the lingering fight against a global pandemic and a long list
of other initiatives underway. Yet, I see this as the right the time to work to address the gaps
in our international financial system that we are witnessing in real time.
Treasury o icials began cra ing proposals for the IMF, the World Bank, and the post-war
international financial architecture in 1941, as World War II raged in Europe. Three years later,
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Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on Way Forward for the Global Economy | U.S. Department of th…

in the opening to the Bretton Woods Conference—occurring as the Allied invasion of
Normandy was still underway—President Roosevelt said: “It is fitting that even while the war
for liberation is at its peak, [we] should gather to take counsel with one another respecting
the shape of the future which we are to win.”
As then, we ought not wait for a new normal. We should begin to shape a better future
today.
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