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1/22/2022

Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen at the 2022 'Virtual Davos Agenda' Hosted by the World Economi…

Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen at the 2022
'Virtual Davos Agenda' Hosted by the World Economic Forum
January 21, 2022

As prepared for delivery
My thanks to Klaus and to the World Economic Forum for hosting me.
At this time of year, government o icials, business executives, and thought leaders normally
huddle in a small town in Switzerland to share perspectives on how to address the worldʼs
biggest challenges. I hope to join you all in person in Davos in the coming years. In the
meantime, the virtual nature of these meetings does not diminish the importance of the
issues at hand.
We have all been living through the COVID-19 pandemic for roughly two years now.
Policymakers, businesses large and small, and families alike have grappled with the
uncertainty and unexpected twists of this ruthless pandemic and its associated economic
disruption. At the same time, longstanding challenges persist, and some were exacerbated by
a pandemic that disproportionately impacted low-wage workers and minorities. We still face
growing divergence between rich and poor, within and between countries, along with the
mounting risk of climate change. Our navigation of these health and economic challenges will
be consequential: for ending the pandemic, for mitigating climate change, and for ensuring
the stability and prosperity of our respective economies and the global economic system.
I will focus my remarks on the Biden Administrationʼs strategy to sustain our economic
recovery and to address longstanding structural issues relating to income inequality, racial
disparities, and climate change.
Let me start with where I see the U.S. economy right now. By most traditional metrics, the
pace of our current recovery has exceeded even the most optimistic expectations. Thatʼs due
in large part to rapid vaccine deployment and the robust support to families, businesses, and
state and local governments provided by the American Rescue Plan. This is the kind of
recovery that President Biden set out to deliver when he took o ice last year.

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Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen at the 2022 'Virtual Davos Agenda' Hosted by the World Economi…

Aggregate growth has been rapid and continued, with our real GDP expected to grow at 5.3
percent in 2021. The most recent Blue Chip forecast put 2022 growth at 3.3 percent, noting
that “COVID and supply-chain disruptions to the economy are not really expected to disrupt
economic growth,” which in itself represents a stunning economic and policy achievement.
The U.S. labor market is exceptionally strong. Over 6 million jobs were added last year, and
the unemployment rate is again below 4 percent. Other metrics, such as the fraction of
workers who quit their jobs, suggest that the labor market is very tight. Historically, when
quits have been high, workers have been moving to jobs they prefer: for higher wages and
better working conditions. Indeed, we now see upgrading of job quality and increases in
nominal wages, especially at the lower end of the spectrum.
Household and firm balance sheets are even healthier than before the pandemic. To date, we
have not seen large or persistent increases in long-term unemployment, indebtedness,
evictions, or bankruptcies. This contrasts with the a ermath of the Global Financial Crisis.
Of course, given the scale, novelty, and uncertain path of the pandemic, the recovery also
comes with challenges. Labor supply has yet to recover to pre-pandemic levels, as health,
childcare, and other related challenges remain. Inflation is a valid policy concern, and it has
risen to levels not seen since the 1980s. It far exceeds any increase that would normally result
from a labor market with 3.9 percent unemployment. I believe that the pronounced shi in
spending away from services and toward goods contributed to outsized price increases.
Additionally, the associated supply chain bottlenecks are boosting costs and holding back
production of automobiles and other key products.
Despite these challenges, itʼs important to note that professional forecasters think that
inflation will substantially abate next year. Part of this view is likely driven by the expectation
that the Federal Reserve will continue to account for these pressures as it fulfills its dual
mandate. And as the President has remarked many times, the Administration continues to
tirelessly seek strategies to alleviate these pressures through actions such as easing
congestion in our ports and expanding the labor supply. Yet, even as policymakers continue to
address rising prices, our economic recovery will face significant risks until we have moved
more decisively past the pandemic.
Now let me turn to economic policy. I will use the term “modern supply side economics” to
describe the Biden Administrationʼs economic growth strategy, and Iʼll contrast it with
Keynesian and traditional supply-side approaches.
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1/22/2022

Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen at the 2022 'Virtual Davos Agenda' Hosted by the World Economi…

