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5/21/2024

Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on the Importance and Strength of the Transatlantic Alliance at t…

Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on the
Importance and Strength of the Transatlantic Alliance at the
Frankfurt School of Finance and Management in Frankfurt,
Germany
May 21, 2024

As Prepared for Delivery
I am grateful to the Frankfurt School for awarding me this honorary doctorate and for
organizing todayʼs program. I would also like to thank Professor Stieglitz, President Lagarde,
and Minister Lindner for their exceptionally kind words. And thanks to all of you in the
audience today—students, faculty, and many others. As Professor Stieglitz described, I began
my career as an academic and I greatly appreciate the opportunity to speak to those who are
committed to thinking deeply and whose ideas shape policy.
I see this is the case here. The Frankfurt School has for decades focused on putting ideas into
practice, such as through your partnership with the United Nations Environment Programme.
And I understand this is also an institution that, though very much rooted here in Germany, is
internationally-oriented as well, with students from five continents and nearly 100 countries.
So Iʼm honored to receive this degree. And I also believe that this is a fitting place to speak
about a topic aligned with the Schoolʼs European and global orientation and cutting edge
work: the transatlantic alliance.
Since the start of the Biden Administration, the transatlantic alliance has delivered for the
American people and economy, for Europe, and for the global economy, and I believe we can
raise our ambitions still further. The issues I will speak about today—from security, to
sustainable growth, to the shi ing global economic landscape—are issues where the strength
of our alliance matters for Americansʼ and Europeansʼ lives, today and in the future.

I. HISTORY OF T HE T RANSAT LANT IC ALLIANCE
The transatlantic alliance has underpinned the post World War II order. The U.S. and Europe
share a deep commitment to democratic values, from individual liberty to the rule of law. And
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from our response to the Cold War to our response to Russiaʼs recent invasion of Ukraine,
weʼve repeatedly stood up for these values, safeguarding them so that our citizens can live in
free societies and realize the benefits that brings.
Our alliance has been critical to global peace and security. For decades, its strength has
deterred those who might otherwise have pursued aggressive action. We at times take this
for granted. But itʼs this stability and security that has enabled us in the U.S., Germany, and
throughout much of Europe to live largely without fear of widespread conflict close to home
and to invest and plan for the future.
Our strong partnership has also brought tremendous economic benefits, not just indirectly
from this security but directly from trade and investment. The U.S. and EU are each otherʼs
largest trade and investment partners, with two-way trade in goods and services totaling
nearly $1.4 trillion and combined foreign direct investment totaling over $5 trillion. Microso ʼs
recent investments in Germany, Spain, and the UK are one of countless examples. And U.S.
exports to the EU support nearly 2 million American jobs.
Our alliance has also had economic impacts far beyond our borders, including through setting
up the international financial institutions that have played a critical role in supporting
macroeconomic stability, alleviating poverty, and fueling sustainable growth—transforming
countries and lives.
Put simply, the transatlantic alliance has delivered for Americans, Europeans, and many
others. And the United States has been committed to advancing it—through multilateralism,
most notably through the G7, NATO, and U.S. relations with the EU—and through bilateral
relationships between the U.S. and European countries, including, of course, with Germany.
The U.S. and Europe have taken action at key moments, when world events have demanded
that we step up and jointly lead. And weʼve maintained a near constant drumbeat of
communication and collaboration that informs daily policymaking processes in the U.S. and in
Europe.
Despite this long and important history, President Biden inherited a transatlantic alliance that
had been threatened and weakened, by attacks on the value of NATO and a rejection of
multilateralism. This turn inward undermined a foundation of stability and security. It meant
missed economic opportunities for American firms and workers. And it failed to heed the
urgent need for joint leadership to address the global challenges that threaten our collective
economic future, such as the COVID pandemic and possibility of future global health
emergencies and climate change.
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Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on the Importance and Strength of the Transatlantic Alliance at t…

So President Biden reversed course. He directed us to rebuild relationships with key partners
and allies in Europe and other parts of the world. In the face of those who still try to fracture
our world and unprecedented global challenges, we are building on the transatlantic allianceʼs
history and taking decisive action.
Let me talk about what weʼve accomplished and what I believe we should aim for across three
key areas: bolstering security, driving sustainable growth, and navigating a shi ing global
economic landscape.

