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11/2/2023

Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on the Biden Administration’s Economic Approach Toward the Ind…

Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on the
Biden Administration’s Economic Approach Toward the IndoPacific
November 2, 2023

As Prepared for Delivery
Good a ernoon. And thank you to the Asia Society for hosting us today.
Iʼll start with the big picture. First, the United States began as an Atlantic nation, but we have
long been a Pacific one as well. We see this clearly in California, where President Biden and I
will head later this month to host APEC Economic Leadersʼ Week, and where Iʼve spent much
of my professional career. In California, as elsewhere across the country, our ties to Asia are
evident—from the influence of the over half of Californiaʼs immigrant population arriving in the
past decade who were born in Asia, to the competition and collaboration with Asia driven by
Silicon Valley over decades. Second, the Indo-Pacific region is at the center of the 21stcentury global economy. The region contains half of the worldʼs population, and it is
generating about two-thirds of global growth. Iʼve seen this economic strength and
dynamism firsthand as Treasury Secretary in my trips to India, Indonesia, South Korea,
Vietnam, and across the region.
Recognizing this big picture, the Biden Administration is pursuing an approach to the IndoPacific that furthers our countryʼs long history of engagement and does justice to the regionʼs
importance for our and the worldʼs future. As President Biden laid out in his Indo-Pacific
Strategy, the United States is committed to an Indo-Pacific that is free and open, connected,
prosperous, secure, and resilient. The Administration is working to tackle challenges and seize
opportunities, including securing our supply chains and supporting American workers. To spur
growth, we are deepening economic integration and harnessing technological
transformation. To build resilience, we are partnering across the region to address climate
change and strengthen health systems. And in response to threats to human rights and
international law, we are standing up to economic coercion and strengthening accountable
democratic governance.

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Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on the Biden Administration’s Economic Approach Toward the Ind…

Our economic ties underpin our approach to the Indo-Pacific. So, in my remarks today, Iʼll
highlight three priorities that are shaping an economic strategy in the region that is fit for this
current moment: increasing trade and investment, bolstering our economic resilience, and
cooperating on global challenges. And Iʼll outline how weʼre advancing these priorities
through strategic, and intensifying, multilateral and bilateral engagements. Growth and
innovation in the United States help drive the dynamism in Indo-Pacific economies, while
trade and investment between the U.S. and Indo-Pacific benefit people across all our
economies, including American communities and workers. As we look toward APEC later this
month, let me state unequivocally: Claims that America is turning away from the Indo-Pacific
are wholly unfounded. We are deepening our economic ties across the region, with
tremendous potential benefits for the U.S. economy and for the Indo-Pacific.

I. OUR ECONOMIC PRIORIT IES
First, the Biden Administration is committed to expanding our trade and investment with
Indo-Pacific countries. Trade between the United States and the Indo-Pacific region has
steadily increased over the past decade, reaching $2.28 trillion in 2022. It has increased over
25 percent since just 2019, despite a pandemic dip. Indeed, trade in most sectors recovered to
pre-pandemic levels by 2021 and then continued to grow. Trade in computers and electronic
goods reached about $435 billion in 2022, including both significant imports and exports of
electronics—the result of complex, integrated supply chains. In total across goods and
services, the U.S. exported about $770 billion to the region in 2022. Thatʼs almost one-quarter
of our global exports. And U.S. direct investment in the Indo-Pacific reached $866 billion in
2021. In parallel, the U.S. benefits from $956 billion in foreign direct investment from the IndoPacific.
The economic case for our expanding trade and investment is clear. The Indo-Pacific is a
dynamic and rapidly growing region. As it grows, we gain a fast-expanding customer base for
U.S. firms and workers. So, trade boosts production at home to serve these export markets,
enabling American businesses to scale their operations and create more jobs. And jobs at
export-oriented firms tend to pay more, helping generate solid, well-paying career options.
For consumers, trade drives lower prices and increases choice.
Of course, how we pursue greater economic integration with the Indo-Pacific also matters.
We are focused on creating a level-playing field for American workers, so that trade and
investment with the Indo-Pacific continues adding to the several million American jobs it
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already supports. And we are pursuing economic integration while still protecting our national
security interests through targeted actions where necessary. Looking ahead, increased trade
and investment with the Indo-Pacific will continue to support more growth and more jobs at
home, and it will fuel growth and employment in the Indo-Pacific as well.
Second, we see economic engagement with the Indo-Pacific as crucial to bolstering our supply
chain security. Our critical supply chains are too vulnerable to risks, as the disruptions during
the COVID-19 pandemic revealed. So, along with massive investments at home through the
Presidentʼs economic agenda, weʼre pursuing an approach Iʼve called friendshoring: seeking to
strengthen our economic resilience through diversifying our supply chains across a wide range
of trusted allies and partners. Across the Indo-Pacific, the Administration is pursuing
multilateral engagements to better coordinate supply chain e orts—from monitoring supply
chain disruptions to responding to supply chain crises. And weʼre making supply chains a focus
of our bilateral engagements as well, such as with Vietnam. At home, greater supply chain
resilience provides stability for consumers and helps ensure that our countryʼs economic
security is not unduly reliant on just one country for many critical inputs. And achieving
resilience through partnering with Indo-Pacific countries means gains for Indo-Pacific
economies as well.
Weʼre starting to see the impacts in the data. Across sectors from auto parts to electronics,
the U.S. is importing more from key partners like India and Vietnam, as well as from Mexico,
and is less dependent on one single country, in this case, China.[1] As Iʼve just noted, we are
trading in substantial and rising amounts with the Indo-Pacific, so these shi s do not mean
less trade, just a di erent pattern of flows of goods and services. Weʼre generating diverse
and secure supply chains, protecting our national security and advancing our values while
growing economies across the Indo-Pacific. Many firms are recognizing the benefits of
multiple sources of inputs and production and diversifying too. And the shi s weʼre seeing
also reflect other dynamics. Itʼs natural that a richer country would less o en serve as a base
for final assembly. So, China was always expected to see shi s in its export patterns as it grew
richer, just as Japan did in the 1980s.
Finally, as a third key priority, economic engagement with the Indo-Pacific is needed to
address the urgent global challenges of our time. The Indo-Pacific region is highly vulnerable
to climate change. A significant majority of the regionʼs population is dependent on the
oceans. And Pacific Islands face the increasingly likely possibility of losing land due to sea level
rise, with severe potential consequences for their people and economies. The
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Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen on the Biden Administration’s Economic Approach Toward the Ind…