The American Rescue Plan, enacted into law in March 2021, ensured that aggregate demand
would return the economy to full employment—which was appropriate at that time in
response to the crisis. In this respect, the Biden strategy was similar to the “Keynesian
approach” championed, for example, by the Obama Administration in the a ermath of the
Global Financial Crisis and embodied in earlier stimulus packages enacted to combat previous
downturns.
What we are really comparing our new approach against is traditional “supply side
economics,” which also seeks to expand the economyʼs potential output, but through
aggressive deregulation paired with tax cuts designed to promote private capital investment.
It is, unquestionably, important to properly implement regulation and maintain a pro-growth
tax code, but they are not su icient and can o en be overdone. Modern supply side
economics, in contrast, prioritizes labor supply, human capital, public infrastructure, R&D, and
investments in a sustainable environment. These focus areas are all aimed at increasing
economic growth and addressing longer-term structural problems, particularly inequality. The
recently enacted Bipartisan Infrastructure Bill and the Build Back Better legislation that
remains under consideration in Congress incorporate this modern supply side approach.
Our new approach is far more promising than the old supply side economics, which I see as
having been a failed strategy for increasing growth. Significant tax cuts on capital have not
achieved their promised gains. And deregulation has a similarly poor track record in general
and with respect to environmental policies—especially so with respect to curbing CO2
emissions.
Moreover, this approach has deepened disparities in income and wealth by shi ing the burden
of taxation away from capital and towards labor. As Daron Acemoglu and Pascual Restrepo
found, capital-based automation has also played a role—and perhaps the major role—in
widening educational wage gaps between 1980 and 2016.
A countryʼs long-term growth potential depends on the size of its labor force, the productivity
of its workers, the renewability of its resources, and the stability of its political systems.
Modern supply side economics seeks to spur economic growth by both boosting labor supply
and raising productivity, while reducing inequality and environmental damage. Essentially, we
arenʼt just focused on achieving a high topline growth number that is unsustainable—we are
instead aiming for growth that is inclusive and green.
The economic moment is well-suited to accommodate such a modern supply side expansion.
Potential GDP in the United States is constrained by a declining labor force. And with few
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Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen at the 2022 'Virtual Davos Agenda' Hosted by the World Economi…

exceptions, productivity growth has been sluggish since the late 1970s. We have
underinvested in public infrastructure, and in education and training for children and all those
who have not sought a four-year college degree. This underinvestment has widened the gap
in earnings between highly skilled workers and those who lack a college degree—a gap that
has relentlessly increased since the late 1970s.
Importantly, the Biden Administrationʼs economic strategy embraces, rather than rejects,
collaboration with the private sector through a combination of improved market-based
incentives and direct spending based on empirically proven strategies. For example, a
package of incentives and rebates for clean energy, electric vehicles, and decarbonization will
incentivize companies to make these critical investments.
Let me now turn to three aspects of the Biden agenda that exemplify this modern supply side
approach.
The first pertains to labor supply and is reflected in the Build Back Better agenda.
Labor supply has been a concern in the United States even before the pandemic, in part due to
an aging population and in part due to a labor force participation rate that has trended
downward over the past 20 years. Now COVID and declining immigration have further
reduced the workforce. The lagging labor force participation rate is driven in large part by a
combination of factors that disincentivize work, such as inadequate paid leave and high
childcare costs.
While the final details of a package continue to be discussed by the Administration and
Congress, the core of Build Back Better counters these trends by making it easier for
working-age parents to participate in the labor market. It proposes two additional years of
universal early childhood education along with expanded elder care. It seeks to cap childcare
expenditures for most families at 7 percent of their income. And an expanded Earned Income
Tax Credit is intended to provide greater economic security to households while incentivizing
lower-income workers to seek employment. These programs should help to reverse the
ongoing decline in the U.S. labor force participation rate relative to other developed countries
and to boost potential GDP growth.
A second focus of the Biden agenda is to enhance productivity. Over the last decade, U.S.
labor productivity growth averaged a mere 1.1 percent—roughly half that during the previous
fi y years. This has contributed to slow growth in wages and compensation, with especially
slow historical gains for workers at the bottom of the wage distribution.
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Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen at the 2022 'Virtual Davos Agenda' Hosted by the World Economi…