II. B OLST ERING SECURIT Y
Iʼll start with our joint work to bolster security, which is a prerequisite for economic growth.
Weʼve collaborated to bolster security through NATO for decades, but our economic
collaboration is crucial too. And our ongoing response to Russiaʼs invasion of Ukraine is a
powerful example.
This collaboration started long before the invasion on February 24th, 2022 but tremendously
increased in the months leading up to it. When the United States began understanding that
Russia was considering an invasion, we immediately recognized the possible grave
consequences for Ukraine, for Europe, and for the rest of the world. We knew that Russiaʼs
role as a major source of Europeʼs oil and natural gas meant an invasion wouldnʼt just pose a
threat to Ukraineʼs territorial integrity. It could disastrously impact European energy markets
and, from there, lead to global economic spillovers.
So the U.S. did what committed partners do in such a situation: We began sharing
information. In the months leading up to the potential invasion, ministries of finance, central
banks, and policymakers across the U.S. and European governments pursued unprecedented
coordination in evaluating the financial system and economic channels for contagion, forming
a shared view of risks, and readying ourselves to take whatever action would be necessary.
Within the first week post-invasion, the United States had sanctioned over 80 percent of
Russiaʼs banking sector by assets and the United States and partners had immobilized Russian
sovereign assets held abroad.
Since then, our global coalition has had additional successes because we have placed a
premium on collective action across all aspects of our response.
Take the price cap on Russian oil. The U.S. understood the need to disrupt Russiaʼs oil revenue,
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but we saw the market impact that certain restrictions could have. So we worked with our
European counterparts—through countless calls, meetings, and trips across the Atlantic—to
design and launch a novel tool that leveraged our market share in services key to the oil trade
and would constrict Russiaʼs revenues while keeping global oil markets stable. Because of our
careful and joint work, the price cap worked. Russiaʼs oil tax revenue was nearly 30 percent
lower in 2023 than in 2022. Russia of course took action in response to evade the price cap.
But we again turned to the power of collective response, working jointly to tighten
enforcement. This too, is making progress: Energy market participants, analysts, and even
Russiaʼs top energy o icial have linked our increased enforcement activities to the increased
discount on Russian oil.
The same is true of our sanctions policy. Since February 2022, the United States has
sanctioned over 4,000 individuals and entities as part of our e ort to hold Russia accountable
for its war in Ukraine, while pursuing an unprecedented level of coordination with the G7.
Weʼve also stood together in providing military, economic, and humanitarian support for
Ukraine. U.S. and European support packages have bolstered and complemented one another.
This is critical to Ukraine sustaining its resistance on the frontlines and the homefront. And let
me be clear: It is also critical for the security of the American and European people. If we
stand by as dictators violate territorial integrity and flout the international rules-based order,
they have no reason to stop at their initial targets. They will keep going. Russia has bet that
its brutal aggression can outlast our collective resolve. But we have shown that when a
dictator takes action that threatens our people, economies, and the rules-based order, we will
not back down. Our countries helped shape and strengthen this order over decades. We will
jointly defend it.
Over the past three years, weʼve of course acted jointly to bolster our security in other
contexts as well. In the Middle East, conflict is destroying lives and livelihoods across the
region and causing headwinds to regional economies. Treasury has used the economic tools
at our disposal, issuing 44 rounds of sanctions in connection with Iran against over 400
individuals, entities, tankers, and aircra for support to terrorism, proliferation of drones and
missiles, and human rights violations. Weʼre heartened that our European allies have acted
decisively as well, including in the wake of Iranʼs attack in April. Weʼve also been jointly
committed to providing critical humanitarian aid to Palestinians in Gaza.
Investment screening is another area where close collaboration between the U.S. and
European countries has driven crucial developments. Since 2021, 22 EU countries have taken
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legislative action related to investment screening, such that all but three are now
implementing investment screening reviews. This matters, as our collective national security
is greatly enhanced when our partners and allies have and use their own robust investment
screening mechanisms.
As we look ahead, the need for collaboration and coordination will only increase. We need to
continue cracking down on Russian sanctions evasion, including through third parties, and
sensitive goods that originate in the U.S. and Europe. Itʼs also critical that we ensure Ukraine
has the support it needs to equip its military, fund critical services, and ultimately rebuild in
the medium- to long-term. Thatʼs why I believe itʼs vital and urgent that we collectively find a
way forward to unlock the value of Russian sovereign assets immobilized in our jurisdictions
for the benefit of Ukraine. This will be a key topic of conversation during G7 meetings this
week.
In the Middle East, we must stay in close coordination as we take additional actions to target
the Iranian regime and its proxies and provide humanitarian aid. With regard to investment
security, the U.S. is moving forward with implementing a program addressing the risks related
to U.S. outbound investment in sensitive technologies. But these risks are not unique to us,
and we encourage our partners and allies, including European countries, to do the same. I
applaud those jurisdictions that have publicly announced work on this. The U.S. stands ready
to support these and othersʼ e orts to safeguard our collective national security.
These are just a few examples of whatʼs ahead. All of it will matter for our people and
economies. Without security, people live in fear and a key foundation of the global economy is
threatened. With it, we have a key foundation of more prosperous economic lives and global
growth.