interconnectedness of our economies and our shared goal of a viable future on this planet
leaves us no choice but to support Indo-Pacific countries in addressing these challenges and
realizing the opportunities of the energy transition.

II. OUR MULT ILAT ERAL ENGAGEMENTS
Looking forward, we will build on what weʼve accomplished so far and continue advancing our
priorities, including through strong multilateral engagements with Indo-Pacific countries. Iʼll
highlight just a few examples.
To begin with, President Biden has continued to strengthen collaboration with Australia,
India, and Japan through the Quad. Consistent with the key priorities Iʼve outlined, the Quad is
increasing cooperation across our export credit agencies and linking executives and investors
to foster co-investment in critical technologies. Itʼs identifying and addressing gaps in key
supply chains for the clean energy minerals and technology we need to bolster our resilience.
And itʼs providing technical assistance to address climate vulnerabilities. Weʼre seeing
significant benefits for our economies, and for the Indo-Pacific.
Collaboration with the Quad complements our work through other multilateral groups—from
ASEAN to the Pacific Islands Forum. The United States of course also plays a very active role
in APEC and we are proud to be serving as its host this year. And in May 2022, we launched the
Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity, or IPEF, with 13 other countries. Together,
we account for 40 percent of global GDP and 28 percent of global trade in goods and services.
And we are writing new rules for the 21st-century economy, from trade, to tax, to supply
chains, to clean energy. Last May, IPEF members concluded a landmark Supply Chain
Agreement that will provide a framework for deepened collaboration and coordination,
including through new commitments on information exchange, regulatory transparency,
collective responses to disruptions, and upskilling and reskilling workers. The agreement aims
to support Indo-Pacific economies while facilitating a reliable supply of critical goods so that
American companies and workers have the key inputs they need to operate without
disruptions. The agreement also advances our values, such as through setting up new
mechanisms to ensure respect for labor rights.
And we are also pursuing multilateral e orts with the Pacific Islands to address global
challenges. President Biden welcomed Pacific Island leaders to Washington for a summit in
2022 and I was glad to be able to join for a second summit this year. Weʼre collaborating with
the Pacific Islands on ways to strengthen economic resilience against threats to macrohttps://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy1872

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financial stability, including climate change, such as through our e orts to increase the scale,
speed, and e ectiveness of climate finance and our call to evolve the multilateral
development banks.