There is a concern, however, that technological advancement that boosts productivity growth
may exacerbate, rather than mitigate, inequality. This possibility is illustrated by the
pandemic-induced surge in telework. A recent study forecasts that the gains from expanded
telework will ultimately raise U.S. productivity by 2.7 percent.[1] Yet, those gains are not likely
to be equally shared. Upper-income white-collar workers are likely to enjoy the largest
benefit. Increased online learning is another pandemic induced technological shi that is likely
to widen the educational achievement and productivity gap between upper-income children
relative to those who are lower-income and minority.
The Biden Administration aims to boost labor productivity in ways that will help to address
the disparities in wage growth. The focus is on enhancing the skills of workers—and
particularly those with low incomes—to be able to take advantage of new technologies. To
do this, we are proposing wide-ranging investments in human capital—from early childhood
education to community college, apprenticeships, and worker training.
Additionally, long-overdue investments in infrastructure—such as broadband, as well as ports,
roads, and rail—should benefit American families, workers, and businesses alike. At the same
time, we are investing in new energy infrastructure and support for R&D to incentivize
innovation in renewable energy technologies. These investments should promote sustainable
growth by addressing climate change and mitigate extreme weather events, which also have
disproportionate impact on the poor.
A third aspect of the Administrationʼs supply side agenda relates to taxation.The current
system of multinational taxation constricts supply by rewarding companies that shi real
economic activity for tax-driven reasons, thereby discouraging e icient deployment of capital
and undercutting fiscal resources that can fund supply expansions.
Over the past several decades the burden of taxation—in the United States and globally—has
shi ed away from corporations and onto the middle class. A significant reason for this shi is
tax competition among nations. This competition has created a race to the bottom in
corporate tax rates on footloose capital. In this competition, no country is a winner, and
working and middle-class people around the world lose. Large multinational corporations
have been incentivized to stash profits in their low-taxed subsidiaries around the world in taxdriven and ine icient transactions. This race-to-the-bottom thus depletes governments of
the resources they need for the complex challenges they face. From the U.S. perspective,
perverse corporate tax incentives have caused some companies to shi real economic activity

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Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen at the 2022 'Virtual Davos Agenda' Hosted by the World Economi…

beyond our borders, further contracting supply and reducing our nationʼs productive capacity.
This past summer, in a remarkable testament to the power of U.S. leadership and
multilateralism, 137 countries—representing nearly 95 percent of the worldʼs GDP—have
agreed to rewrite the international tax rules to impose a global minimum tax on corporate
foreign earnings.
This historic global tax deal will end this race to the bottom by ensuring that profitable
corporations pay their fair share, providing governments with resources to invest in their
people and economies. At the same time, it will level the playing field so that all multinational
companies will face a minimum tax on their foreign earnings, rather than just U.S. companies.
This new system will improve productivity by incentivizing businesses to allocate capital to its
most productive use, rather than to the use that produces that best tax result. A more
e icient allocation of capital via a more level playing field, achieved in a manner that improves
fairness for workers, represents a win-win that aligns with the modern supply side approach.
Finally, the agreement will also stabilize the rapidly eroding international tax system by
updating its rules to reflect a 21st century economy. The new rules recognize that a business
can be meaningfully involved in the economic life of a country without necessarily being
physically present there. They will replace a chaotic array of unilateral tax measures that
countries enacted in response to growing dissatisfaction with the status quo, but that
burdened an increasing scope of U.S. businesses with multiple layers of taxation,
discriminated against them, and created trade tensions that threatened economic growth
and investment. These new rules can provide much needed tax certainty and clarity to our
businesses that will benefit them and their workers.
Let me further note that the Biden Administrationʼs leadership in negotiating this multilateral
tax agreement is emblematic of our larger commitment to multilateral collaboration. Global
cooperation is vital to address the common challenges that all of us now face. The global
nature of the pandemic epitomizes the intertwined fates of all of us on this planet. COVID
demands a truly global response, as alleviating the virus within our borders requires fighting it
abroad. Of course, climate change represents an existential threat that will require close
global coordination and robust e orts by individual countries to reach their net zero
commitments.
To conclude, many of us participating in this weekʼs discussions have been centrally involved in
economic policy for decades—navigating the expansions, the shocks, and the recessions. It is
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Remarks by Secretary of the Treasury Janet L. Yellen at the 2022 'Virtual Davos Agenda' Hosted by the World Economi…

safe to say that this economic recovery is unlike any other we have seen in part because
economic and health outcomes are so closely intertwined.
My economists at Treasury today are monitoring vaccination and health statistics in parallel
to the latest economic indicators. Fortunately, we have brilliant medical professionals,
scientists, and health policy experts working tirelessly to end the pandemic in our country and
beyond.
Moreover, we, as policymakers and business leaders, now recognize that we must respond to
the demands of our citizens to use this recovery to make our economies and the world a more
sustainable, fairer place.
I am optimistic about the U.S. economic recovery. We have a clear path forward with the
recently passed infrastructure package and the proposed Build Back Better plan. Together
these policies will promote a modern supply side expansion that boosts long-term sustainable
growth, protects the environment, and distributes expanding national income more equally. I
am confident that we can beat this pandemic and move decisively down the path toward a
more prosperous future.
[1] Why Working From Home Will Stick

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