III. DRIVING SUSTAINAB LE GROW T H
Alongside bolstering security, the U.S. and Europe have been jointly committed to driving
sustainable growth—working to advance energy security, create economic opportunity, and
progress toward our climate goals.
Following Russiaʼs invasion, the United States responded to the threat to European energy
security by increasing LNG exports to the European Union, with the volume of exports tripling
from 2021 to 2023. This enabled Europe to reduce its reliance on Russian gas while
maintaining stability for its people. It brought benefits to the U.S. as the largest supplier of
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LNG to Europe. And we jointly showed Putin that he had miscalculated: Instead of fracturing,
our coalition found an innovative path forward.
But in the medium to long-term, the U.S. and Europe both know that bolstering energy
security will depend on driving sustainable growth. We need clean energy economies that are
less vulnerable to shocks, including from geopolitics. And we need to build these economies in
ways that expand economic opportunity.
President Biden has made this a top priority. At home, the Inflation Reduction Act is fueling
investments in manufacturing and clean energy and expanding economic opportunity across
the United States. Iʼve had the chance to see this firsthand in my travels: from solar in Georgia
to the battery belt emerging across the Midwest and South, we are creating good jobs in
American communities that havenʼt historically had the economic opportunity they deserve.
But the IRA is not a turn toward American protectionism. Weʼre not creating opportunities
just at home. U.S.-EU trade in green energy products exceeded $2 billion in 2022, and
European countries can be leaders in this area. The thermal processing equipment in the
Suniva factory I visited in March is supplied by Germanyʼs Centrotherm—just one example of
potential opportunities for Europe. The U.S. is investing in Europe as well, such as through Bill
Gatesʼ Breakthrough Energy. And as we produce more in the U.S., we will drive down the costs
of clean energy technologies globally, benefiting people and economies around the world.
Germany, of course, has been creating opportunity as well. It led the way in showing that
government policy could drive demand for renewable energy, from putting in place feed-intari s for solar two decades ago, to driving community-based wind projects, to committing
to phase out coal. Germany generated more than 50 percent of its electricity from renewables
in 2023. Itʼs a leader in green technology. And the Frankfurt Schoolʼs focus on climate is just
one example of whatʼs happening across Europe, where higher education institutions have
launched around 1,000 new degree programs in renewable energy and energy e iciency.
Todayʼs students will drive tomorrowʼs innovation.
Alongside increasing energy security and creating opportunity, our collective e orts are
getting us closer to our climate goals. Weʼre in a new era in our response to climate change.
For decades, the economics and politics of climate action were characterized by a belief that
climate change was a textbook case of tragedy of the commons. Countries were incentivized
to exploit global natural resources, while people everywhere su ered the costs. In recent
years, there has been a fundamental paradigm shi . The transition to green energy is now
increasingly recognized as the greatest economic opportunity of the 21st century, with an
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estimated over $3 trillion in investment opportunities each year between now and 2050.
Achieving our climate goals is compatible with increasing energy security and driving growth.
As we look ahead, thereʼs scope for much more joint and complementary action that will
further these three objectives. The IRA is working, and we welcome similar action around the
world, including the European Green Deal. We should keep working together to improve
critical mineral supply chains, including through the Minerals Security Partnership and ongoing
e orts on a U.S.-EU Critical Minerals Agreement. We should also continue collaboration to
further decarbonization globally through green investments from our development finance
agencies and international initiatives to share policies and harmonize climate disclosure.
Like security, driving sustainable growth matters for Americans and Europeans, making us
more resilient and more prosperous. And it will save us from a dire fate. As climate-related
events continue to increase in severity and frequency, threatening our lives and livelihoods
and our childrenʼs futures, we have no choice but to jointly lead.