III. OUR B ILAT ERAL ENGAGEMENTS
Our multilateral engagements are just the start. We are also advancing our key priorities
through extensive bilateral engagements. Iʼll begin with our approach to Asiaʼs largest
economy, the Peopleʼs Republic of China. We know the U.S.-China relationship is among the
most consequential in the world. We need to get it right—for Americans and for people
around the world, including across the Indo-Pacific. That begins with a serious, clear-eyed
economic approach.
As Iʼve said, the United States does not seek to decouple from China. A full separation of our
economies, or an approach in which countries including those in the Indo-Pacific are forced to
take sides, would have significant negative global repercussions. We have no interest in such a
divided world and its disastrous e ects. And given the extent of economic linkages within the
Indo-Pacific region and the complexity of global supply chains, itʼs also simply not practical.
Instead, we are de-risking and diversifying, by investing at home and strengthening linkages
with allies and partners around the world. Weʼve put forward a vision of the world grounded in
values we share with these allies and partners and in which there is also a healthy and stable
economic relationship between the United States and China. To advance this vision, our
economic approach to China will continue to center on three main goals. First, we are securing
our national security interests and advancing human rights. These are areas where we do not
compromise. But when we take national security actions using economic tools, we do so in
narrowly targeted ways, such as with President Bidenʼs Executive Order on outbound
investments, aimed at accomplishing our national security goals, not choking o growth in
China. Second, we are seeking a healthy economic relationship that benefits both sides. This
means responding appropriately to Chinaʼs unfair economic practices, such as non-market
policies that disadvantage American firms and workers, the barriers it imposes to market
access, and its use of economic power to coerce vulnerable trading partners. Third, we are
working to collaborate on the global challenges of our time—from climate change to debt
distress in low-income countries.
Successfully pursuing these goals depends on deep and durable communication with our
Chinese counterparts to prevent misunderstanding and clarify our areas of agreement and
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disagreement. In July, I visited Beijing to meet Chinaʼs new economic team. The visit led to the
launch of Economic and Financial Working Groups, which provide ongoing channels to discuss
macroeconomic and financial policies, work towards specific goals, and ultimately put our
relationship on a surer footing. Each Working Group recently met for the first time.
But, of course, advancing Americaʼs priorities in the Indo-Pacific requires much more than a
China strategy. Across the Indo-Pacific, we are rebuilding and strengthening older alliances
and investing in newer partnerships. Iʼll address just a few of our partnerships with countries
Iʼve visited during my time as Treasury Secretary.
With South Korea, which I visited in July 2022, and Japan, which I visited then and again last
May, the Biden Administration is pursuing collective e orts to bolster the resilience of our
respective supply chains. Our partnership was strengthened by the inaugural Trilateral
Leadersʼ Summit this past August and we look forward to holding the first Trilateral Finance
Ministers meeting in the coming year.
Weʼre also advancing our priorities through our bilateral relationship with Vietnam, which I
visited last July. Since then, U.S.-Vietnam relations have been upgraded to a Comprehensive
Strategic Partnership. And itʼs an especially promising moment for the U.S.-Vietnam economic
relationship. Trade with Vietnam has grown at an annual rate of nearly 25 percent over the
past almost three decades, reaching over $140 billion in 2022.
Vietnam also plays a growing role in the global semiconductor supply chain. This is exactly the
opportunity our friendshoring approach positions us to act on: We can bolster Americaʼs
supply chain resilience while advancing common values and growing our and partnersʼ
economies. In addition to its far-reaching domestic investments, the CHIPS Act created a
$500 million fund for international investments. In September, President Biden launched a
landmark semiconductor partnership with Vietnam. Weʼre incentivizing American companies to
invest in Vietnam, from Amkor Technologyʼs launch of a test and assembly plant last month to
plans by Synopsys and Marvell for new semiconductor design centers. And weʼre pairing
financing with more holistic support, such as workforce development initiatives in
collaboration with the Government of Vietnam and the private sector. This will support
workers in Vietnam. And itʼll help create good jobs for Americans elsewhere along the
semiconductor industry value chain.
Our economic partnership with Vietnam also extends to addressing global challenges. Leaders
from Vietnam and the International Partners Group, including the U.S., announced a Just
Energy Transition Partnership, or JETP, in December 2022. This partnership will support
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Vietnam in delivering on its ambitious targets to transition away from fossil fuels to clean
energy. Vietnam is actively working on the first step of JETP implementation with the
development of a Resource Mobilization Plan, and we look forward to marking meaningful
progress at COP.
Iʼll end with India, the worldʼs largest democracy, where Iʼve personally traveled four times in
less than one year, including for our annual India-U.S. Economic and Financial Partnership, or
EFP. The United States is Indiaʼs largest trading partner. Our bilateral trade exceeded $190
billion in 2022. Our goods exports grew by almost 20 percent between 2021 and 2022; our
services exports by 40 percent. We are working to build supply chain resilience. We launched an
initiative on critical and emerging technology, on which weʼre also pursuing dialogue with
Singapore. The U.S. and India are also collaborating on key challenges. During its G20
Presidency, India helped advance our call to evolve the multilateral development banks, and
we pursued joint work aimed at alleviating debt distress among vulnerable low-income and
emerging market countries. Looking ahead, we will continue to further collaboration,
including through planning to host India for the next round of EFP meetings in early 2024.

IV. CONCLUSION
Iʼll conclude by returning to the big picture. The United States has long been a Pacific nation,
and it is abundantly clear we remain one today. The Indo-Pacific is at the center of the 21stcentury global economy, and growth and innovation in the United States, paired with our
engagement in the region, is helping realize its tremendous potential. From the Quad to IPEF,
from Vietnam to India, we are increasing trade and investment, bolstering our supply chains,
and addressing global challenges. And at APEC later this month and far beyond it, we will only
continue to expand and deepen our engagement. Jobs and security at home in the United
States, the growth and resilience of Indo-Pacific economies, and the strength of our global
economy depends on it.
Thank you again for having me here today.
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[1] See, e.g., https://www.kansascityfed.org /documents/9747/JH_Paper_Alfaro.pdf.

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