IV. NAVIGAT ING A SHIF T ING GLOB AL ECONOMIC
LANDSCAPE
Finally, the world has changed tremendously in my lifetime and will continue to evolve. The
U.S. and Europe are two pillars of the free world. We have together led and adapted through
many changes, and we must continue to collaborate as we navigate a shi ing global economic
landscape.
This includes our approaches to the Peopleʼs Republic of China. The U.S. and Europe both
recognize that Chinaʼs tremendous rise—from representing 3 percent of the global economy
to 20 percent—means that it will help shape the global economy. Guided by President Biden,
Iʼve worked to put the U.S.-China economic relationship on surer footing, for the benefit of
people around the world.
As Iʼve repeatedly emphasized, we do not seek to decouple; we seek to diversify. President
von der Leyen has said the same, emphasizing the need to de-risk. Our critical mineral supply
chains are currently overconcentrated in China. We saw the danger of overreliance during the
COVID pandemic and in the immediate a ermath of Russiaʼs invasion. So the United States
has pursued an approach Iʼve called friendshoring to deepen economic ties with a wide range
of partners and allies to build resilient supply chains that advance our energy and economic
security. We have also engaged directly with China on areas where the U.S. and Europe, along
with many others, are concerned by Chinaʼs actions, from its pursuit of economic coercion to
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macroeconomic imbalances that are leading to industrial overcapacity. Following my trip to
China in April, where I raised these issues with my counterparts, Chancellor Scholz, President
Macron, and President von der Leyen have done the same. And industrial overcapacity not
only poses a threat to firms in the U.S. and Europe. It could also prevent countries around the
world, including emerging markets, from building the industries that could power their
growth.
Last week, the United States announced strategic and targeted steps as a result of the
Section 301 review. And the EU and other countries are using their authorities to investigate
and consider remedies to Chinaʼs actions as well.
Our work to evolve the international financial architecture is another key example of our
e orts to navigate global shi s. The U.S. and Europe built the Bretton Woods institutions. We
now have a responsibility to make sure they are fit-for-purpose in todayʼs world. This is why
Iʼve called to evolve the multilateral development banks, including to address global
challenges, and pushed for reform of the sovereign debt architecture. Our European allies
have been essential partners in this process, which is already bearing fruit. Weʼve also
launched new initiatives with the G7, such as the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and
Investment, which aims to mobilize hundreds of billions for quality infrastructure. And we
aligned 130 countries to endorse a global minimum tax that will end the race to the bottom
and support workers around the world.
Weʼve also been coordinated in the face of technological change, including the rise of artificial
intelligence. Many economists believe that AI will bring a significant productivity boost to the
global economy. Taking advantage of this massive opportunity while mitigating the risks will
require coordinated action through fora like the G7 and the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology
Council, even if the exact approaches we pursue di er. Thatʼs why international engagement
was a core pillar of President Bidenʼs Executive Order on AI. At Treasury, we will work with our
allies and partners to further our ongoing work to monitor AIʼs impacts on the financial sector
and our e orts to build resilient semiconductor supply chains that are critical to sustained
leadership in artificial intelligence. Together, we must also make sure that the benefits of AI
accrue not only to advanced economies, but to all countries.
As we look ahead, we will need to stay coordinated as we pursue further work in each of
these areas. Like bolstering security and driving sustainable growth, navigating these shi s
matters for everyday Americans and Europeans. Chinaʼs industrial policy may seem remote as
we sit here in this room, but if we do not respond strategically and in a united way, the
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viability of businesses in both our countries and around the world could be at risk. Support to
low- and middle-income countries and to workers around the world is essential for the
strength of the global economy.
Artificial intelligence has not yet a ected all aspects of our lives, but strategic and
coordinated action now will mean that when it does, it is to our peoplesʼ benefit.

V. CONCLUSION
Iʼll end by emphasizing what President Biden said shortly a er assuming the Presidency: “The
partnership between Europe and the United States, in my view, is and must remain the
cornerstone of all that we hope to accomplish in the 21st century, just as we did in the 20th
century.” As Treasury Secretary, I am committed to working so that our alliance continues to
deliver to increase security and bring prosperity for Americans and Europeans in the face of an
uncertain world.
Thank you again to the Frankfurt School for this honor and to all of you for being here today.
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